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1
Geske, Elizabeth. "Audience frames elicited by televised political advertising." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1468083.
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O'Cass, Aron. "Political marketing : the application of marketing to politics." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1994. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36328/1/36328_O%27Cass_1994.pdf.
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The application of marke ting to the political process has been
advanced in a number of writings . A marketing perspective in
e xamining the political process and electoral behaviour offers n ew
insights into electoral behaviour and understanding the c ampaign
p r ocesses of polit i cal parties . Research on the actual marketing
orientation of political parti es is not signif i cant at this stage
and as such this r e search addr esses the market i ng orientation and
structur al and process charact eristics of political marketing with
the research problem being:
To determine what extent marketing has been inc orporated i n to the
ope rations of the QLD Liberal Party and identify the struc tural and
process characteristics of par ty's market ing environment.
The research questions were :
RQ 1. To what extent has the QLD Liberal Party adopted the
marketing concept and is there support within t he party for
the researcher's redefini tion of the Ma rke ting Concept i nto
poli tical terminology to suit political marketing?
RQ 2. To what extent are the QLD Liberal Party market ing
oriented?
RQ 3 . What are the struct ural and process characteristics o f the
QLD Liberal Party's marketing environment?
These research questions provided a focus for the investigations
and the r esearcher' s endeavor to address the research problem.
Chapter 1 of this thesis set the scene and identif i ed the broad
d ire ctions and boundaries for t he study. It i ntroduced the topic
and set out the purpose of the s tudy and its background. Chapte r
a lso justif i ed the study on a number of theoretical and pra ctical
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grounds and h ighlights the signif icance of the study because of its
focus on polit i cal marketing which is postulated to b e part of
marketing's e xtended doma in .
Chapter 2 provided a review of the relevant literat u re , addressing
the broader parent discipline f ocusing on the market ing concept,
e xchange, market orientation and other key concepts and parent
di s cipline issues . Importantly the r eview identified t he arguments
for proposing that mar keti ng or more pre cisely a marketing
orientation has been incorporated into politics by political parties rests upon the generic concept of marketing and that it (the
generic concept) has been accepted as a central paradigm in
marketing.
Chapte r 2 then focused on the immediate discipline of political
marketing and reviews the similari ties between commercia l marketi ng
and pol itical marketing and other issues and concepts that the
political marketing literature has addressed. From the two areas
gaps in the literature are identified and the research questions
developed.
Chapter 3 aqdressed the methodological issues related to the
research area and discussed the selected methodology. I t descri bed
the data gathering techniques to be employed and types of analysis
to be performed in the two stage primary research desi gn of this
case study. Chapter 3 also established that the study was rigorous,
methodologically sound and repl icable.
Chapter 4 presented t he patt erns of results of the two s t age data
gathering of the primary research for the three research question.
The anal ysis of results i ndicated that the key dimensions and
concepts addressed in the survey were significantly associated and
the scale was quite rel i able and as such the measure of internal
consistency was satisfactory . The results were judged not to be an
artifact of the individual or separate stages .
The pattern of results indicated that the interviewees had mini mal
to none existent understanding of the marketing concept and a
somewhat negative attitude toward ic. However survey results
indicated a positive acceptance and attitude toward the marke ting
concept generally and also its application in politics. The
researcher's redef inition of t he marketing concept i nto political
terms also received a high level of acceptance from respondents .
The results indicated t he marketing concept has not been adopt~d by
the party and their voter focus is minimal and they do not have a
market orientation .
The results indicated that the organisation is highly
' organisa tion centered ' which i ndicates the l a ck of a true marketing
orientation; it has a strong sales orientation, where it believed
electora l success is obtained if it can persuade the voters to
accept its policy and issues stands rather than its competitors. The QLD Liberal Party does not possess a marketing 'mind set',
structure or follow processes that yield a marketing orientation.
The structural and process characterist i cs of the QLD Liberal
party's marketing environment indicated that the product is a
complex blend of various elements and that ser vice is a component .
The results also indicate that loya lty was very important for the
par ty and that mutability created pr oblems because of the party's
minor status and alignment with the National Party.
Furthe r the r esults indicated amateurism and volunteers creat ed
p r oblems of control and motivation for the party and that a negative
percept i on of marketing exists in some sections of t he party. The
results also indicated that campaigns are based on style over
substance and there is a high use of negative advertising and with
the media being both a market and communications channel . The
r esearch orientation of the party is toward polling and tactical
voting was a critical strategy in campaigns.
Chapter 5 discussed the findings and detailed the conclusions drawn
f r om the data pre sented in c hapter 4 t o a nswer the r esearch prob lem ,
and discussed the implications of the study's findings.
The r esearch problem as such went beyond e xami ning singular
concepts that are appropriate in marketing and looked for the
i n tegrated and synergistic appli cati on of marketing concept s and
tools by- the party. It also focused on the political marketing
environment to e xamine the structural and process characteristics
that affect the party's operations .
The conclusion about the research problem was that the party has
not incorporated marketing into it operations. Specifically
marketing whi ch is i ntegrated and s ynergistic . Further the study
identified those structural and process characteristics that wer e
identified in the literature and discovered t hat the produ~L was
more comp lex than the literature indicated. Further the ~arketplace
was identified as being competitive and volatile . Al so the process
element of party tactical voting in a preferential voting system was
ide n tified as being a critical s trategy to ensure t he opposing
candidates were allocated last on the ballot by loyal voters.
Further the mar keting concept with its custome r centered
orientation creates a major concern from the perspective of interviewees, as they indicate the role and significance of the
voter{customer) in deve l oping the political product is negligible.
In conclusion the results of this study indicated that marketing
has not been successfully extended into the QLD Liberal Party 's
political operations, even though the party argues it successfully
uses advertising and political polling. Contrary t o the party's
belief marketing is characterised by an integrated and synergistic
mix of product development and design , dis tribution, pricing or
economic cost and promotion . This set of marketing activities is
the twin edge. sword of marketing, the first edge is the mix of these
elements that are developed to meet the needs and wants of target
customers (voters) and the second edge is to meet the objectives of
the organisation.
3
Wilson, Cathi C. "The effects of background music on viewer's perceptions of political campaign television advertisements /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3099646.
