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Journal articles on the topic 'Political-administrative career'
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1
Hernández Rodríguez, Rogelio. "Les cadres supérieurs de l’administration publique mexicaine." Revue française d'administration publique 70, no. 1 (1994): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1994.2807.
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The Mexican Senior Civil Servants The mexican top service has the reputation of corresponding to an incompetent and politicized bureaucracy. In fact, the examination of civil servants’ careers between 1946 and 1988 reveals that the public service has changed into a professional activity that trains and specializes the civil servant as much in political tasks as in administrative ones. The long period of administrative career, professional qualification and the mobility of senior civil servants confirm that there is hence forth a System of administrative control that provides training and sufficient knowledge for exercising, with a certain degree of efficiency, a post of a high level.
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Walder, Andrew G., Bobai Li, and Donald J. Treiman. "Politics and Life Chances in a State Socialist Regime: Dual Career Paths into the Urban Chinese Elite, 1949 to 1996." American Sociological Review 65, no. 2 (April 2000): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240006500203.
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Recent research on career mobility under communism suggests that party membership and education may have had different effects in administrative and professional careers. Using life history data from a nationally representative 1996 survey of urban Chinese adults, we subject this finding to more stringent tests and find even stronger contrasts between career paths. Only recently has college education improved a high school graduate's odds of becoming an elite administrator, while it has always been a virtual prerequisite for a professional position. On the other hand, party membership, always a prerequisite for top administrative posts, has never improved the odds of becoming an elite professional. We also find that professionals rarely become administrators, and vice versa. Differences between career paths have evolved over the decades, but they remain sharp. Thus, China has a hybrid mobility regime in which the loyalty principles of a political machine are combined with, and segregated from, the meritocratic standards of modern professions. Recent changes may reflect a return to generic state socialist practices rejected in the Mao years rather than the influence of an emerging market economy.
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Żuchowski, Ireneusz. "Career of the European project manager." Problems of Economics and Law 2, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2555.
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<br/><b>Goal:</b> The aim of the article is to present the nature and specificity of the professional career of European project managers. <br/><b>Material and methods:</b> The study was of qualitative character. The aim of the study was to learn about the career development and opinions of EU project managers on the evolution of their careers. During the interview three main thematic areas were covered: 1. The beginning of the EU project manager's career? 2. Career development of the EU project manager? 3. Experience to provide people planning a career in the field of EU project management? The research was carried out among 100 people, who were the project managers financed from EU funds under the financial perspective 2007-2013 and the 2014-2020 outlook. The research was carried out in the period from 01-09/2018 using the interview method. <br/><b>Results:</b> Among the respondents, 60% were people who worked in public institutions and were directed to trainings in the 1990s that were related to political transformation and they implemented reforms and aid programs realised by the World Bank and pre-accession programs preparing Poland for inclusion in structures of the European community. These people gained experience working as specialists, experts, administrative employees in projects. Gained experience and knowledge means that they continue their careers by implementing projects financed from EU funds. People who have been working on the implementation of projects of this type since the beginning of their careers accounted for 9% of respondents. Most respondents (77%) before becoming project managers participated in the implementation of 4-6 projects performing administrative tasks. On the other hand, 18% of the respondents obtained this position after the implementation of 2-3 projects and 5% of those surveyed became project managers, having no such experience. <br/><b>Conclusion:</b> The professional career of the European project manager, as the research results show, is not straightforward, and professional career in this area is often a coincidence. This is partly related to the specificity of Poland associated to the processes of political and economic transformation. The creation of such jobs has intensified as a consequence of Poland's accession to the European Union.
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Doherty, Kathleen M., David E. Lewis, and Scott Limbocker. "Presidential Control and Turnover in Regulatory Personnel." Administration & Society 51, no. 10 (September 18, 2019): 1606–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719875458.
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Career executives often occupy administrative positions that determine the pace and content of policy, such as those responsible for developing regulations. Yet, presidential administrations need control over these positions to achieve policy aims. This article considers the extent to which new presidential administrations marginalize career executives in key regulatory positions by transferring responsibilities to another individual and whether the mere expectation of political conflict with a new administration drives career regulators from their positions. Using unique new data on 866 career regulators that led major rulemaking efforts between 1995 and 2013, we demonstrate that turnover among career executives in key regulatory positions increases following a party change in the White House. Turnover also increases during a presidential election year, but this effect is conditioned by bureaucrats’ expectations of the election outcome. Finally, career executives are more likely to depart in response to favorable labor market conditions. Given our findings that turnover in regulatory responsibilities is driven both by presidential marginalization and strategic exit by bureaucrats, we conclude with implications for presidential efforts to control the administrative state.
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Ali, Susannah Bruns. "Politics, Bureaucracy, and Employee Retention: Toward an Integrated Framework of Turnover Intent." Administration & Society 51, no. 9 (February 27, 2018): 1486–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399718760589.
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In today’s politically contentious times where the role of the federal government and career federal workers is continually challenged, it is critical that we understand how the political world affects career choices among federal employees. This study proposes a theoretical framework that integrates the political environment into concepts of turnover intent among public sector employees based on research examining open systems and the administrative presidency. The framework is then explored through interviews with federal employees, former appointees, and lobbyists to understand the impacts of the broad political environment on individuals.
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García Cárdenas, Luis. "La gouvernabilité : une aspiration ancienne, des approches nouvelles." Revue française d'administration publique 94, no. 1 (2000): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.2000.3382.
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Governability : a Long-Held Aspiration and Some New Approaches. In this day and age most political-administrative systems are undergoing a severe crisis in governability. Experimental reforms have had mixed results. The future is, therefore, very uncertain following many aborted attempts at reform such as, in Mexico, the desire to establish a career civil service. There are two series of reasons, political and administrative, which explain the crisis in governability. At the political level : an absence of legitimacy, a lack of credibility and an insufficient involvement of citizens within the system ; at the administrative level : a lack of efficacy, efficiency and effectiveness within the governmental apparatus. The preferred means for overcoming this serious crisis of governability should be the quest for a truly democratic form of government.
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Kasumović, Amila. "Sultanov, carev i kraljev službenik: činovnička karijera Muhameda ef. Kadića / Serving the Sultan, the Kaiser, and the King: The Career Story of Muhamed ef. Kadić." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line, no. 5 (December 10, 2018): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2018.257.
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This paper deals with a bureaucratic career history of a professional clerk (Muhamed ef. Kadić) who served in three administrative and political entities which subsequently ruled the region – the Ottoman Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
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Emery, Yves, David Giauque, and Frédéric Rebmann. "The slow transformation of Swiss federal administrative elites." International Review of Administrative Sciences 80, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 687–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852314533452.
