Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political and cultural

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political and cultural'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political and cultural"

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Assylbekovna, Kamaldinova Aikerim, Nassimova Gulnar Orlenbaevna, Saitova Nina Alekseevna, and Khalikova Shakhnaza Bahitzhanovna. "Development of political culture of Kazakhstani students: Political and cultural determinants." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 148–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjhss.v2i2.427.

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Shedenova, N., and R. Ahmadi. "Social, cultural and political aspects of national identity." Journal of Psychology and Sociology 60, no. 1 (2017): 247–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jpss-2017-1-579.

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Seaton, James. "Cultural Conservatism, Political Radicalism." Journal of American Culture 12, no. 3 (September 1989): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.1989.1203_1.x.

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Moreiras, A. "Against Cultural-Political Closure." South Atlantic Quarterly 104, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-104-2-263.

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Babe, Robert E. "Political Economy and Cultural Studies Column: Political Economy, Cultural Studies and Postmodernism." TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 15 (May 2006): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia.15.91.

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Holliday, Adrian. "Cultural descriptions as political cultural acts: an exploration." Language and Intercultural Communication 10, no. 3 (August 2010): 259–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14708470903348572.

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Osterweil, Michal. "A cultural-political approach to reinventing the political." International Social Science Journal 56, no. 182 (December 2004): 495–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-8701.2004.00511.x.

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Kuznetsova, E. "Political and Cultural Indicators in Political Regimes’ Study." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 110–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-110-115.

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One of the most common methods of political regime analysis and in particular assessment of their democratic character is a rating approach that envisages political regime classification depending on belonging to one or another group or cluster of democratic and non-democratic countries. Nevertheless this approach usually ignores political-cultural aspects of studied regimes. The article outlines the most commonly used indices of political regime comparison. The example of Central and Eastern Europe region proposes political regime classification taking political-cultural characteristics into account.
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KOROTAYEV, A. "Middle Sabaean Cultural-Political Area." Le Muséon 107, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.107.1.2006018.

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Nicholls, David, Brian Weinstein, and Aaron Segal. "Haiti: Political Failures, Cultural Successes." Hispanic American Historical Review 65, no. 1 (February 1985): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2514689.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political and cultural"

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Morgan, Patricia Anne Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Political correctness, cultural politics, and the new right." Ottawa, 1994.

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Longman, Christopher Mark. "The political mobilisation of cultural identity." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272534.

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FORQUESATO, PEDRO HENRIQUE THIBES. "ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AND CULTURAL ECONOMICS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=28353@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
Esta tese é formada por três artigos, o primeiro em economia organizacional e cultura; os dois últimos em economia política. No primeiro capítulo, nós modelamos a relação entre a disseminação de normas sociais de ética do trabalho e incentivos propostos pelas firmas, que motivamos utilizando evidência de três bases de dados diferentes. No segundo capítulo, examinamos se a renda dos vizinhos afeta o voto de eleitores, utilizando dados de resultados de eleições presidenciais (2004 até 2012) nos Estados Unidos, por zona eleitoral e grupo de bairros. Com isso, buscamos contribuir para o entendimento das razões que levam a diferentes níveis de demanda por redistribuição de renda. Como estratégia de identificação, utilizamos efeitos fixos de ano e dummies de trato e ano; trato sendo a menor unidade geográfica maior que o grupo de blocos (em média, um trato contém 4 grupos de blocos). No terceiro capítulo, estudamos patronagem, investigando o efeito da vitória de um candidato a prefeito de um partido na probabilidade de membros deste partido (ou de partidos da mesma coalizão) ocuparem cargos públicos no governo; ou de sua renda advinda do governo aumentar, caso já sejam empregados públicos. Analisamos também o efeito da vitória de um partido sobre o número de registrados a este partido nos anos futuros, o que indicaria um desejo de sinalizar apoio ao candidato eleito. Estimamos o efeito causal de um partido ocupar a prefeitura, comparando municipalidades em que este partido quase ganhou com cidades em que quase perdeu.
This thesis is composed of three papers, the first in organizational economics and culture; the last two in political economics. In the first chapter, we model the relation between dissemination of social norms of work ethic and incentives proposed by firms, which we motivate using evidence from three different datasets. In the second chapter, we examine whether neighbors income affects voting, using data from election results for the 2004-2012 Presidential Elections in Unites States, by precinct and block group. That way, we try to contribute to understanding the reason why there are different demands for income redistribution. As an identification strategy, we use year fixed-effects and tract year dummies; tract is the smallest geographic unit larger than block group (on average, each tract contains 4 block groups). In the third chapter, we study patronage, investigating the effect of a mayoral candidate s victory on the probability that members of his party (or parties in the same presidential coalition) occupy public jobs in the government, or on their income accrued from government, in case they are already public employees. We also analyze the effect of a party s victory over the number of registered members of that party in future years, which would indicate that voters affiliate to political parties as a way to signal support to the office holder. We estimate plausibly causal effects of a party holding mayoral position by comparing municipalities where that party nearly won with places where it nearly lost.
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Davies, William. "'Competition and competitiveness : A cultural political economy'." Thesis, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514202.