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Weissglass, Keith. "Image manipulation in political advertisements how color and music influence viewer attitudes and emotions /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1120.
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Dube, William. "The effect of new media on political advertising : television ads and internet ads in the 2008 presidential election /." Online version of thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/9697.
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Chanslor, Mike. "The effects of televised political advertisements on candidate image /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1995.
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Aldao, Sharlin. "Women candidates and television advertising : an examination of the 2006 mid-term elections /." View online, 2008. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131464733.pdf.
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Brazeal, LeAnn M. "A functional analysis of television advertising in congressional campaigns, 1980-2000 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3074379.
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Steibel, Fabro Boaz. "The problem of 'negative advertising' : content-based regulation of political advertising in Brazil and the US." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550794.
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A number of scholars have studied the impact of negative ads in democracy, but they were unable to conclude whether this form of campaigning endangers or enhances political systems. Despite that, in every election, journalists, politicians, NGOs and many other actors claim that negative ads bring the worst side of political competition to the fore and, hence, should be restricted. However, how do we justify restrictions if we are not sure what negative ads do to democracy? To address this question, this research opts for an alternative perspective by asking how the problem of negative advertising is perceived by those institutions willing to protect or restrict it. The argument pursued here is that to evaluate what institutions do, we must describe what institutions perceive themselves to be doing. Based on a comparative study of 22 interviews collected in two institutions that watchdog negative advertising (the US NGO FactCheck. Org; and the Supreme Electoral Court, in Brazil), this research presents a policy analysis of how the problem of negative advertising is framed as a free speech problem. This research's findings endorse the position that in poliCymaking, facts and evidence can only be evaluated when understood as meta-products of policy discourse. The findings show that the problem of negative advertising is framed in largely different terms by experts in each case study; however, findings also show that interviewees make similar use of facts and evidence to support their framings. While interviewees disagree over what negative advertising is, they agree on what negative advertising does.
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Amazeen, Michelle A. "Blind Spots: Examining Political Advertising Misinformation and How U.S. News Media Hold Political Actors Accountable." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/180370.
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Mass Media and CommunicationPh.D.
While conventional wisdom suggests political ads are often misleading, this is the first known study to quantify the prevalence of inaccuracies in political advertising. This study also examines how and explains why the U.S. news media provide coverage of political advertising in the manner that they do. A multi-method research design includes a content analysis of the television ads from the 2008 presidential election, secondary data analysis of the National Annenberg Election Survey 2008, semantic network analysis of press coverage of political television ads from the 2008 election, as well as in-depth interviews with scholars, practitioners, journalists and lawyers having expertise in the issues surrounding political advertising. Of all the English-language paid political ads that aired on television during the 2008 general election, just under 30% contained at least one inaccuracy based upon the ratings of FactCheck.org and PolitiFact.com. This figure, however, is likely a gross under representation of the prevalence of inaccuracies in political ads from 2008 because most of the ads (70%) were never evaluated by these purportedly elite fact-checkers. Among ads assessed, however, more than three out of four of the evaluated claims had some degree of inaccuracy. Furthermore, ads containing at least one inaccuracy aired twice as often on television as the ads that were never evaluated. To the degree inaccurate ads air on television more frequently, then, there is cause for concern particularly given the broadcasters' mandate to serve the public interest. Moreover, while political interest supporters were one of the groups most likely to have inaccuracies in their ads, nearly half of their spending was in the last weeks of the election contributing to most of their ads going without evaluation. Thus, in a post-Citizens United world, attempts by fact-checkers to review the onslaught of PAC ads during the final weeks of the 2012 election (and the final weeks of future elections) will be crucial in combating inaccuracies. This study also extends the work of Geer (2006) who offered an organized review of negativity in political advertising. Rather than finding support for the hypothesis that negative attack ads are more accurate than advocacy ads, the evidence challenges Geer's defense of negativity. Among the ads evaluated by the fact-checkers, inaccuracies were significantly more likely to be present in attack rather than either advocacy or contrast ads. While Geer may have demonstrated that negative ads offer more substantive evidence, simply because evidence is presented does not mean the evidence is accurate. In the more provocative ads of 2008 designed to gain attention, inaccuracies were rife. Moreover, rather than the mainstream news media fixation on political ad negativity, the evidence in the forthcoming pages suggests attention is more warranted concerning the accuracy of the claims within the ads regardless of the ad's tone. A first step toward a theory of strategic misinformation is also offered by demonstrating that it is possible to predict which political ads were more likely to draw an inaccurate rating from the fact-checkers. Holding all other variables constant, it was attack ads that had the highest odds of being evaluated as inaccurate with contrast ads also having a high likelihood. These predictions also confirmed that as the campaign progressed, the odds of an ad being rated inaccurate declined which was a function of ads not being evaluated. Furthermore, it was revealed that a loss of momentum or a decline in public perceptions of candidate characteristics increased the odds of candidates drawing inaccurate ratings in their attack ads. In extending understanding of how news media cover candidate campaigns when political advertising is referenced, a plurality of media outlets from the over two dozen in the study were characterized foremost by their focus on campaign strategy rather than fact-checking. One cluster, however, emerged as AdWatchers - those committed to using political ads to scrutinize the accuracy of what candidates and their surrogates were claiming. Nonetheless, the economic realities of adwatching are that there is a so called "chilling effect" because it is expensive, time-consuming, and divisive. Furthermore, the dearth of watchdog ad reporting enables broadcast stations to continue airing ads that may be false while preserving their ability to claim ignorance about the content when faced with regulatory compliance issues. Thus, the political ads most likely to air are the ones with inaccuracies. Chances are the ads will go unscrutinized by the mainstream news media while television stations profit from their proliferation.
Temple University--Theses
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Pettersson, Amanda. "The period is political - Activist advertising of female sanitary products." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21235.