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This article sets out to study the profile of Swiss administrative elites at federal level by showing how their profile has evolved in the light of what has come to be known as the wave of New Public Management (NPM), which has benefited from a very fertile ground in Switzerland. These elites correspond to a specific institutional order, in relation to specific organizational structures and workings, and have specific characteristics in terms of career paths and academic background. However, the administrative reforms that have been rolled out since the 1980s have transformed the institutional order within which executives of the federal administration evolve. This article analyses the extent to which these transformations have had an impact on the characteristics of these elites, through indicators such as academic capital, social capital, and career path within and outside the administration. The results show a slow but significant transformation in the profiles of these elites towards an increasing managerialization, reflecting that of the context in which they evolve. Points for practitioners The relationship between politics and the administration is naturally shaped by individuals but is closely dependent on the profiles of the players. They are currently undergoing a transformation in the wake of administrative reforms, and also of the changing profiles of both the political and administrative players. Gaining an insight into the slow transformation of the profiles of administrative elites therefore sheds light on the political-administrative nexus. The gradual managerialization of the administrative elite highlighted in this article also allows for a better understanding of which professional experiences, qualifications and skills are valued today within the senior civil service in Switzerland.
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Baum, Jeeyang Rhee. "Breaking Authoritarian Bonds: The Political Origins of the Taiwan Administrative Procedure Act." Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 3 (December 2005): 365–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002046.
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Taiwan recently adopted a series of administrative reform laws designed to make the bureaucracy more transparent and allow public participation in regulatory policies. Because administrative reform limits the executive's power, it is clear why legislatures would favor strict administrative procedures. But it is less clear why presidents would support them. The passage of these laws begs the question why presidents support administrative procedural reforms designed to restrict their abilities to act freely. I argue that in Taiwan, President Lee Teng-hui's control of his party deteriorated as factional disputes within his own party increased over time. Lee ultimately concluded that the Kuomintang's political survival depended on major reforms. Consequently, the status quo-oriented bureaucracy—hitherto an important source of support for Lee and his key constituencies—became an impediment. Lee supported Taiwan's Administrative Procedure Act in order to reduce the bureaucracy's capacity to impede reform. More generally, I argue that administrative procedures designed to open up the bureaucracy to the public, including previously excluded groups, can serve politicians' goal of redirecting the bureaucracy. Archival data, secondary sources, and interviews with key presidential advisers, senior career bureaucrats, and politicians support my argument.
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Rehan, Muhammad Farooq, Raheel Mumtaz, Quaisar Ijaz Khan, and Samreen Iqbal. "The Mediating Relationship of Political Skills between Political Personality Traits and Career Success of Educators in Punjab, Pakistan." Sustainable Business and Society in Emerging Economies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/sbsee.v3i3.2046.
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Purpose of the Study: The study explored a unique framework developed from social cognitive career theory by hypothesizing the mediating relationships to test.
Design/methodology/approach: The statistical model measured mediating relationship by using SPSS version 23 and Process version 4.0 to summarize the findings. Total 400 questionnaires were distributed in different secondary schools of Punjab, Pakistan from which 317 were returned and 289 were found fit for analysis. The study is cross sectional in nature and data were collected physically and online as well through self-administrative questionnaire.
Findings: The results can be generalized as all the secondary schools follow the same rules and regulations. As for the results are concerned the mediating relationship of political skills between political personality traits and career success is significant.
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Marcos Pascual, Enrique. "La carrera administrativa de los funcionarios públicos frente a la libre designación. Especial consideración de las intervenciones en la Proposición de ley 1876 del Diputado Sr. Puig y Llagostera." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 26 (December 18, 2020): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.26.2020.29174.
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La carrera administrativa de los funcionarios públicos forma parte de la serie de reformas propias del régimen jurídico constitucional y el cambio de principios jurídicos que lo conforman, con la elaboración de la función pública subjetiva, frente a la deslavazada función pública objetiva configurada en el Antiguo régimen. Se predica que el acceso a la función pública se tiene que realizar en virtud de los principios de mérito, igualdad y capacidad. Por eso, históricamente, la organización de la carrera administrativa surge como alternativa a la designación de los funcionarios por libre designación del poder político. En el año 1876 se debate en el Congreso de los Diputados una Proposición de ley del Sr. Puig y Llagostera sobre la carrera administrativa. El Diputado defiende la aprobación de esta Proposición de ley en base a que hay que hacer de la función pública una profesión que él califica de “honrosa y honrada”, que había que dignificarla. Que sea una profesión despolitizada, exenta por completo de las influencias y oscilaciones políticas y basados en unos criterios de mérito y capacidad en el ingreso y ascenso en la carrera administrativa.The administrative career of public officials is part of the series of reforms of the constitutional legal regime and the change of legal principles that comprise it, with the elaboration of the subjective public function, as opposed to the deflated objective public function configured in the Old regime. It is predicated that access to the public function must be carried out by virtue of the principles of merit, equality and capacity. Therefore, historically, the organization of the administrative career arises as an alternative to the appointment of officials by free appointment of political power. In the year 1876 a proposal of law of Mr. Puig y Llagostera on the administrative career was debated in the Congress of Deputies. The Deputy defends the approval of this Proposition of law on the basis of which it is necessary to make of the public function a profession that he qualifies as «honorable and honored», which had to be dignified. That it be a depoliticized profession, completely exempt from political influences and oscillations and based on criteria of merit and capacity in the entry and promotion of the administrative career.
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Newbold, Stephanie. "Thomas Jefferson’s Role in Transforming Higher Education Curriculum in the United States." Public Voices 11, no. 2 (April 19, 2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.488.
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For decades, public administrative scholars and historians have maintained that while Thomas Jefferson had an extraordinary substantive mind, he was not a formative figure within the intellectual, institutional, and constitutional development of public administration theory and practice. Thoroughly investigating Jefferson’s early political career does reveal that he was not interested in the daily operations of government, but as time progressed his lengthy career in public service began to transform his opinions on the relationship between good government and good administration and how sound administrative practice complemented many of the republican values espoused in The Federalist. Upon a careful examination of Jefferson’s retirement years, when he dedicated the remainder of his life to establishing the University of Virginia, the administrative genius of his mind takes center stage. In this role, Jefferson not only created Virginia’s first public institution for higher education but also dramatically reformed liberal arts curriculum standards for colleges and universities across the nation. Twenty-first century public administration scholars and practitioners should welcome this exceptional contribution to the intellectual history of American public administration with openness and with a renewed commitment to the institutional legitimacy of our field.
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Welch, Cheryl B. "Reflections on Melvin Richter’s Tocqueville and the Two Napoleons." Tocqueville Review 42, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.42.2.29.