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Black, David Edward. "Towards a cultural political economy of exception." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.541601.

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Seror, Avner. "Essays on Political Economy and Cultural Evolution." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH028/document.

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Cette dissertation est composée de trois articles traitant de sujets divers. Le premier développe une théorie sur la transmission de normes culturelles. Le second article traite de l'évolution des doctrines religieuses dans une économie productive. Enfin, le dernier article de cette dissertation est un travail joint avec Thierry Verdier. L'article propose une nouvelle approche des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats. Cette problématique de recherche est importante non seulement quant à sa complexité théorique, mais aussi parce qu'elle permet d'étudier relativement simplement la structure des marchés politiques.Le premier article présente une théorie sur le développement de l'enfant et les pratiques parentales. Dans le modèle, un parent cherche à transmettre des normes comportementales à son enfant en lui envoyant des signaux, que l'enfant observe de manière imparfaite. L'enfant peut cependant augmenter la qualité des signaux qu'il reçoit en investissant dans l'acquisition de compétences cognitives.Nous établissons que les styles parentaux autoritaires ou permissifs décroissent l'accumulation de compétences cognitives. De plus, puisque les interactions entre parents et enfants visent à transmettre des normes comportementales, l'enfant développe un capital d'appréciation pour le développement de compétences cognitives.Notre perspective culturelle sur la question du développement cognitif fournit une grille d'interprétation utile pour divers résultats établis dans la littérature empirique sur le développement de l'enfant.Le second article propose une théorie de la prohibition religieuse contre l'usure et l'innovation et ses conséquences sur les activités et les occupations économiques.Comme une interdiction économique provenant de la religion majoritaire est soutenue par un risque d'exclusion sociale de ce groupe culturel, elle a moins d'effets sur les minorités religieuses. Cela implique que seules les minorités religieuses choisissent des activités qui vont à l'encontre de la prohibition à l'équilibre.Dans le dernier article, nous présentons une théorie micro-fondée de la concurrence politique à plusieurs candidats prenant une perspective ``d'organisation industrielle" de la politique. Nous présentons d'abord un modèle de vote aléatoire qui utilise des distributions introduites par le mathématicien français Maurice Fréchet et qui portent son nom. Ces distributions permettent d'exprimer les parts de vote des différents candidats comme des ``contest functions'', ce qui permet d'établir un théorème d'existence et d'unicité d'un équilibre des stratégies politiques dans des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats.Le cadre analytique s'avère suffisamment souple pour traiter plusieurs applications sur des thèmes liés à la structure endogène des marchés politiques. Nous montrons en particulier que le degré d'information des électeurs sur les plateformes ainsi que les campagnes médiatiques impliquent un degré de fragmentation politique plus faible
The first chapter of this dissertation presents a theory of child development and parental rearingpractices. In the model, a benevolent parent seeks to transmit cultural norms to her child, whoacquires cognitive skills and develops a capital of appreciation for adopting behaviors that accordwith these norms. Our cultural perspective on the issue of cognitive development provides aninterpretation grid for various results established in the empirical literature. It also permits to identifythe parental characteristics that are conducive to various parenting styles, to child neglect and tochild maltreatment.The second chapter provides a theory of religious prohibition against usury and innovation and itsconsequences on economic activities and occupations. As an economic prohibition from themajority religion is sustained by a threat of social exclusion from that cultural group, it has lesseffects on religious minorities. It then creates an occupational pattern where only the religiousminorities choose activities that transgress the prohibition. By creating resentment against thereligious minorities, this occupational pattern strengthens the diffusion of the majority religion in thepopulation. An economic prohibition is then instigated by the clerics in the majority religion,because it allows them to consolidate their norms and to increase the scope of their control overpopular masses. This work also demonstrates that an economic prohibition lasts longer whenreligious clerics can legitimize secular rulers and when the competition on the religious market isweaker.In the last chapter, we present a microfounded theory of multi-candidate political competition takingan "industrial organization" perspective of politics. The analytical framework is shown to be exibleenough to address several applications on the topics of special interest politics, coalition formationin the legislature in proportional elections, and redistribution under alternative electoral rules
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Meirelles, Juliana Gesuelli 1977. "Política e cultura no governo de D. João VI (1792-1821)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281086.