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This thesis aims to understand the use of political messages as part of a branding strategy through a discourse analysis. The empirical material consists of two campaigns advertising female sanitary products; Always #LikeAGirl (2014) and Libresse Blood Normal (2017), with a purpose to understand the incorporation and the adaptation of activist and feminist discourse in these commercial campaigns. What happens to feminism as a political project and struggle when its key ideas and discourses are co-opted by market forces, and how this kind of advertising is used in the process of building brands.The theoretical framework consists of critical perspectives on Postfeminism, Counterculture in relation to consumer culture and Transmedia storytelling. The campaigns are understood in a Swedish context. In the analysis two nodal points are identified; Active/healthy femininity and Responsibility, where the subject positions within the campaigns and the understanding of the subject positions of the campaigns in a marketing context are explored. By formulating different (political) problems in their marketing, Libresse and Always has the discursive power to position themselves as part of the solution to the problem of girls and women’s low self-esteem. On one hand, the solution includes consuming female sanitary products or interact with the brand on social media. On the other hand this means that the brands position themselves as political actors, advocating women’s rights.
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Whitman, Joshua Bowling Cynthia Jones. "Does targeted campaign message impact vote intention and vote choice? an experimental study of Alabama seniors /." Auburn, Ala, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1623.
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Tedesco, John Cassidy. "Political advertising research : toward a model of cognitive, affective, and behavioral effects /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1996.
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Sullivan, Jonathan. "Negativity and information in campaign advertising." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2010. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11138/.
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In many democracies election campaign advertising is an important form of communication between parties and candidates and voters. There is however an uncomfortable tension between what campaigns should achieve (according to democratic theories) and what they are like in reality. In Taiwan, political scientists have voiced concerns about the excessively negative tone of party and candidate advertising. Descriptive single-election accounts also suggest that campaign ads in Taiwan regularly fail to provide voters with the substantive information they need to make reasoned choices. These observations are cited as reason to conceive campaign advertising as deleterious to Taiwan’s new democracy. However, recent work in the US, suggests that negative advertising may in fact be a source of useful information to voters. By extension, the authors of these studies claim that negative ads make an important contribution to democratic political competition. The central objective of the thesis is to explore these claims in the Taiwan context. Are the theoretical arguments used to explain the content of negative advertising in the US supported by empirical evidence in the highly dissimilar Taiwanese context? Do negative ads in Taiwan, in spite of prior scholarly observations to the contrary, make a useful contribution to the information environment available to voters? In addressing these questions, the thesis aims to contribute a non-western case study to general research on campaign advertising. It also aims to provide the Taiwan studies field with a more systematic account of campaign communications than is currently available. To this end, the study analyzes more than 500 TV and newspaper ads from all four Presidential elections held to date.
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Talabova, Kristina. "Keep calm and Die : Political satire in advertising, lessons from Slovakia." Thesis, Jönköping University, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49007.
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Background: In the age of Millennials, when traditional advertising no longer holds the same power as before, an interesting trend has developed. Controversial politicians are on the rise and for-profit companies are starting to realize the opportunity to reach the hearts of Millennials with the use of political satire in advertising. Problem: Political satire in advertising has not yet been properly conceptualized and the related studies focus rather on its effectiveness in terms of virality. However, this controversial format of advertising needs to be studied in terms of consumer attitudes and several studies here provide mixed results depending on other considerations. Purpose: This thesis aims to explore attitudes of Millennials towards political satire in advertising used by for-profit companies together with related considerations and so to answer the question whether this format could be effective among the generation of Millennials. Method: The research takes exploratory qualitative design and combines two data streams. Data in the form of Facebook comments at the page Zomri where the satirical ads were posted were reinforced by data from three focus groups. Thematic analysis was then used to analyze them and compare them with the developed theoretical model. Given the controversial topic, ethical considerations were emphasized. Results: The findings confirm the need for a more complex perspective on political satire in advertising and validate the developed theoretical model. This format of advertising is capable to induce positive attitudes towards the ads, but more considerations play the role in attitudes towards the brands owned by for-profit companies. These include credibility of the company, message-specific factors and consumer-specific factors.
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Lee, Chung Hsien. "A Study of Political Advertising of the 2004 Taiwanese Presidential Election." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1146531212.
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Nusz, Andrew K. "THE THIRD-PERSON EFFECT AND CANDIDATE GENDER IN NEGATIVE POLITICAL ADVERTISING." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin998423655.
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Handtmann, Henry H. "The Evolution of Political Marketing: 1952 to Present." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/360.
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According to the American Marketing Association (AMA), marketing is defined as the activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering, and exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large.[1] To do this, marketing institutions have developed systematic processes for evaluating the wants and needs of the masses, and designed mechanisms to persuade large groups of people, as well as smaller targeted markets. If the "product" is a presidential candidate…. The marketing objective of a political party / candidate is to communicate, deliver, and exchange offerings (policies for votes). Hence, political campaigning and traditional marketing have similar objectives. For clarity, the term candidate and political party are synonymous when applied to marketing concepts.
In the 1950s, marketing experts realized the potential of selling the value of their candidate, party, and specific initiatives, through a systematic process now known as "political marketing."[2] This study will review the evolution of political marketing, evaluate how several presidential candidates gained a competitive advantage over their opponents by both utilizing traditional marketing practices, and, with social marketing, gained leverage with the Internet. It concludes with the significance of the Internet, online campaigning, social media, and their collective effects on the current and future of the political system.
[1] "Definition of Marketing," The American Marketing Association, http://www.marketingpower.com/AboutAMA/Pages/DefinitionofMarketing.aspx.
[2] Dominic Wring, "The Marketing Colonization of Political Campaigning," in The Handbook of Political Marketing, ed. by Bruce I. Newman. (London: Sage Publications, Inc, 1999), 44-45.
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Philips, Paul L. (Paul Lee). "A Descriptive Analysis of Political Campaign Advertising of the 1972 Presidential Campaign." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504589/.
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The purpose of this research was to determine the aural and visual issues present in televised political campaign advertising of the 1972 Presidential election year. Content analysis was the method employed to determine these issues. The campaign commercials of George McGovern and Richard Nixon were the subject of the analysis. The issues coded were Social Welfare, Natural Resources, Labor, Management, Civil Rights, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Vietnam, Government, Public Order, Defense, Republicans, and Democrats. The results show that the campaigns used issues appearing in network news coverage, the percentage of time each campaign spent on the issues, and that the aural content was supported by the visual images in the commercials.
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Rice, Laurie L. "Campaigns matter : advertising effects on potential voters in the 2000 presidential primary /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3169317.