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This essay explores the significance of Napoleon for contemporary history and public affairs by reflecting on the career of Melvin Richter (1921-2020) and his forthcoming Tocqueville and the Two Napoleons. Richter maintains that Tocqueville’s ever-deepening analysis of the Napoleonic model, a new and sinister form of the administrative state, achieved dystopian dimensions in his thought and serves as an important thread by which we can re-assess Tocqueville’s entire oeuvre and political career. The article argues that Tocqueville’s historical method, which takes center stage in Richter’s reconstruction of the way in which Tocqueville submits Napoleon to the discipline of history, continues to inspire, even as contemporary concerns shift away from the dangers of the administrative state. It also speculates that the mythical Napoleon who transcended time, a figure inevitably neglected in “Tocquevillian” histories but made compelling by a generation of romantic writers, is newly relevant in a world of mysterious affective attachments to populist leaders and the waves of expressive violence in which such attachments are enmeshed.
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Garoupa, Nuno, Marian Gili, and Fernando Gómez-Pomar. "Political Influence and Career Judges: An Empirical Analysis of Administrative Review by the Spanish Supreme Court." Journal of Empirical Legal Studies 9, no. 4 (November 6, 2012): 795–826. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1740-1461.2012.01270.x.
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Chukwuemeka, Emma E. O., Ohagwu Anthony Chinwe, Agu Lilian Ebere, and Chinyere Ndukwe. "Local Government Elected Officers and Career Officers Dichotomy in Nigeria: How to Resolve the Imbroglio." NG Journal of Social Development 12, no. 1 (December 7, 2023): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ngjsd.v12i1.2.
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The local government system in Nigeria has the mandate to perform major functions which the higher tiers of government may not perform. To ensure that the development goals of the local government is achieved, it requires efficient manpower. The local government manpower includes the career civil servants and political office holders. How the two work in harmony has become a herculean task. Therefore the paper critically examined the roles of the career civil servants and politicians, and how the two can work to achieve the goals of the local government. The paper adopted documentaryresearch methodology, and content analysis technique was used. Team work was emphasized as a veritable tool to be used to foster grassroots development. Dichotomy between political office holders and local government career officers was critically interrogated. It is the position of the paper that politics and administration cannot be separated. Ultimately the paper is of the view that local government officers should eschew politics and mind their statutory duty of providing administrative services and guiding the political office holders on the nitty-gritty of local government administration and policy formulation. Therefore the two should work as partners in progress.
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Palls, Aswin. "THE INFLUENCE OF BUREAUCRATIC PATHOLOGY ON EMPLOYEE PERFORMANCE IN E-KTP SERVERS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF POPULATION AND CIVIL REGISTRATION OF BANDUNG CITY." Journal of Economic Empowerment Strategy (JEES) 3, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30740/jees.v3i2.78.
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Bureaucratic pathology is a disease in the state bureaucracy arising from the behavior of bureaucrats and conditions that open up opportunities for it, both concerning political, economic, social cultural and technological. The role of the bureaucracy as the implementor of political policy, or in other words the bureaucracy as the organizer of the government, the pathology of the bureaucracy can be interpreted as a problem or problem that occurs in the administration of government due to the performance of the bureaucracy is not able to meet public needs properly. Bureaucratic pathology can be manifested in the inability of political officials in the executive (elected because of political mandate) or the issue of the performance of elected public officials, namely officials in the bureaucracy who occupy positions due to political processes, or because the performance of administrative leaders, namely career bureaucrats who occupy career positions in the bureaucracy. Or the bureaucracy itself as an institution, or government agents or bureaucrats who are unable to provide public satisfaction. With the advent of bureaucratic diseases in the organizational structure it becomes a major influence in service. In addition there is still discrimination in services or differences in services, including services for making E-KTP provided by officers to the public. The level of staff response or skills that are still low, needs to be further improved and is important in influencing the level of community satisfaction where the service is fair and without differentiating the status and position supported by the availability of adequate facilities and infrastructure in administrative services.
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Nakrošis, Vitalis. "The Turnover and Politicisation of Lithuanian Public Sector Managers." World Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0019.
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AbstractThis article presents the results of our research on party patronage and state politicisation in different Lithuanian public sector organisations (government agencies and agencies under the ministries, state-owned enterprises, personal health care and educational institutions). Although repeating alterations of governments best explained the frequent turnover of some public sector heads, their politicisation was related to the length of party rule in power, beliefs of the political and administrative elite and density of the party networks. The legal protection of civil service jobs was only important in the case of the agencies under the ministries whose managers always held career civil service positions. Furthermore, substantial variation in the scope of politicisation was related to such administrative factors as the political salience of policy areas and organisational functions, as well as budget size, which suggested different motivations and opportunities of party patronage in the Lithuanian public sector.
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Ingraham, Patricia W., and B. Guy Peters. "The Conundrum of Reform: A Comparative Analysis." Review of Public Personnel Administration 8, no. 3 (June 1988): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734371x8800800302.
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Despite obvious cross-national political and cultural differences, civil service reform policies exhibit strong similarities. An examination of reform efforts in the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia emphasizes the centrality of politics and political processes to administrative reform. This is true for mechanical or procedural reform, structural reform and what we termed “relational reforms,” or, reforms aimed at restructuring the relationship between politicians and career civil servants. The overriding influence of politics reduces policy design considerations and often results in solutions that do not match the problems being addressed. The outcomes are new bureaucratic problems and the need for additional reforms.
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Rasool Cyan, Musharraf. "Civil Service Management in Devolved Government: Reconciling Local Accountability and Career Incentives in Pakistan." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 17, Special Edition (September 1, 2012): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2012.v17.isp.a17.
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This paper looks at the case of Pakistan’s decentralization reform of 2001–09 and its impact on civil service management. A key point made in this paper is that the relationship between organizational change and civil service is, by no means, unidirectional. The issues are viewed in the context of decentralization, its opportunities, and outcomes for efficiency and equity. We then evaluate whether administrative decentralization has enhanced or diminished the potential for political and fiscal decentralization for service delivery in Pakistan.
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Papkov, S. A. "The Failure of the Stalinist Propagandist: the Trial of Yakov Alperovich, Editor of the Sovetskaya Sibir (1937–1938)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 354–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-2-354-361.
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The research featured the biography of Yakov Alperovich, a prominent figure of the Siberian Soviet establishment in the 1920s–1930s. Starting at the social bottom, his career path was a typical example of the dramatic fate that befell most Stalinist officials. The article describes the main steps of his career ladder on the way to political power during the purges of 1937–1938, as well as the changes in the Stalinist politics in the 1930s, which were the ruin of the internal party relations. The author assessed the socio-political atmosphere in the administrative establishment. The study focused on the role of denunciations as a tool against the so-called hostile elements. The dramatic end of Yakov Alperovich, a district committee secretary and an editor, reflects the general tragedy of the Soviet Communists that fell victims to the Stalin's repressions. The article introduces new historical facts and expands the knowledge about Siberia in the Stalin era.
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Roberts, Robert N. "The Administrative Presidency and Federal Service." American Review of Public Administration 51, no. 6 (February 20, 2021): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074021993849.