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Orientador: Leila Mezan Algranti
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T04:16:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Meirelles_JulianaGesuelli_D.pdf: 3797424 bytes, checksum: 1fbaa0a6e0395af649cfd590e5f16c0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Esta tese investiga os possíveis sentidos da política cultural durante a governança de D. João no mundo luso-brasileiro entre os anos de 1792-1821. O ponto de partida da pesquisa dá-se no início de sua Regência (1792) e encerra-se com seu retorno a Lisboa (1821). Sob as diretrizes do iluminismo luso-brasileiro, a investigação das especificidades da política cultural joanina recaiu sobre quatro locus de cultura de ampla interlocução social: a imprensa interatlântica, os Reais teatros, as Reais Academias Militares e as Reais Bibliotecas Públicas da Corte. Através de uma abordagem interatlântica, buscamos compreender as peculiaridades da administração joanina no universo da cultura em um período de grave crise política no Império Português
Abstract: This thesis investigates the cultural policy fostered by D. João's government in the Luso-Brazilian world during the years 1792-1891. The project has as its starting point the beginning of his reign (1792) and concludes with his return to Lisbon (1821). In the light of the Luso-Brazilian Enlightenment, the research has focused on 4 cultural locus of wide-ranging social reach: the inter-Atlantic press, the Royal theatres, the Royal military academies and the Court's Royal public libraries. Through an inter-Atlantic approach, the present study hopes to understand the intricacies of D. João's administration of the cultural sector in a period of deep political crisis in the Portuguese Empire
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutora em História
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Hancock, David. "Morality and political modernity : the relationship between the political philosophy of Leo Strauss and the cultural politics of neoconservatism." Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/28207/.