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SHARMA, VINEY. "IMPACT OF FACEBOOK ADVERTISING IN CONSUNER'S PURCHASE DECISION." Thesis, DELHI TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dspace.dtu.ac.in:8080/jspui/handle/repository/18354.
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Facebook provides major value benefits to approaching 1 billion users around the globe. The
company’s service has also played an important role in catalyzing political change throughout
the world, and elsewhere, with long-run economic benefits that are incalculable.
We project that Facebook’s worldwide user base will have grown to 1.9 billion by the end of
2018. No other company can boast a customer base that compares with this: when measured
in terms of active users, worldwide reach or user engagement time, Facebook is quite simply
off the scale.
Facebook has also become deeply embedded in a bewildering range of websites and online
services. Newspaper sites, music subscription services, internet television services, blogs and
many other online service categories use Facebook’s public APIs to embed Facebook into
their own service. With ‘Like’ buttons, sharing features and social apps users can enjoy
Facebook wherever they are on the web, and they can also enjoy the best of the web while on
Facebook.
Facebook has also become an important part of the communications and marketing strategies
of millions of businesses, large and small. Businesses use Facebook to keep users up to date,
study user reaction to new products and measure the impact of general media events.
Facebook Advertisers are increasing day by day. Most of the advertiser knows how to target
their audience and what the Facebook best practices for Facebook ads are. People are
growing their business with online reach. With the Facebook subsidiaries like Instargram,
Whatsapp advertiser growing at a fast level.
Now it is very important to understand that each business needs to be part of such online
platforms and grow their business rapidly. Facebook Ads help them to grow. It is a unique
and convenient way to reach your best potential customer throughout the world.
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Chik, Hsia-hui Alice. "Adolescents' critical reading of advertisements and public service messages : the interpretation of identities and meaning /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B23424473.
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Verser, Rebecca Mae. "The 2004 presidential election between George W. Bush and John F. Kerry an analysis of visually comparative televised advertisements /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4696.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 10, 2007) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Hoplamazian, Gregory J. "Cultural cues in advertising: Context effects on perceived model similarity, identification processes, and advertising outcomes." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1308295797.
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Blackwell, Matthew. "Essays in Political Methodology." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10364.
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This dissertation provides three novel methodologies to the field of political science. In the first chapter, I describe how to make causal inferences in the face of dynamic strategies. Traditional causal inference methods assume that these dynamic decisions are made all at once, an assumption that forces a choice between omitted variable bias and post-treatment bias. I resolve this dilemma by adapting methods from biostatistics and use these methods to estimate the effectiveness of an inherently dynamic process: a candidate's decision to "go negative." Drawing on U.S. statewide elections (2000-2006), I find, in contrast to the previous literature, that negative advertising is an effective strategy for non-incumbents. In the second chapter, I develop a method for handling measurement error. Social scientists devote considerable effort to mitigating measurement error during data collection but then ignore the issue during analysis. Although many statistical methods have been proposed for reducing measurement error-induced biases, few have been widely used because implausible assumptions, high levels of model dependence, difficult computation, or inapplicability with multiple mismeasured variables. This chapter develops an easy-to-use alternative without these problems as a special case of extreme measurement error and corrects for both. In the final chapter, I introduce a model for detecting changepoints in the distribution of contributions data because it allows for overdispersion, a key feature of contributions data. While many extant changepoint models force researchers to choose the number of changepoint ex ante, the game-changers model incorporates a Dirichlet process prior in order to estimate the number of changepoints along with their location. I demonstrate the usefulness of the model in data from the 2012 Republican primary and the 2008 U.S. Senate elections.Government
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Bullock, David Alan. "The influence of political attack advertising on undecided voters: An experimental study of campaign message strategy." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186608.
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This study examined in an experimental setting the influence of comparative message strategies in political attack advertising messages on voter perceptions of the attacker and of the targeted candidate. Relying on theories of social cognition (Fiske & Taylor, 1991), the study posited that, among voters unfamiliar with either candidate, ambiguous and image-based attack messages would facilitate greater negative attitude shifts toward both candidates than other attack message strategies. Attacks were found to lower perceptions of both targeted and attacking candidates regardless of message strategy. Image-based attacks lowered perceptions of targeted candidates significantly more than issue-based attacks but did not influence perceptions of attackers significantly. Level of ambiguity did not appear to influence voter perception of targeted or attacking candidates.
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Veurink, Jody L. "A content analysis of the newspaper ads in John Thune's 2004 Senate campaign." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?1446764.
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Lashley, Eric P. "Applying the inoculation message strategy to the 1990 Illinois gubernatorial race." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11072008-063127/.
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Holbrook, Ronald Andrew. "Emotion and campaign advertising causes of political anxiety and its effects on candidate evaluation /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1123758754.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 302 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 285-302). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Korzh, K. R., and S. V. Mikhno. "Patriotic motivation in advertising slogans as a reflection of political changes in the country." Thesis, Sumy State University, 2017. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/62835.
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Advertising and marketing use patriotism for commercial purposes. Historical events and personalities, the achievements of past years create a new image of the prosperity of a country in advertising. This method builds the fantom brand and such advertising is intended for naïve or emotional audience. Patriotism towards the Fatherland refers to emotional advertising motives, for the Ukrainian mentality this motive is dominant in recent years.
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Ayad, Salma M. "The Effect of Political Advertising on Perceived Bias and Credibility of Online News Stories." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1141.
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This study was an investigation of the effect of political advertising on readers’ perceived bias and credibility of an online news article based on participants’ political leanings. Media priming and the hostile media effect were the theoretical underpinnings. Participants were asked to read an unbiased news article placed alongside 3 advertisements. Participants were put into 1 of 3 conditions — right-leaning advertisements, left-leaning advertisements, or neutral advertisements. They then answered questions about the perceived bias and credibility of the article and their own political affiliation. The researchers hypothesized that left-leaning individuals would perceive the article with right-leaning advertisements as biased and less credible and the opposite would be true of right-leaning individuals. Results were not consistent with hypotheses but trended in the expected directions.
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Mellen, Robbin B. "Presidential campaign appearances in midterm U.S. House elections, 1982-2006." Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2010. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2010/R_Mellen_040610.pdf.