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Through the 20th and early 21st century, the United States has seen the growth of the administrative presidency. As political polarization has made it much more difficult for a presidential administration to push public policy initiatives through Congress, presidential administrations have become much more dependent on executive orders, policy statements, federal rulemaking, and nonenforcement policies to implement their agenda. Presidential administrations have also attempted to exert much greater control over the actions of federal employees with policymaking and policy implementation responsibilities. The article argues that the modern administrative presidency has become a serious threat to the nation’s democratic values and institutions. The article also argues that in the wrong hands, the administrative state may do great harm. Finally, the article argues that the discipline of public administration must end its love affair with the administrative presidency. The danger of misuse of the administrative state has just become too serious to permit presidential administrations to coerce career civil servants to put the ideological interests of a President over the public interest. To help control this serious problem, the article argues that the discipline of public administration should help to empower federal employees to serve as guardians of constitutional values by providing them the tools necessary to uncover and make known instances of abuse of power by presidential administrations intent upon ignoring the constitutional foundations of the administrative state.
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Zhu, Guobin. "La formation des fonctionnaires de l’État chinois. De l’instruction politico-idéologique à la formation professionnelle." Revue française d'administration publique 66, no. 1 (1993): 289–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1993.2704.
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Training Policy and Practice and Civil Service Reform in Chinese Government. China is engaged in important economical and political reforms, and undertakes a radical restructuring of its civil service at the same time. In this context, implementing a new status for civil servants and introducing new training practices tends to enhance administrative productivity and foster relations with the public. Career civil servants and political officials are distinguished among government officers, local institutes of administration are to be created in a sufficient number, a more decentralized management of human resources has to be introduced, and civil servants have to be aware of the needs of socialist legality.
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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik, and Paul Hubbard. "China's SOE Executives: Drivers of or Obstacles to Reform?" Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 35, no. 1 (September 29, 2017): 52–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v35i1.5399.
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Drawing on a database tracking the career of 1,250 top Chinese executives from 1,084 publicly-listed state-owned enterprises (SOEs), this article analyzes differences in career incentives for subsidiaries controlled by the central government compared to those controlled by local governments. It also considers the differences for executives in listed companies close to the parent group compared to those that are heads in distant subsidiaries. We find that in both SOEs and their publicly listed subsidiaries, administrative experience or political connections appear to increase the likelihood of promotion. However, in the case of central SOE subsidiaries, leaders are more likely to be promoted based on financial performance. For both central and local 'direct' SOE groups age is a significant negative factor for promotion, whereas tenure is a significant positive factor.
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Lapina, N. Yu. "Political Leadership in Modern France." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-65-81.
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The paper analyses the relation between political elites and political leaders. It is demonstrated that social shifts in the ranks of the elite are reflected in the profiles of heads of state, and the coming to power of a new president results in the renewal of elites. For years of existence of the Fifth republic several generations of political elite were replaced. At the time of Che. De Gaulle highest public servants were the main political actors. The logic of appointments in the system of executive power changed, a new type of political career was created. During the rule of F. Mitterrand, decentralization expanded the ranks of political elite, strengthened the positions of local elites. The president’s fellow party members came to power, political parties turned into an effective mechanism of recruitment of elite cadres. With E. Macron’s election there was a renewal of the deputy corps; reforms which will lead to further changes in the ranks of elites are planned. The paper investigates political biographies and career paths of presidents of the Fifth republic: the path of a notable, the path of a party functionary and the path of a member of administrative bureaucracy. The path of a notable assumes that the politician starts their career from election in local authorities and gradually works their way up through the ranks of power. The path of a party functionary demonstrates that the politician is rooted in party structures. The path of a bureaucrat assumes ascent to the political Olympus through promotion in the executive power branch and also by entering the immediate environment of the president, prime minister, key ministers. Local rootedness, good knowledge of public administration are characteristic of French presidents. Until recently it was thought that to achieve presidency in France it was necessary to be supported by a strong party. The new French president is an exception to this rule, and the movement he created is not a party in the traditional sense but a network entity. The study further brings to light qualities which the leader has to possess. The role of communication in the life of the French president is explained and it is shown how communication shapes the president’s image and influences public trust in the institution of presidency.
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TYRRELL, ALEX. "THE EARL OF EGLINTON, SCOTTISH CONSERVATISM, AND THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE VINDICATION OF SCOTTISH RIGHTS." Historical Journal 53, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990562.
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ABSTRACTThis article re-evaluates the role and importance of the thirteenth earl of Eglinton as president of the National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights (NAVSR). Departing from the established historiography, which depicts his career as a romantic absurdity because of his organization of a medieval tournament in 1839, it shows Eglinton to have been a political figure of substance, who played a significant role in public life during the mid-Victorian era. The article emphasizes the importance of ‘administrative devolution’ as a feature of long-term Conservative political thought and points to activities of Eglinton and his circle as an example of the need to give more weight to the importance of Conservatives in modern Scottish history.
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DeMuth, Christopher. "Commentary on Jim Tozzi, “Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs: Past, Present, and Future”." Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis 11, no. 1 (2020): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bca.2019.35.
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Jim Tozzi is an activist institutional economist. During his 19-year career in the federal civil service, he was a pertinacious institution builder, armed with a PhD in economics but never flaunting it. He gained a reputation, richly deserved in my experience, as a supreme bureaucratic tactician. But he applied his skills to antibureaucratic purposes. Incessantly, and occasionally at professional risk, he promoted and protected internal executive-branch procedures that used economic analysis, and measures of administrative effectiveness, against the incessant forces of political entropy, agency parochialism, and special-interest capture.
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Samarkina, Irina V., Inna V. Miroshnichenko, and Laura A. Shpiro. "Leadership Community in the System of Regional Public Policy (Based on the Study of the Participants’ Community of the “Leaders of Kuban” Personnel Project)." Общество: политика, экономика, право, no. 6 (June 21, 2023): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2023.6.2.
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The article presents the results of a study of the regional leadership community (participants of five seasons of the Governor’s Personnel Project “Leaders of Kuban – Moving Up!”), conducted in 2022 by online question-naire to assess the career development, professional potential and effectiveness of institutional mechanisms for recruiting youth leaders into the system of public administration of Krasnodar Krai. The authors come to the following conclusions: the community of leaders in the region includes representatives of different age groups of society, combining the potential of energy and experience; leadership potential is concentrated mainly in local centers; the leadership community is mainly focused on realizing its potential in the region. The region’s leadership potential is concentrated in the system of public policy, but this potential is unevenly distributed: the maximum concentration of leadership potential is in the social sphere, the economy and business. Representa-tives of the leadership community are focused on the further search for social lifts and career advancement, they are open to using various innovative recruitment formats for the socio-political and administrative-political elite of the region.
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Johnson, Genevieve Fuji, and Robert Howsam. "Whiteness, Power and the Politics of Demographics in the Governance of the Canadian Academy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 3 (June 11, 2020): 676–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920000207.