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This thesis explores the relationship between the political philosophy of Leo Strauss and neoconservative cultural politics. Arguing against claims that Straussian philosophy explicitly informs neoconservatism, I instead suggest that both Strauss and the neoconservatives share a common intellectual lineage that is a response to a pessimistic conception of modernity. Strauss is a neoconservative, but neoconservatives should not necessarily be considered Straussians. Both Strauss and the neoconservatives became notorious in the aftermath of the US led invasion of Iraq in March, 2003. Contra to the narrative that suggests that Strauss inspired the invasion or that neoconservative foreign policy presents a radical break in US history, I argue that the neoconservative project of the Bush era should be understood as a continuation of US expansionism as an inevitable effect of capitalist growth. Beyond foreign policy, my research considers the neoconservative understanding of cultural politics in particular relation to the social changes of the post war era. This thesis details the neoconservative attempt to move beyond the contradiction surrounding a distrust of modernity and the embrace of virulently nihilist capitalism. This is read through the Straussian idea that it is essential to practice care when speaking publicly. This thesis concludes that neoconservatism is an explicitly moral discourse and not a particular set of policies or strategies. Neoconservatism recognises the necessity of moral discourse and the importance of the construction of such discourses for the establishment of the community. It is argued that the neoconservative attempt to re-impose discredited moral orders has led to the exacerbation of America's contradictions and to decline in American power. Beyond this, it is also argued that Strauss does make a contribution to political philosophy in terms of the relationship between city and man; this contribution to political philosophy is used to interpret elements of post-war American history.
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Magnussen, Birgitte. "Minority language television : social, political and cultural implications." Thesis, City University London, 1995. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/7767/.

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This thesis explores the subject of minority language television by comparing the cases of Wales and Brittany, and in particular the social, political and cultural implications of the Welsh language television channel S4C. The thesis is divided up into two interrelated parts, where the first part is an analysis on state level of French and British media policy, particularly with regards to their linguistic minorities. This part of the thesis deals with the historical, political and institutional background for the provision of minority language media in Breton and Welsh. It takes as points of reference firstly the state, and secondly the minorities in question - the Breton and the Welsh - and shows how a certain policy area in this case broadcasting, can become a focus for minority demands. The thesis describes the historical and political background for the extreme difference in provisions for minority language broadcasting in the two countries. The second part of the thesis takes as a starting point the actual existence of S4C - the Welsh language channel - as a minority language broadcaster, and assesses the social political and cultural implications of this organisation. This part of the thesis examines the minority level, and assesses the potential impact of Welsh language broadcasting, mainly television, on Welsh society in general and the Welsh language in particular.
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Faza, Andres L. "British Cultural Narrative in Winston Churchill's Political Communication." Scholar Commons, 2014. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5421.

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This study uses Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech, delivered to the House of Commons following the evacuation of Dunkirk, France in June 1940, as a source text by which to examine Churchill's use of British cultural narratives in political communication. Narrative and heuristic theories are proposed as means by which listeners process such messages. A number of rhetorical devices are defined, in order to inform a discussion of the narratives identified, particularly the means by which those narratives were rhetorically embedded in the text. After a careful examination of the source text, the narratives of knighthood and chivalric values, as well as King Arthur and the Arthurian legend, specifically as presented in Tennyson's Idylls of the King, were identified as primary cultural narratives from which Churchill draws much meaning. A thorough critical history of each of these narratives is undertaken, revealing sentiments of oath-bound civic duty tracing back to Britain's historical founding as a culture and a nation, following the fall of Rome in the fifth century, and persisting up until Churchill's use of those sentiments in his historic 1940 speech.
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Books on the topic "Political and cultural"

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Swaraj, cultural and political. New Delhi: Usha Publications, 1986.

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Ayala, José Luis. Política cultural y política para la cultura. [Peru]: J.L. Ayala, 1992.

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Kinnvall, Catarina. Cultural diffusion and political learning. Lund: Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Univ., 1995.

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Islam and political-cultural Europe. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2013.

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Cultural identity and political ethics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010.

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Mansouri, Fethi, ed. Cultural, Religious and Political Contestations. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-16003-0.

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Kötzing, Andreas, and Caroline Moine, eds. Cultural Transfer and Political Conflicts. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737005883.

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Seaton, James. Cultural conservatism, political liberalism: From criticism to cultural studies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.

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Barfield, Thomas J. Afghanistan: A cultural and political history. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010.