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Miller, Jerry L. "Dynamics of political advertisements, news coverage, and candidate gender : a content analysis of the campaign messages of the 1990 and 1994 California and Texas gubernatorial elections /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1996.
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Leiliyanti, Eva. "Representation and symbolic politics in Indonesia : an analysis of billboard advertising in the legislative assembly elections of 2009." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/684.
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The overarching characteristic of the 2009 legislative elections lay in the legislative candidates’ politics of image. It stemmed from the amendment to the election Law no. 10/2008 article 214 that ostensibly cut off the parties’ power in determining their candidates without the public’s “direct” consent. The public was then given a direct opportunity to choose and vote for their preferred candidates in the 2009 elections. This marked the emergence and proliferation of the candidates’ image construction, especially in the “outdoor” political arena. Billboards were chosen as the most effective outdoor advertising medium to introduce the candidates and propagate their slogans and platforms. However, at the same time, this mode of introducing and propagating reveals itself as an ideological map that demonstrates the contestation and synthesis of the two major ideological camps in the Indonesian political arena, i.e. the nationalist and Islamic. The candidates were coopted into and by this framework. They themselves could not escape as their political dispositions were unconsciously defined by this framework. Their billboards speak loudly the ideological contestation and synthesis.
The investigation of the contestation and synthesis needs Bourdieuan analytical tools, such as capital, dispositions (habitus) and field. These are used not merely to show how the mechanism of the contestation and synthesis operated and was defined by the rules of political “game”, but also to show how this mechanism involves the intricate inter-relationships of various capitals, such as the political, social, economic, cultural and symbolic, that reflect the candidates’ (read also: the parties’) dispositions within the field of Pancasila discourse. Pancasila becomes not only an ideological basis for the state but also the bastion of the contestation and synthesis. The twin roles arguably derive from the dominant cultural root (Javanese) that highly values the concepts of harmony, tolerance and appropriateness as the essences that allow the ideological contestation and synthesis of the nationalist and Islamic strands as the dominant ideological markers in the Indonesian political arena.
This thesis aims to demonstrate how the candidates’ billboards represent ideological contestation and synthesis as the billboards can also be perceived as the candidates’ visual “responses” which reflect their political dispositions and the process of taking stances amidst the contestation and synthesis. Therefore, this study was conducted in the form of a layered case study. Using a Bourdieuan lens, the first layer explores the historical background of the contestation and synthesis, their proliferation in the political arena and the mechanism of deploying these strands in the political parties’ branding. Using a social semiotic lens, the second layer investigates how the billboards as the products of the candidates’ political articulation represent not only these contestations and syntheses but also their dispositions. I found that the system of representation (on the candidates’ billboards) operates within the Javanese ideals of “equilibrium” in Pancasila discourse. These ideals frame the power relations between the nationalist and Islamic factions in an ostensible “consensus” in order to maintain the harmony and dilute ideological friction.
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Bernard, Nicholas Andrew. "Appealing to the YouTube Voter: An Analysis of Barack Obama's 2008 Presidential Campaign Advertisements on YouTube." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1259685061.
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Kunz, Joseph. "Political snapshots : the undecided voter's perceptions of internet based imagery during the 2004 presidential election campaign /." Online version of thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/5764.
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Sousa, Carlos Kleber Saraiva de. "A body plural: the assessments of Lula in political propaganda electoral 2006." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2008. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=10748.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorEsta pesquisa organiza reflexÃes sobre os significados que o corpo do presidente Luis InÃcio Lula da Silva deixou expressar na propaganda polÃtica eleitoral de 2006. Para tanto, compreendi a campanha do candidato na televisÃo como sendo um evento cultural e palco de manifestaÃÃes plurais no tocante as significaÃÃes identificadas em suas narrativas, em seu corpo e nas letras de mÃsicas que o acompanharam. Essas anÃlises foram realizadas com bases no que denominei de etnografia da propaganda, isto Ã, uma interpretaÃÃo densa de aspectos culturais e imagÃticos evidenciados nesse campo de anÃlise.
This research organizes reflections on the meanings that the body of President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva made express in the 2006 electoral propaganda. For that, I understood the candidate's campaign on television as a cultural event and stage demonstrations plural regarding the meanings identified in their narratives, in your body and in the lyrics that accompanied it. These analyzes were carried out with the bases of ethnography have called propaganda, that is, an interpretation of the cultural and dense imagery evidenced in this field of analysis.
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Biroschak, Bart A. "Mobilization and Youth Political Engagement: An analysis of mobilization efforts utilizing political ads aimed at youth during the 2000 and 2004 fall presidential election campaigns." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1275654992.
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Travis, Alyssa Rose. "The Effects of Political and Social Change on Women's Perfume and Cologne Advertising in the Early 1960s." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/146685.
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This study investigates the causal relationship between social and political events and advertising. Focusing on a period of 1962 to 1965, this research studies the effects of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy as well as the Second Wave Feminist Movement on women's perfume and cologne advertising conventions. Qualitative research was used to analyze a sample of 800 women's perfume and cologne advertisements across the four year period. It was found that there was a decline in Upper-Class women portrayed in these ads from 1962 to 1965. This may be attributed to the assassination of JFK in November 1963 and the fall of Camelot. There was also an increase in the portrayal of sexualized women throughout the four years, which may be related to an increase in the availability of reliable birth control during the early 1960s. Overall, this study found that advertising conventions appeared to shift as a result of the social and political events of the time.
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McCaul, Emily Patricia. "Replicating the Kaepernick Effect: The Power of Polarizing Frames to Make or Break Consumer Loyalty." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/99296.