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AbstractThe predominance of Whiteness, and the corresponding lack of representation of people who are both racialized and minoritized, in the governance of universities is a political issue. We present the results from an intersectional diversity audit of central and senior academic administrators at five Canadian universities: Simon Fraser University, University of British Columbia, University of Toronto, University of Victoria and York University. Our findings indicate that racialized men and women are hitting ceilings in the middle administrative ranks. Conversely, we find a notable overrepresentation of White men and women in the senior administrative ranks. Our analysis suggests that White women, unlike racialized women and men, no longer face serious barriers to representation within these senior ranks. These findings raise concerns about processes of racialization that may impede career progress for some but accelerate it for others. They raise concerns about the politics of who lifts whom into the echelons of academic decision making, which in turn has implications for justice, knowledge and social meanings of competency.
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LIN, SHYH-CHYANG. "A Study of Career Networks and the Geographical Characteristics of CCP's Top Political and Military Positions." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 336–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000056.
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AbstractThis research study attempts to map out the career network of selected members from the Politburo and Central Military Commission (CMC) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), by adopting social network analysis techniques, calculating various network indices, and quantifying the value and importance of each position. The purpose of this research is to uncover the crucial positions leading to the CCP's political and military power center, as well as to how these positions interrelate. The results show the following. First, in the Jiang Zemin era (Jiang's era), Politburo members were mainly promoted from the central party committee or Central Government. Secondly, in the Hu Jintao era (Hu's era), key members from administrative regions started to step into the power center. Third, in the era of Xi Jinping (Xi's era), most Politburo members were promoted directly from administrative regions, especially from the coastal areas, such as Shanghai and Guangdong province. The research also indicates that being a military commander for Military Regions appears to provide experience necessary for promotion, whilst being an officer at the central military departments, such as a (Deputy) Chief General of Staff or Commander of Armed Services, is considered a major stepping stone. Although the succession trend defined by the innovative analysis of this research might not match the fixed model used by the CCP for its succession plan, under the circumstances of probable further institutionalization of the CCP, a quantified analysis of network position could be considered a more promising method of prediction.
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Lorenzi, Enrico. "Ricordando un "Maestro"." SALUTE E SOCIETÀ, no. 2 (September 2009): 185–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ses2009-su2017.
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- I met Achille Ardigň at "his" Postgraduale School in Medical Sociology, attended at the Faculty of Political Sciences of Bologna, and during his period as Extraordinary Commissioner of the Orthopedic Institute Rizzoli (1994-2001), working closely with him during the whole period in which he was Commissioner. I have always regarded this period as the most interesting of my entire career at the Institute, appreciating his political and administrative skills and his testimony as an "adult" believer who knew how to claim at any time, besides the possibility to exercise with responsibly their "gifts" in the heart of the Church community.Keywords: clipboard, humility, gifts, Catholic, third sector, teacher of life.Parole chiave: appunti, umiltÀ, carismi, cattolico, terzo settore, maestro di vita.
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Piankova, Yelyzaveta. "The official career of Chodecki’s brothers in the Ruthenian lands of the Crown of the Kingdom Poland in the middle of 15th — the first third of the 16th centuries." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 2 (2018): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.2.2935.
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The article is devoted to the members of the family of Chodecki and their official career in the Ruthenian lands of the Kingdom of Poland (the Ruthenian and the Podolian voivodeships) in the second half of the 15th till the first third of the 16th centuries. Since the crown law was spread in the 30s of the 14th century on to the Rus’ lands as an equal part of the Polish Crown, the local noble communities were getting adapted to the succeeding legal norms. According to the new-created administrative-territorial units as an Ruthenian and Podolian voivodeships in 1434, the process of implementing the local political elites into the structure of the official hierarchy, which was different from the structure in the Greater or Lesser Poland, has been increasingly commenced. In this case, the analysis of the official career of the nobles, the Chodecki brothers, in particular, give us a whole view of the number of their offices, what position they had in all hierarchy and how much it was highly respected among the nobility. The article presents the factors which determined the election for the brother’s offices of Voivode of Ruthenian voivodeship and Grand Marshal of the Crown and the issue which was connected with the advancement of their official careers. It also shows the social position and financial status of Chodecki’s family as well as their affiliation with a particular group of the nobles. Additionally, attention was drawn to the significant differences between the analyzed years of centuries regarding the course of brother’s official careers which they have held during the reign of the following Kings.
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Tischer, Anuschka. "Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650): The Perfect Ambassador of the Early 17th Century." International Negotiation 13, no. 2 (2008): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180608x320207.
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AbstractIn the 17th century there was no professional diplomacy: a mission as envoy or ambassador was part of a broader political or administrative career. Many politicians still neglected the importance of permanent diplomacy. Thus, there was no training, and few ambassadors had solid experience in foreign traditions and languages or in methods of diplomatic negotiations. It was rather accidental when a man from a well established Parisian family, like Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650), served France abroad for more than 20 years. At the climax of his career, at the Congress of Westphalia, he was in many ways what we today think a good diplomat should be: open minded, smooth, compromising. In the 17th century, however, these were no criteria for the choice of an ambassador. Moreover, French governments prior to Louis XIV allowed their ambassadors to influence foreign affairs, and d'Avaux could even establish a network of his confidents in the diplomatic service. The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 was thus a result not only of governmental orders, but of a competition between d'Avaux and his rival and coambassador Abel Servien.
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PROFIROIU, Constantin Marius, and Ionuț Ciprian NEGOIȚĂ. "Who is the Prefect? A Comparative Analysis of the Professionalization and Politicization of the Prefect in Romania and Poland in 2021." Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences, no. 65E (February 25, 2022): 106–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/tras.65e.6.
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"This present research brings into focus the figure of the prefect and wojewód seen at the crossroads between career public servants representing the interests of the Government and political agents, appointed and dismissed at the whim of the Prime Minister. This paper approaches the issue of the holder of the prefect’s office in Romania and Poland employing a prosopographic analysis and applies a Multiple Linear Regression (MLR) on select items in order to identify the general trend and particularities of their profiles. This institution was structured and articulated at the confluence of some administrative and political actions and integrated in the national institutional framework as a key actor, which continues to connect the institutional capacity of the state and the political capacity of the Government. Moving beyond the legal framework and institutional design of each country, we look at the profile – involving educational, professional and political affiliation – of the people actually appointed to this position in order to ascertain the weight of each of these factors when called to serve in office."
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Kolesnik, Natalya V. "“Fragile representation” or Women in Big Politics: The Case of the Administrative Elite." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-107-119.