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Cultural political economy of small cities. New York: Routledge, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political and cultural"

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Ibelema, Minabere. "Political convergence." In Cultural Chauvinism, 99–107. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003148906-12.

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Pfützner, Katharina. "Cultural–political opposition." In Designing for Socialist Need, 173–206. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge research in architecture: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315642833-7.

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Schou, Jannick, and Morten Hjelholt. "Cultural Political Economy." In Digitalization and Public Sector Transformations, 21–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76291-3_2.

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Bargetz, Brigitte. "Figuring Ambivalence, Capturing the Political." In Cultural Inquiry, 191–214. Vienna: Turia + Kant, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-08_09.

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The notion of ambivalence currently seems to be an invigorating figure with heuristic potential in political, social, and art theory. It refers to a plurality of possibilities, a paradoxical multiplicity, and a complex relationality. It foregrounds thinking in terms of indeterminacy and incommensurability, as well as in terms of the possible. Ambivalence has been deployed in positive ways, as offering political promise, while, at the same time, being regarded with suspicion.
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Stevenson, Nick. "Cultural Citizenship." In Citizenship and Political Education Today, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522879_2.

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Shi-xu. "Political Ethnography." In A Cultural Approach to Discourse, 71–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505391_4.

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Maclean, Kirsten. "Political Landscapes." In Cultural Hybridity and the Environment, 63–84. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-323-1_4.

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Willis, Katharine S., and Alessandro Aurigi. "Social, cultural and political." In Digital and Smart Cities, 87–108. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315712451-8.

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Serbaji, Mongi. "Cultural Impoverishment." In Political Philosophy from an Intercultural Perspective, 125–48. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in contemporary philosophy: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003014324-10.

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Koster, Martijn. "Political Anthropology." In The SAGE Handbook of Cultural Anthropology, 330–47. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529756449.n19.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political and cultural"

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Özgün, Tevfik Orçun, and Onur Koçak. "Turkey-Macedonia Relations from Cultural and Historical Perspective." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00975.

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Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.
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Azarova, Veronica. "SOCIO-CULTURAL SIGNS IN POLITICAL DIALOGUE." In New Semiotics. Between Tradition and Innovation. IASS Publications, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.24308/iass-2014-145.

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Dai, Lei. "Cultural Transfer in Political Publicity Interpreting." In Third International Conference on Social Science, Public Health and Education (SSPHE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200205.006.

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Shi, Yongren, Kai Mast, Ingmar Weber, Agrippa Kellum, and Michael Macy. "Cultural Fault Lines and Political Polarization." In WebSci '17: ACM Web Science Conference. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3091478.3091520.

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Gerasimenko, I. V., and A. S. Rydchenko. "Reflection of culture in American political discourse." In XXV REGIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE STUDENTS, APPLICANTS AND YOUNG RESEARCHERS. Знание-М, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38006/907345-63-8.2020.128.134.

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The article examines certain phenomena, concepts, objects that are inherent in the cultures of different peoples, they are associated with clear historical, geographical, socio-political and other conditions of their existence. The authors analyzed the pre-election, inaugural and post-election types of political speeches of Donald Trump and Barack Obama and described the features of the manifestation of cultural values in the speeches of these politicians. An analysis of the material shows that the speeches of political figures directly reflect the cultural values of the people.
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Mamedov, Fuad Teyub oglu. "ABOUT THE VALUE OF SPIRITUAL CULTURE FOR THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF HUMANKIND." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-159-168.

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The article reveals the fundamental importance of people's “spiritual” culture for sustainable development and the relevance of international cooperation in order to ensure global human security. The author emphasizes the importance of scientific understanding of culture as an integral social system and the expediency of using cultural methodology and expertise for making correct political decisions. The article describes the necessity of spreading universal cultural knowledge in society, additional cultural education and enlightenment for the formation of highly cultured people as the main driving force of human development.
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Salgiriev, A. R. "Structuring Political Elites." In SCTCGM 2018 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.03.02.301.