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This thesis evaluates the ways media frames influence attitude towards brands when the brand endorses a controversial celebrity spokesperson. This research was created with the intent to fill a current gap in communication research, providing original data and addressing the influence that external factors, specifically media frames and political orientations, hold over an audience's perception of spokespeople and the brands they later endorse. This was accomplished through an original, cross-sectional experiment that measured how celebrity athletes, who speak out about partisan issues, function as agents for messaging in brand advertisements. This thesis draws upon the communication theories of agenda setting, and primarily framing, in order to evaluate how impactful media frames of an athlete can become to consumers once the media highlights the spokesperson through a polarizing frame. This experiment attempts to replicate 'the Kaepernick effect,' inspired by the polarizing media coverage of Colin Kaepernick over his 2016-NFL season with the 49-ers, leading up to his partnership with Nike for its 2018 "Dream Crazy" advertisement. The findings from this study reveal that media frames, though carrying some impact, are not the most influential factor in shaping audiences' attitudes towards spokespeople or the brands they advertised. This study contributes new data to the discipline of media effects research, extending the conversation about celebrity athlete endorsers, the influence of media frames on consumer response, and implications for future studies.Master of Arts
This thesis looks at the effects that media frames, within news stories, have on audiences' attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, this thesis examines audiences' developed attitudes towards controversial celebrity spokespeople, who speak out about partisan issues, and later endorse or align themselves with a brand. This thesis utilizes an original experiment that measures how controversial celebrity figures, athletes specifically, function as agents for messaging in brand advertisements. This thesis draws upon the communication theories of agenda setting, and primarily framing, in order to evaluate how impactful media frames of an athlete can become to consumers once the media highlights the spokesperson through a polarizing frame. This experiment attempts to replicate 'the Kaepernick effect,' inspired by the polarizing media coverage of Colin Kaepernick over his 2016-NFL season with the 49-ers, leading up to his partnership with Nike for its 2018 "Dream Crazy" advertisement. The findings from this study reveal that media frames, though carrying some impact, are not the most influential factor in shaping audiences' attitudes towards spokespeople or the brands they advertised. This study contributes new data to the discipline of media effects research, extending the conversation about celebrity athlete endorsers, the influence of media frames on consumer response, and implications for future studies.
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Tenório, Giliard Gomes. "Propaganda Partidária Gratuita : seus dilemas e implicações sobre os partidos políticos e a comunicação política brasileira." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=8256.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorEste trabalho tem como objetivo empreender um estudo inicial sobre a Propaganda Partidária Gratuita, espaço disponibilizado pelo Estado brasileiro aos partidos políticos para que estes possam apresentar a si próprios e divulgar seus programas políticos. Segundo o levantamento feito para este trabalho, trata-se de um caso único no mundo, mas que vem sendo abordado apenas marginalmente pela Ciência Política do país. Dada a proximidade com o horário eleitoral, a análise foi feita tendo como base a literatura sobre campanhas políticas, de modo a verificar se processos a ela relacionados (em especial o de declínio partidário e a personalização da política) podem se aplicar ao objeto em questão. Para tanto, realizou-se um levantamento empírico das edições exibidas entre 2002 e 2007 de cinco siglas: PFL/DEM, PMDB, PSB, PSDB e PT. Nestes, foram observadas diferentes variáveis, como ênfases discursivas e temática dominante, bem como o conteúdo apresentado. Em função destes dados, oferece-se uma visão de como os programas são utilizados de modo geral e por cada partido, oferecendo ainda uma tipologia sobre seus usos.
This work aims to undertake an initial study on the Partisan Free Advertising, a public TV time available by the Brazilian State to political parties, to enable them to introduce themselves and promote their political agendas. According to the survey conducted, this is a unique case in the world, but that has been addressed only marginally by the Brazilian Political Science. Given the proximity to the election schedule, the analysis was based on the literature on political campaigns in order to verify that processes related to it (especially the decline of partisan politics and personalization of the politics) may apply to the object in question. Therefore, we carried out an empirical survey of the editions exhibited between 2002 and 2007 by five parties: PFL/DEM (Party of Liberal Front, today Democrats), PMDB (Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement), PSB (Brazilian Socialist Party), PSDB (Party Brazilian Social Democracy) and PT (Workers Party). In these different variables were observed as dominant thematic emphases and discursive as well as the content presented. In light of these data, it offers a vision of how the programs are used in general and by each party, still offering a typology on its uses.
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Robinson, Claire Elizabeth. "Advertising and the market orientation of political parties contesting the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University. School of History, Philosophy and Politics, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/243.
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This thesis proposes an alternative way of establishing a link between market orientation and electoral success, by focusing on market orientation as a message instead of as a management function. Using interpretive textual analysis the thesis examines the advertising messages of the highest polling political parties for evidence of voter orientation and competitor orientation in the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns. Relating manifest market orientation to a number of statistical indicators of electoral success the thesis looks for plausible associations between the visual manifestation of market orientation in political advertisements and parties' achievement of their party vote goals in the 1999 and 2002 elections. It offers party-focused explanations for electoral outcomes to complement existing voter-centric explanations, and adds another level of scholarly understanding of recent electoral outcomes in New Zealand.While the thesis finds little association between demonstration of competitor orientation in political advertisements and electoral success, it finds a plausible relationship between parties that demonstrated a voter orientation in their political advertisements and goal achievement. The parties that achieved their party vote goals in 1999 and 2002 tended to demonstrate an affinity for their target voter groups by showing images of voters and their environments and images of party leaders interacting with voters. They demonstrated concern for the satisfaction of the needs of existing voters by using words of togetherness and proving they had met their previous promises. They did not change their policy or leadership messages dramatically between campaigns. There was a visual consistency to their television, print and billboard advertising messages which rendered the messages easy to recognise and remember. They were clear about what they were offering in exchange for the party vote and recognised the need to offer something in addition to previous offerings in order to attract new voters.
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Mahone, Jessica A. "A Comparative Content Analysis of Televised Political Advertising in the United States and Canada in 2004 and 2008." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1808.
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Analyzing 195 televised political ads from the United States and Canada in 2004 and 2008, this research studies the use of issue and image ads and the attack, acclaim, and contrast function of ads in presidential and federal elections. Results indicate that there is no statistical difference in the use of issue or image ads and no statistical difference in the function of ads in both nations in 2004 and 2008. Issue ads are found to be more commonly used in Canada than in the United States, but there is no statistical difference in the use of acclaim ads between the United States and Canada. Winners in both nations are found to use issue ads more than image ads while winners in Canadian elections were found to use issue ads more than winners of American elections. This study also offers a methodological finding regarding the analysis of issue or image in political advertising. Limitations and implications for future research are also discussed.
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Payne, Beth A. (Beth Ann). "A Content Analysis of the Depiction of Women in Television Presidential Advertising from 1952 to 1976." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500385/.