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The research of the feminization of administrative politics is important to understand the transformation of power and the overall development of the Russian society amidst political, economic and social instability. This article presents the study results for the administrative elite in ten Russian regions (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Leningrad, Rostov, Kaliningrad, Kostroma and Novosibirsk Oblasts, Khabarovsk and Stavropol Krais, Republic of Dagestan). The analysis of the socio-demographic characteristics of the administrative elite showed no significant differences between men and women in terms of age, birthplace, as well as the type and the place where first (and subsequent) higher education was received. Studying the career trajectories of women in the ministerial elite showed that they most often occupy elite positions, like men, in middle age, but less often come from economic and security structures; horizontal and vertical movements mostly take place within the same professional institution - executive power agencies. The author identified regional governments with similar gender specifics (relative gender parity and relative gender imbalance). The study revealed that more feminized governments are formed in bordering and economically successful regions, while gender imbalance is most characteristic for the governments of economically dependent regions and those located in the south of the Russian Federation (with some exceptions).
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Abramov, Bogdan K. "On some features of the system for forming the cadres of Chinese regional elites during the period from 2007 to 2019." China: society and culture 2, no. 1 (January 28, 2024): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/chpe321841.
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This article is the second part of a large study on the internal policy system of the PRC, continuing the analysis of intra-party struggle in the CCP by classifying details of the biographies and terms of office of individual party officials. The correlations between the implementation of political-administrative power by certain individuals and economic transformations in the regions where they exercised their power are also examined. This research also focuses on the issue of continuity between different systems of organizing political power within the CCP, as well as on crises in this continuity, indirectly raising the question of intra-elite conflicts in the CCP. This issue is addressed by identifying career types of party officials, examining changes in the proportions of these types, and correlating these changes with known events in intra-political struggles and economic processes. The research shows that, despite the claims of some researchers, the political crisis in the PRC generally preceded the global economic crisis of 2008. This crisis reflects a shift in the system of power organization formed at the beginning of the policy of reforms and openness, and may have far-reaching consequences for the domestic and global political landscape.
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Tev, Denis. "Legislature Speakers of Subjects of the Russian Federation: Recruitment Paths and Career." Sociological Journal 27, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 52–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.1.7844.
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This article analyzes the channels for recruiting speakers for the legislatures of subjects of the Russian Federation, as well as the specifics of their career, both before election and after resignation. The empirical basis of the study is a biographical database of chairmen of regional legislative assemblies of all convocations from the time when the last councils of people’s deputies were disbanded and until February of 2019. It is shown that speakers tended to be strongly rooted in the political power structures of Soviet society, but over time the share of nomenklatura among them – primarily party cadres – saw a significant decline. The most important channel for recruiting speakers – which was also their place of work after resignation – was representative bodies, primarily regional legislatures. Electing relatively experienced professional deputies as speakers might indicate a certain autonomization and institutionalization of legislative bodies, but this tendency is rather limited: close ties with influential external forces that control the legislature often serve as a powerful driving factor for a legislative career, freeing speakers from the need to first go through “political apprenticeship” in parliament. One of the main channels for recruiting speakers is administrative bodies, primarily regional and local, which, in many respects, reflects the dependence of the formation and functioning of legislatures on governors, who strive to appoint persons from their clientele to run said legislatures. Less often speakers work in administrations after resigning, primarily as governors. A significant source for recruiting speakers is business, but there’s a relatively small number of people who came directly from that environment (most often from large firms by regional standards), which may reflect both the importance of preliminary political professionalization in order to attain the post, and control over legislatures by governors, for whom private businessmen may seem too independent of figures to be speakers. Speakers are much less likely to end up in business after resignation, and their return to the enterprises where they previously worked is common.
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Dahlvik, Julia, Axel Pohn-Weidinger, and Martina Kollegger. "Independence despite Political Appointment ? The Curious Case of the Austrian Ombudsman Board." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 181–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2020-0020.
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AbstractThis paper addresses the politicization of public institutions through the case of national ombudspersons. While there is an established literature on the politicization of top public officials, we lack research on the politicization and / or de-facto independence of supreme or supervisory bodies, including ombuds institutions. In this paper, we combine the insights of three bodies of literature in order to build a framework for the empirical study of national ombuds institutions: Literature (1) on the independence of public institutions, in particular ombuds and regulatory agencies, (2) on politicization and party patronage in state institutions, and (3) on career patterns and selection criteria of top public officials and the administrative elite. We then discuss these issues on the basis of an empirical field study of the Austrian om-buds institution: First, drawing on a socio-demographic analysis of ombudspersons we identify common features of their profiles and career paths. We find that overall the ombudspersons represent a relatively homogenous group, but the political party represents an explanatory variable for some of the ombudspersons’ characteristics. The second set of empirical results, drawing primarily on qualitative interviews with case-handling staff, demonstrates that despite the institution’s public efforts and many interviewees’ reassurances that the AOB is independent and acts as such, there are several areas in which party-related positions become visible in the AOB’s work. These results are integrated into a typology on the effects of political appointment modes of ombudspersons, which should enable further research in this field.
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Skrydlov, Andrei. "A scholar-statistician and state authority in the early XIX century: on the biography of K. I. Arsenyev (1789-1865)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2020): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.11.34470.
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The object of this research is the evolution of statistical science in the Russian Empire in the early XIX century. The author analyzes the peculiarities of interaction between the academic community of statisticians and state authority on the example of career trajectory of the academician K. I. Arsenyev. The research leans on the basic methods of historical science – problem-chronological for studying the time sequence of events; historical-genetic and historical-comparative analysis for determining the key stages of the scholar’s scientific biography, as well as objective and subjective factors that impacted his performance. Special attention is given to the analysis of scientific works of K. I. Arsenyev, which prompted the major statistical discussion that unfolded in pre-reform Russia during the 1818-1819. The author examines the impact of the “Professors’ Case” upon Arsenyev's future career, traces the history of his relationship with the Emperor Nicholas I, and analyzes the scholar’s role in the development of administrative statistics in Russia. In the course of this research, it was established that academic career of Arsenyev is not typical, but rather illustrative for characterizing the status of a scholar-statistician in the first half of the XIX century. The difficulties of undergoing censorship, limited access of the scholars to departmental statistical materials, and risk of being suspected in political unreliability impeded the development of statistics during the indicated period. Patronage of the emperor relieved some of these constraints for Arsenyev; thus, receiving more freedom for scientific pursuits, he achieved impressive results. Overall, the representatives of conservative part of the elite continued to view statistics as a political science, which requires deliberate attention and control of the government.
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Somense, Carolina Bueno, and Erika Christiane Marocco Duran. "Hygiene and motivation factors of nursing work in a cardiology ward." Revista Gaúcha de Enfermagem 35, no. 3 (September 2014): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1983-1447.2014.03.45772.
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The present study aimed to identify hygienic and motivational factors in the nursing work according to the Two-Factor Theory, as well as their relation with professional satisfaction/dissatisfaction. This exploratory-descriptive study involved nine nurses from the cardiology ward of a hospital in the interior of the State of São Paulo, between August and September 2013. A self-applied questionnaire was used, including open and closed questions. The data were categorized as hygienic and motivational. Results show the nurses' satisfaction with autonomy, work itself and teamwork, duties, content and responsibilities of the job. Dissatisfaction is related to career growth possibilities; work, political and administrative conditions at the institution, supervision and lack of institutional support. Satisfaction and dissatisfaction factors include relationships, acknowledgements and remuneration. Nurses' satisfaction is determined by multiple and often controversial factors.