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Merchant, John, and Sylnovie Merchant. "Information Technology and the Work/Cultural Orientations of Americans, Mexicans and Germans." In InSITE 2007: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3118.

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From a business perspective, the political and economic effectiveness of the United States in the global market-place will depend on individual abilities to communicate with people from other cultures. Most multinational corporations have one individual from one culture managing employees from other cultures. This has led to conflict, law-suits, and reduced productivity. To date, US business people sent overseas have not fared well compared to their counterparts from Europe and Asia, primarily because of cultural conflicts. The future success of American business, therefore, is its ability to interact with other cultures and to understand the orientations of these individuals.
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Skrynnikova, I. V., T. N. Astafurova, and N. A. Sytina. "Power of metaphor: cultural narratives in political persuasion." In 7th International Scientific and Practical Conference "Current issues of linguistics and didactics: The interdisciplinary approach in humanities" (CILDIAH 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/cildiah-17.2017.50.

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Maximova, Olga, and Maia Egorova. "Linguistic and Cultural haracteristics of Russian Political Blogosphere." In 2016 3rd International Conference on Education, Language, Art and Inter-cultural Communication (ICELAIC 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icelaic-16.2017.73.

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Reports on the topic "Political and cultural"

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Chai, Sun-Ki. Coherence-Based Modeling of Cultural Change and Political Violence. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada549048.

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Kirk, James A. Putting Social, Cultural and Political Factors into the Joint Doctrine Playbook. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada401839.

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Núñez Ladevéze, L., M. Núñez Canal, and JA Irisarri Núñez. Guidelines for the cultural and political integration of the mass media society into the network society. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, January 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2018-1252en.

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London, Jonathan. Outlier Vietnam and the Problem of Embeddedness: Contributions to the Political Economy of Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/062.

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Recent literature on the political economy of education highlights the role of political settlements, political commitments, and features of public governance in shaping education systems’ development and performance around learning. Vietnam’s experiences provide fertile ground for the critique and further development of this literature including, especially, its efforts to understand how features of accountability relations shape education systems’ performance across time and place. Globally, Vietnam is a contemporary outlier in education, having achieved rapid gains in enrolment and strong learning outcomes at relatively low levels of income. This paper proposes that beyond such felicitous conditions as economic growth and social historical and cultural elements that valorize education, Vietnam’s distinctive combination of Leninist political commitments to education and high levels of societal engagement in the education system often works to enhance accountability within the system in ways that contribute to the system’s coherence around learning; reflecting the sense and reality that Vietnam is a country in which education is a first national priority. Importantly, these alleged elements exist alongside other features that significantly undermine the system’s coherence and performance around learning. These include, among others, the system’s incoherent patterns of decentralization, the commercialization and commodification of schooling and learning, and corresponding patterns of systemic inequality. Taken together, these features of education in Vietnam underscore how the coherence of accountability relations that shape learning outcomes are contingent on the manner in which national and local systems are embedded within their broader social environments while also raising intriguing ideas for efforts to understand the conditions under which education systems’ performance with respect to learning can be promoted, supported, and sustained.
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Carter, Becky. Strengthening Gender Equality in Decision-making in Somaliland. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.078.

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This rapid review searched for literature on how and why women continue to struggle in Somaliland to achieve formal political representation and to take on informal decision-making roles on local peace and political matters, from community to national levels. Women’s participation in peacebuilding and political decision-making in Somaliland is very limited. A key barrier is the clan system underpinning Somaliland’s political settlement. Entrenched and politicised, patriarchal clans exclude women (and other minority groups) from formal and customary leadership and decision-making roles. Other contributing factors are conservative religious attitudes and traditional gender norms. Structural inequalities – such as low levels of education, lack of funds, and high levels of violence towards women and girls – impede women’s participation. Some women are more disempowered than others, such as women from minority clans and internally displaced women. However, there is increasing disillusionment with clan politicisation and a growing recognition of women’s value. There are opportunities for framing gender equality in local cultural and religious terms and supporting grassroots activism.
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Fernández, Raquel, Sahar Parsa, and Martina Viarengo. Coming out in America: AIDS, Politics, and Cultural Change. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25697.