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From the television advertisements made by presidential candidates from 1952 to 1976, this study analyzed the 131 advertisements that contained women. The analysis used the following descriptors: Number of Women's Roles, Age, Occupation, Marital Status, Locale, Concerns, and Status Relative to the Candidate. The results indicate that women are most likely to be shown as physically present although not speaking, in the 18 to 30 age group, belonging to a non-business atmosphere yet outside the home, and of an unknown marital status, and will not be shown in the same frame as the candidate. Womens' images in these advertisements were most commonly associated with issues involving the cost of living, taxes, pro-Nixon, and social security.
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MacKay, Rowan Rachel. "Legitimation by multimodal means : a theoretical and analytical enquiry with specific reference to American political spot advertisements." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9716.
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What is ‘legitimacy’? Is legitimation possible through non-linguistic modes? These are the key theoretical questions with which this study is concerned. It explores them in conjunction with an analysis of American political spot advertisements. These ads are situated at the nexus between legitimation and multimodality, and their relevance to contemporary politics on the world stage is reflected in the immense financial and skilled resources which have been — and continue to be — devoted to them. A historical perspective into legitimation, multimodality and the attendant concepts of rationality and irrationality is given, followed by a discussion challenging the assumed rational role accorded to language. So challenged, the discussion moves to looking at the pairing of multimodality and politics; first from a historical viewpoint, and then from a more contemporary one. The role of myth, in the form of the American Dream, is investigated, leading to discussion of political appropriation, branding, tangibility, affordances and the (im)possibility of restricting interpretation. Spot ads are analysed with a specific focus: first on modal salience, and secondly on how the semiotic richness of the concept of nature is exploited for purposes of legitimation.
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MIchaelsen, Abigail. "Brand Obama: How Barack Obama Revolutionized Political Campaign Marketing in the 2008 Presidential Election." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/990.
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In 2008, President Barack Obama was named Advertising Age’s marketer of the year, the first time a politician won such an award. While presidential candidates have always employed marketing tactics in order to communicate their platform and persuade voters to support them, candidate Obama’s marketing campaign completely revolutionized the field. Through an innovative marketing strategy, candidate Barack Obama transformed himself from a mere political unknown in 2004 to a worldwide sensation by the time the general election started in 2008. His calls for “hope and change” and “post-partisanship” captured the hearts of Americans frustrated with failed Bush policy and constant gridlock in Washington. His inspirational speeches and words inspired a nation ready for a fresh and modern leader prepared to tackle twenty-first century problems. And, his innovative use of online and social media tools allowed millions of supporters to easily get involved in the campaign, igniting a movement never seen before in American elections. This paper analyzes how Barack Obama transformed political campaign marketing, utilizing both traditional and new ways to communicate and engage with the masses. This is accomplished by first illustrating a general framework for political marketing. Then, I examine the history of political campaign marketing, with a special emphasis on how technology has transformed the field over time. Lastly, I analyze how online and social media tools helped Obama win the election and how the internet has transformed the nature of political elections.
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Calandro, Allyson Dawn. "A Focus Group Study of Baby Boomers' Processing and Interpretations of Fear Appeals in Health Care Reform Political Advertising." Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3028.
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This qualitative research study describes the processing and interpretations of "Baby Boomers" in response to fear appeals from two health care reform political advertisements. Research suggests that scholars continue to disagree on the audience's interpretations of fear appeals, based on studies comparing different levels of fear, emotions, and interpretations by specific members of the population. However, little is known about how "Baby Boomers" interpret fear used in health care reform advertising. The method included six focus groups. Thematic analysis revealed five key themes: "Baby Boomers'" processing produced a range of emotions, they demand more facts, the fear expressed was fear of the unknown and fear of change, how do they know who they can trust and what they can believe, and the shared experience of an "us in comparison to them" mentality. Future research should expand upon these themes across a more diverse group of participants, to compare and contrast findings across different generations, or in combination with other methods.
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Christian, Rachel N. "Campaign Advertising: Examining the Differences Between Spanish and English Ads in the United States." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1339688996.
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Suni, Annakaisa. "Nordisk valretorik. En jämförelse av politisk tv-reklam i Finland och Sverige." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-58532.
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Aim: The aim of this study is to describe which messages and by which rhetorical means were communicated in political TV-advertisement in Finland and Sweden. The study also aims to analyze how the rhetorical choices were influenced by the political and social context in these countries. Material: Two TV-commercials from the latest parliamentary elections in each country were chosen. The leading left-wing and right-wing parties were chosen from each country. Theoretical perspective: This study is based on theories on political parties’ vote maximization and the development of the modern electoral campaign. Methodology: The method used in this study is rhetorical analysis. Results: All commercials had similar themes and were characterized by a low level of conflict. This is related to the common Nordic context in the two countries. At the same time, there were three major differences between the two countries. First, the two Swedish ads were much more alike than the two Finnish ads. This could be related to the differences in the party systems. Second, the use of argumentation based on ethos was more important in Finland, which relates to the personal voting method. Third, the Finnish ads were to a greater extent based on language, which relates to the history and culture of the country.
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Musialowska, Ewa Anna. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN GERMANY AND POLAND." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2008. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-ds-1216216577378-73783.