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Usachev, Andrei S. "The Status in the World and the Church Career in Russia in the 16th Century." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2022): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-1-24-35.
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The article reviews the peculiarities in the biographies of some Russian church leaders. The author shows that successful church and administrative career demanded more than patronage of the representatives of political and church elite. The latter only paved the monk’s way to consecration. To enter the narrow circle from which the candidates were elected demanded observation of other rules: usually, monastic vows taken at early age, lengthy monastic service (30 years in the least), as well as education (knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, Patristic literature and hagiography, basics of worship). The noble origin didn’t play any significant role. The author have managed to discover only four bishops (out of 120) belonging to aristocratic families from the Boyar Duma. The article notes several exemptions of these rules: the Novgorod archbishop Serapion I (1506–09), metropolitan Afanasii (1564–66), metropolitan Dionisii (1581–86), and also the Kazan metropolitan (1589–1606) and later patriarch (1606–1612) Germogen became heads of their dioceses after a short monastic service (1 to several years). Some were under the patronage of grand princes. However, their successful career cannot be explained by that reason only. It has been established that in some cases there was a special variant of the church career. These 4 representatives of the church elite began their careers as white priests, thus obtaining the necessary knowledge and skills to head of the church. They differ from other monks belonging to other social groups who spent decades on obtaining the necessary knowledge and skills. The study of the biography of the Vologda archbishop (1588–1603) and the Rostov metropolitan (1603–1604/1605) Iona (Dumin) gives reason to suppose that he also belonged to the white clergy group. The author demonstrates that the 16th century saw an emergence of this tendency (when the representatives of the white clergy took higher positions in the church hierarchy), which manifested itself more clearly in the 18th and 19th centuries. If in the 16th century white clergy numbered about 43% of bishops, by late 19th century their proportion reached 87,67%.
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محمد محمود على الشيخي and أحمد على عبدالكريم القطعاني. "The role of the Administrative Control Authority in reducing economic crime in Libya (A case study on the authority’s branches in Benghazi, Ajdabiya and Tobruk)." Journal of Human Sciences 21, no. 3 (February 22, 2022): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.51984/johs.v21i3.2193.
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This study aimed to identify the role of the Administrative Control Authority in reducing economic crime in Libya with a review of the components of the effective supervisory system, identifying the supervisory activities that reduce economic crime, and the responsibility of the Administrative Control Authority in discovering corruption. The researchers used the descriptive approach in conducting the study By collecting data from its primary and secondary sources, a questionnaire was prepared specifically for this purpose, and distributed to the study population of (42) single employees, department managers and heads of departments from the Administrative Control Authority in Libya. And the use of one of the statistical methods, which is the descriptive analytical method, to analyze data and information. The study reached a set of results, the most important of which were: The study indicates that the respondents’ expectations were not optimistic about the prevailing political situation in the country, which contributed to the high incidence of economic crimes. The study proved the validity of the hypothesis of a relationship between Administrative Control Authority procedures and low rates of economic crime. The study concluded with a set of recommendations, the most important of which were: Paying attention to the personal characteristics of the employees in the Authority, because of their importance to the success of the career path. Thus, the Authority can provide a full explanation of the jobs in them, and the conditions that must be met by the occupants of these jobs, and thus it can reach the compatibility between personal characteristics and job characteristics, thus bringing the right person to the right place. The current study recommends that the authority pay attention to the expectations of its employees, their ambitions and the possibility of achieving them, and encourage cooperation between the branches of the Administrative Control Authority.
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MacCarthaigh, Muiris. "The role of the ‘centre’ in public service reform." Administration 68, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2020-0022.
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Abstract Amongst his many interests in public administration, the practical and challenging task of implementing and evaluating public service reform has been a consistent feature of the oeuvre of research over Richard Boyle’s career (cf. Boyle, 2004, 2016; Boyle & Joyce, 1988; Boyle & Lemaire, 1999; Boyle & MacCarthaigh, 2011). In this article, the focus is on the role played by the ‘centre’ in public service reform both conceptually and in practice. The article first considers what is meant by the centre in Irish political– administrative life, before reflecting on how we might understand different forms of public sector reform governance and then applying them to the Irish case. The centre-led reforms that occurred between the 1960s up to the late 2000s are reviewed, before more recent efforts from 2011 up to the present are presented. A final section summarises the contribution.
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Malheiro Gutiérrez, Xosé M. "La modernización educativa en España en un escenario de cambio social y de apertura democrática. Conversaciones con Pedro Caselles Beltrán, Director General de Educación Básica (1976-1982)." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 14 (May 26, 2021): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.14.2021.30053.
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This text is an extract from several conversations held with Pedro Caselles Beltrán (1937), a primary school teacher with a degree in Philosophy and Humanities, specialising in Pedagogy, and an education inspector. Pedro Caselles occupied the provincial education offices in Lugo, Cádiz and A Coruña (1970-1976); later he was Deputy Director General of Non-State Schools and General Director of Basic Education (1977-1982). The text deals with his professional career, a summary of administrative management and political action, with particular emphasis on his time as a provincial delegate and later as a senior official in the Ministry of Education and Science (MEC). Under his mandate, several initiatives were carried out, including the promotion of the General Education and Financing of the Education Reform Act (LGE) of 4 August 1970 through the renewal of the Basic General Education Programmes.
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Newland, Sara A. "Which Public? Whose Goods? What We Know (and What We Don't) About Public Goods in Rural China." China Quarterly 228 (December 2016): 881–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101600148x.
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AbstractWhat have we learned from a decade of research on the provision of public goods in the Chinese countryside? This review article surveys the literature in political science, economics and Chinese area studies. It describes the three dominant types of explanations for variation in the quality of public goods: local elections, social sanctioning and economic policies. It then argues that these findings are plagued by a set of common problems. Scholars mean different things when they use the term “public goods,” making their findings difficult to compare. Furthermore, the most common measures of public goods ignore the ways in which local officials manipulate statistics to enhance their career prospects and the interconnected nature of geographic-administrative units in the Chinese state. I suggest some ways to address these problems, and make recommendations for new directions in research on the topic.
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Groessens, Eric, and Marie-Claire Dyck. "Two Hundred Years of Geological Mapping in Belgium, From D'omalius D'halloy to the Belgian Federal State." Earth Sciences History 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.26.1.80j02357x222n732.