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Keinan, Ehud. The 18th Asian Chemical Congress and the 20th General Assembly of the FACS. AsiaChem Magazine, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51167/acm00015.

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Most global challenges, including global warming, food for everybody, the race for sustainable energy, water quality, dwindling raw materials, and health problems, are chemical problems by nature. Therefore, Humankind cannot meet these challenges without the chemical sciences and will not solve any of these problems without global cooperation. Chemists have always been doing much better than politicians in meeting these challenges, working together across borders through unique collaboration and friendship. Despite fundamentally different political systems and cultural diversity, chemists go beyond borders, find each other, share their findings, and solve problems together.
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Acemoglu, Daron, and James Robinson. Non-Modernization: Power-Culture Trajectories and the Dynamics of Political Institutions. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w29007.

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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. VOLODYMYR LENYK AS A JOURNALIST AND EDITOR IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11094.

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In this article considered Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenika (14.06.1922–02.11.2005) – one of the leading figures of Ukrainian emigration in Germany. First outlined basic landmarks of his life and creation. Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenik was during to forty years out of Ukraine. In the conditions of emigration politically zaangazhovani Ukrainians counted on temporality of the stay abroad and prepared to transference of the created charts and instituciy on native lands. It was or by not main part of conception of liberation revolution of elaborate OUN under the direction of Stepan Banderi, and successfully incarnated in post-war years. Volodymyr Lenik, executing responsible commissions Organization, proved on a few directions of activity, which were organically combined with his journalistic and editorial work. As an editor he was promotorom of creation and realization of models of magazines «Avangard», «Krylati», «Znannia», «Freie Presse Korespondenz», newspapers «Shliakh peremogy». As a journalist Volodymyr Lenik left ponderable work, considerable part of which entered in two-volume edition «Ukrainians on strange land, or reporting, from long journeys». Subject of him newspaper-magazine publications directed on illumination of school, youth, student, cultural, scientific problems, organization and activity of emigrant structures, political fight of emigration, to dethronement of the antiukrainskikh Moscow diversions and provocations. Such variety of problematic of works of V. Lenika was directed in the river-bed of retaining of revolutionary temperament in the environment of diaspore, to bringing in of it to activity in public and political life. Problematic of him is systematized publicism and journalistic appearances, which was inferior realization of a few important tasks, namely to the fight for Ukrainian independence in new terms, cherishing and maintainance of national identity, counteraction hostile soviet propaganda. On an example headed Volodymyr Lenikom a magazine «Knowledge» some aspects are exposed him editorial trade.
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Tull, Kerina. Social Inclusion and Immunisation. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.025.

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The current COVID-19 epidemic is both a health and societal issue; therefore, groups historically excluded and marginalised in terms of healthcare will suffer if COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments are to be delivered equitably. This rapid review is exploring the social and cultural challenges related to the roll-out, distribution, and access of COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments. It highlights how these challenges impact certain marginalised groups. Case studies are taken from sub-Saharan Africa (the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa), with some focus on South East Asia (Indonesia, India) as they have different at-risk groups. Lessons on this issue can be learned from previous pandemics and vaccine roll-out in low- and mid-income countries (LMICs). Key points to highlight include successful COVID-19 vaccine roll-out will only be achieved by ensuring effective community engagement, building local vaccine acceptability and confidence, and overcoming cultural, socio-economic, and political barriers that lead to mistrust and hinder uptake of vaccines. However, the literature notes that a lot of lessons learned about roll-out involve communication - including that the government should under-promise what it can do and then over-deliver. Any campaign must aim to create trust, and involve local communities in planning processes.
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