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Diese Studie vergleicht die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen. Der Forschungsüberblick macht deutlich, dass international vergleichende Analysen, die etablierte Demokratien und Transformationsländer umfassen, relativ selten durchgeführt werden. Dabei gibt es keine Untersuchungen, die sich mit dem Vergleich der politischen Kommunikation zwischen Deutschland und Polen befassen. Mit der Untersuchung der beiden Länder wird die Dissertation die bestehende Forschungslücke schließen. Die politische Kommunikation wird in dieser Studie aus der Sicht von zwei unterschiedlichen Akteuren – Parteien und Journalisten – gezeigt. --- Kapitel 1: Es ist nicht mehr möglich, die moderne politische Kommunikation als Phänomen zu begreifen, das man auf singuläre nationale Räume beschränken könnte. Vielmehr lässt sich über nationalübergreifende Kommunikationsprozesse sprechen, die sich in den Metathemen Amerikanisierung, Globalisierung und Modernisierung wiederspiegeln. In diesem Zusammenhang ergibt sich die Frage, ob es sich um eine generalisierbare Entwicklung der politischen Kommunikation handelt. Ein Schwerpunkt des Interesses dieser Forschungsarbeit liegt deswegen bei der Frage nach den Gemeinsamkeiten und den Unterschieden in der politischen Kommunikation in beiden Ländern, die durch die Mediatisierungsprozesse beinflusst werden. Vor diesem Hindergrund stellt Kapitel 1 die wichtigsten Trends in der politischen Kommunikation dar. Im nächsten Schritt werden ausgewählte Indikatoren der Mediatisierung (u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität, Emotionalisierung), die dann im empirischen Teil getestet werden, erläutert. Gleichzeitig stellt Kapitel 1 eine Übersicht über international vergleichende Analysen, die sich der Untersuchung der politischen Kommunikation widmen, vor. Der Focus wird dann schließlich auf die Studien in Polen und Deutschland gelegt und die Relevanz der vorliegenden Analyse diskutiert. --- Kapitel 2: Die Dissertation zeigt in welchen politischen Rahmen die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen eingebettet ist. Deswegen wird im Kapitel 2 das politische System der analysierten Länder diskutiert. In diesem Zusammenhang werden drei Elemente des politischen Systems angesprochen: das Parteiensystem, das Wahlsystem und die politische Partizipation. Dadurch wird gezeigt, dass die politische Einbettung spürbare Auswirkungen hat, die den gesellschaftlichen, sozio-ökonomischen und historischen Kontext mitdefinieren. Dies lässt gleichzeitig Unterschiede zwischen einem Transformationsland (Polen) und einer etablierten Demokratie (Deutschland) aufzeigen und Gründe der wichtigsten politischen Tendenzen erklären. --- Kapitel 3: Ebenso wie die Strukturbedingungen des politischen Systems das Handeln politischer Akteure beeinflussen, so wirken die Rahmenbedingungen des Mediensystems auf das Handeln von Journalisten. Aus diesem Grunde wird im Kapitel 3 das Mediensystem in Deutschland und Polen thematisiert. Die Analyse basiert auf der Klassifikation von Hallin & Mancini (2004a). Dabei werden die von den Autoren vorgeschlagenen Indikatoren benutzt, um das Mediensystem in beiden Ländern einzuordnen. Dies ist besonders wichtig, weil die politische Kommunikation immer häufiger von medialer Umgebung abhängig ist. --- Kapitel 4: Die im Kapitel 1, 2 und 3 dargestellten Phänomene und Entwicklungen formen Kapitel 4, das Forschungshypothesen vorstellt. Die formultierten Hypothesen münden in zwei inhaltsanalytischen Untersuchungen, die die politische Kommunikation aus der Perspektive der politischen Parteien und Journalisten präsentieren. Es handelt sich dabei um zwei Fallstudien, die dann im Kapitel 6 und 7 getrennt examiniert werden. --- Kapitel 5: Im nächsten Schritt wird das Forschungsdesign und die Operationalisierung der Hypothesen erläutert. Da die Mediatisierungsprozesse besonders deutlich während der Wahlkampagnen zu ermitteln sind, wird die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen im Kontext von politischen Kampagnen dargestellt. Dies verspricht auch inhaltlich fokussiertes Material für die Untersuchung. Die erste Fallstudie untersucht die Wahlspots der Parteien und zeigt, inwiefern sich die Wahlwerbung in beiden Ländern unterscheidet. Die zweite Fallstudie bietet die Analyse der Medienberichterstattung, um festzustellen, wie die Journalisten in Deutschland und Polen die Wahlkampagnen darstellen. Die Kompläxität des Geflechtes der auf die politische Kommunikation Einfluss nehmenden Variablen macht den Einsatz komplexer Analyseverfahren erforderlich. Die Wahlspots und die Wahlkampfberichterstattung werden in der Dissertation mit der sozialwissenschaftlichen Methode der Inhaltsanalyse untersucht. Als Methode zur Erhebung sozialer Wirklichkeit ist die Inhaltsanalyse für die Untersuchung besonders geeignet. Ihre Vorteile werden in diesem Kapitel angesprochen. Darüber hinaus werden hier die Codebücher, die für die Analyse der Wahlwerbung und Medienberichterstattung vorbereitet wurden, dargestellt und die Codierungsvorgehensweise präsentiert. Schließlich werden die einzelnen Variablen besprochen und die Ergebnisse der durchgeführten Pretests geliefert. --- Kapitel 6: Im nächsten Schritt werden die Ergebnisse der empirischen Analyse der Wahlspots dargestellt. Die Studie zeigt, wie die politischen Parteien ihre Wahlspots gestalten und inwiefern die Wahlwerbung die Mediatisierungsprozesse wiederspiegelt. Im Kapitel 6 werden die Hypothesen, die im Kapitel 4 formuliert wurden, getestet. Dabei werden die Befunde im Kontext von solchen Aspekten wie u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität und Emotionalisierung dargestellt. --- Kapitel 7: Im Kapitel 7 wird die politische Kommunikation aus der Sicht der Journalisten examiniert. Die empirische Auswertung dient dazu, die im Kapitel 4 formulierten Hypothesen zu prüfen. Die Analyse vergleicht, inwiefern sich die Medien in beiden Ländern auf den Wahlkampf konzentieren und ob sie sich immer häufiger diesem Thema widmen. Darüber hinaus wird die Medienberichterstattung in den Prozessen der Mediatisierung dargestellt. Dabei wird u.a. Personalisierung und Negativität der Berichterstattung präsentiert. Es wird auch gezeigt, inwiefern die Medien ihre politische Präferenzen zeigen. --- Kapitel 8: Im letzten Kapitel werden die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung im Licht der Theorie und formulierten Hypothesen diskutiert. Dabei werden auch die Defizite der Studie und potenzielle Barrieren der vergleichenden Studien präsentiert. Kapitel 8 lenkt dann den Blick in die Zukunft und zeigt, welche Aspekte der politischen Kommunikation untersucht werden sollten. Solche internationalen Vergleiche, besonders wenn sie Transformationsländer und etablierte Demokratien umfassen, können dazu dienen, Gemeinsamkeiten in der Dreiecksbeziehung zwischen politischem System, Medien und Wählerschaft zu ermitteln, um so übergreifenden Entwicklungen auf die Spur zu kommen.