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The career of Jean-Baptiste-Julien d'Omalius d'Halloy (1783-1875), commencing with brilliant scientific activities and proceeding to his attainment of the highest administrative and political positions, in itself demonstrates that he was an exceptional individual. His scientific career started with a long voyage through the French Empire and adjacent regions, during which he gained an understanding of the geological structure of most of Europe. The geological map he compiled based on his travel notes formed the basis of all future geological maps in the areas that he covered. After the independence of Belgium in 1830, André Dumont was made responsible for the mapping of the whole country, resulting in the publication of a 9-sheet map of Belgium in 1853 on a scale of 1:160.000. In 1878, Belgium decided to produce a more detailed map on the scale of 1:20.000, entrusting the work to Edouard Dupont., but as this appointment was controversial and the mapping at this scale was abandoned and than, the newly created Geological Survey of Belgium published a new 226-sheet map on a scale of 1:40.000. Starting from 1993, after the federalisation of the country, new geological maps of the regional states are mapped and produced.
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Kinra, Rajeev. "Master and Munshī." Indian Economic & Social History Review 47, no. 4 (October 2010): 527–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946461004700405.
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This article aims to contribute to a growing body of scholarship on the cultural world of the early modern Indo-Persian state secretary, or munshī. Our guide will be the celebrated Mughal munshī, Chandar Bhān Brahman (d. 1662-63), whose life and career shed considerable light on the ideals of administrative conduct that informed political and intellectual culture during the reigns of the emperors Jahāngīr and Shāh Jahān. After examining Chandar Bhān's background and socio-intellectual milieu, we will focus in particular on a section of his prose magnum opus, Chahār Chaman (_The Four Gardens’), which served as both a memoir of his career in Mughal service and a didactic guide for exemplary ministerial theory and practice, or wizārat. Chandar Bhān's ideal wazīr, embodied by ministers like Afzal Khān Shirazi (d. 1639), Sa’d Allāh Khān (d. 1656), and Raghūnāth Rāy-i Rāyān (d. 1664), was not only tolerant and humane in the exercise of power, but also an expert in the secretarial arts in his own right, and a model of civility (akhlāq) and mystical awareness (ma’rifat) for others. In modern historiography such virtues tend to be primarily associated with Akbar's court, but at least in Chandar Bhān's eyes, they continued to have lasting relevance throughout the Mughal seventeenth century.
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Rahman RM, Fazlur, and Muhajir Musa. "Kompetensi Manajerial Kepala Madrasah dan Implikasinya pada Kondusivitas Iklim Kerja Guru." Al-Musannif 5, no. 1 (May 28, 2023): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.56324/al-musannif.v5i1.76.
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In the era of regional autonomy, being a principal is no longer a career position but a political one. Managerial competence does not seem to be the main requirement to occupy this position. This study aims to analyze the implications of the madrasa principal’s managerial competence on the conduciveness of the teacher’s work climate. The informants for this phenomenological study consisted of the principal and teachers of the Lamakera State Islamic Junior High School, East Flores, Indonesia. The results showed that the madrasa principal had a good leadership vision, but because the management function in the madrasa program was not optimal, the madrasa principal's managerial competence was low. The teacher's work climate is not conducive because the principal's communication is not effective, madrasah teachers are divided into several groups, there is a lack of ratio of teachers to number of students, administrative work is mostly done by honorary and voluntary teachers, and the allocation of educational operational funds determined by the government is not in accordance with the needs of the madrasa. This research has implications for the need to appoint principals not only based on a training certificate for prospective principals but also on a credible fit and proper test taking into account achievement, experience, and good career paths.
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Abramowicz, Maciej. "La philologie romane est-elle capable de relever les défis du présent?" Romanica Wratislaviensia 65 (August 4, 2020): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0557-2665.65.2.
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The article comprises two sections: in Section One I sketch out the history and the evolution of French philology, understood both as an academic discipline and as an academic/administrative unit within Polish universities, officially known as Departments of French (Philology). In Section Two I reflect on my personal experience of that evolution, as it has affected my professional choices and academic career. Both meanings of “French philology” (discipline and institution) are rooted in German academic tradition to which the entire system of Polish humanities is indebted. Until the 1990s, French philology was synonymous with French studies, understood as the teaching and the academic study of French language and literature. Like other humanities departments in Poland, French philology departments inevitably functioned under the pressure of current political forces. Yet, French philologists in Poland never lost touch with the world’s evolving humanities or the changing scholarly paradigms. Following the radical political transformation of 1989, traditional French philology in Po-land opened up to a whole new range of scholarly fields (literatures and cultures of francophone countries), theories (postmodern and postcolonial studies), and approaches (interdisciplinary scho-larship). Thus Polish romanists have joined the international scholarly community. In the article, I document these processes, reflecting on my own university career: I started off as a traditional scholar doing research in the literature of French Middle Ages, then moved on to studying Canadian and American Francophone cultures, to eventually become involved in interdisciplinary studies at the Faculty of “Artes Liberales” at the University of Warsaw.
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Il’inykh, Vladimir A. "Social Mobility of Collective Farmers in the 1930s." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.008.
Full textAbstract:
The author carries out a retrospective analysis of social mobility elevators and channels functioning within the collective farm system in the USSR in the 1930s. The subject of research is the collective farm peasantry and its border social groups (machine operators, administrative staff of collective farms, and machine and tractor station workers). It is concluded that multidirectional channels and lifts of intergroup and intragroup social mobility operated in Soviet rural areas in the 1930s. The most widespread channel of social mobility was collectivisation. Intensive social processes took place inside collective farms, which resembled social elevators that had an internal corporate character. A professional career in collective farms could be used as a mechanism of mobility: external elevators, institutionalised state practices, “positive” behavioural practices, and “positive” socio-political record. Channels of social and professional mobility functioned within the collective farm system. The most socially significant of them was the transition of workers engaged in horse and manual labour to machine operators. The collective farm system was integrated into the system of social elevators and channels operating in the USSR, but transition to them from collective farms was limited. Administrative, educational, professional, gender, and age barriers were in place for the social mobility of collective farmers. Chance to go beyond collective farms was given to young people receiving education and conscription. Being sentenced to prison meant the collective farmer’s descent to the bottom of the Soviet social ladder. The mechanisms of social descent could be: “negative” behavioural practices, illegal actions, and “negative” socio-political record.
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Zakharchenko, Alexey Vladimirovich. "Gosplan and the problem of conversion in the Soviet military industry in the second half of the 1940s." Российская история, no. 5 (October 15, 2023): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x23050061.
Full textAbstract:
There is an opinion about the exclusively technical functions of the State Planning Committee in historiography. However, this institution played a significant role in the development of economic policy strategies and its implementation. Using the example of the conversion of the military industry in 1945-1950. the role of the State Planning Committee is shown as an important element of the state system. He was not a conductor of the decisions of the Stalinist leadership, but took an independent position on carrying out the conversion and limited the “opportunism” of the military-industrial departments. The determining factor was the personality of N.I. Voznesensky. Throughout the 1940s. he was a member of the leadership of all senior structures involved in economic management. The influence of the State Planning Committee on political decision-making was directly related to the career growth and strengthening of the administrative weight of its leader.