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Massengill, William. "The Political and Economic Roots of Corporate Political Activity." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1553961091240596.
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Rhodes, Christopher. "Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091.
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This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations
in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This dissertation fits within a body of literature known as the political economy of religion. I expand upon this literature by examining religious groups in terms of internal organization, focusing on Christian churches in Africa, with Kenya as my primary case country.
The central argument of this dissertation is that churches (national-level denominations) with certain organizational features – centralized leadership, authoritarian decision-making procedures, and lack of internal accountability mechanisms – are more likely to have friendlier interactions with governments and therefore tend to adopt more pro-government political stances compared to churches that lack these features. This relationship operates through two mechanisms. First, centralized churches possess negotiation advantages over decentralized churches. Second, centralized, authoritarian churches can more easily be co-opted by incumbent governments. The dissertation also expand upon existing literature by offering a fuller and more nuanced understanding of the preferences of governments and churches vis-à-vis one another, proposing that churches seek to maximize number of church members, member faithfulness, and resources, while governments seek ideological support, citizen mobilization, and social service provision from churches.
These arguments are examined by historical comparative case studies of five of the largest Christian denominations in Kenya over the course of the country’s first three post-independence presidents. Through qualitative historical analysis, combined with information gathered through fieldwork in Kenya, the dissertation demonstrates how the preferences of these churches and governments, mediated through the internal organizations of the churches, influenced church-state relations and ultimately determined the churches’ political stances. The impact of internal organization is greater than factors such as ethnicity or theological conservatism/liberalism.
The dissertation tests these arguments through a quantitative analysis of church political orientation using national-level data on Christian churches and countries across Africa from independence through 2010. The results of the statistical analyses show significant effects of organizational features such as centralization, consistent with the arguments made concerning Kenya. The dissertation then gives brief qualitative analysis of church-state relations for several of the African churches included in the quantitative dataset.
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Moreira, Alves Amanda. "Corporate Political Activity in the European Union." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLED060.
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L’environnement politique dans lequel une entreprise exerce ses activités peut imposer plusieurs défis à sa performance, tels que de nouvelles taxes et législations qui encourageront leur engagement aux actions politiques (traduction du terme américain Corporate Political Activity – CPA). Ces actions ciblent les acteurs politiques et ont pour objectifs d’obtenir des avantages concurrentiels ou d’éviter des risques institutionnels liés à leur activité. Ces actions peuvent prendre la forme de lobbying, de contributions aux campagnes électorales et de poursuites judiciaires. Plusieurs résultats positifs des CPA sont documentés dans la littérature, mais la plupart d'entre eux font référence à l'environnement américain. Considérant que l'environnement institutionnel est essentiel pour le déploiement et les résultats des CPA, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'élargir l'analyse en étudiant l'environnement institutionnel européen. Dans ce but, cette thèse s’appuie sur trois axes de recherche liés au lobbying et aux poursuites judiciaires en utilisant une approche empirique dont l’objectif est d’explorer la dynamique de CPA et son impact sur l’environnement institutionnel européen. Le premier examine les facteurs déterminants de l'accès des entreprises aux représentants de la Commission européenne pour faire du lobbying. Le deuxième étudie l'élaboration de la réglementation du marché de gros d’itinérance afin de comprendre le déploiement des stratégies de lobbying et leurs résultats. Le troisième porte sur le processus décisionnel de la Commission européenne et de la Cour de Justice dans l'octroi des aides d'État dans l'Union européenneThe political environment where a firm operates can impose several challenges to its performance such as new taxes or legislation that will incentivize their engagement on Corporate Political Activities (CPA). These activities target political actors and intend to capture advantages or to avoid institutional risks in their own business environments. They can be deployed in the form of lobbying, campaign contributions, and litigation. The positive outcomes have been already documented in the literature, but most of them refer to the US environment. Taking into consideration that the institutional environment is essential for the deployment and outcomes of CPA, the main goal of this dissertation is to investigate CPA in the European Union level further using an empirical approach. Through three research projects related to lobbying and litigation in the EU, this dissertation explores the dynamics of CPA and how the institutional environment impacts on it. The first project examines the determinants of firms' access to the European Commission representatives. The second project studies the making of the wholesale roaming regulation to understand the deployment of lobbying strategies and their outcomes. The third project investigates the decision-making of the European Commission and the Court of the Justice in the processes of granting state aids in the European Union
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Jeffs, Rebecca Amy. "The dynamics of political activity and organisation." Thesis, University of South Wales, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702328.
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The main objective of this thesis is to produce an explanatory model of the changing membership of political parties, capable of reproducing past behaviour and of testing the same systems under alternative conditions. The thesis considers the appropriateness of the General Epidemic Model to political party growth, and considers other models in order to address the shortcomings of this. A System Dynamics model, the Limited Activist Model, is created using two word of mouth processes to illustrate member recruitment and the conversion of New Party Members into Activists. The model is successful in that it broadly explains party data using the word of mouth metaphor. However, the two nonlinear processes employed are found to be overly sensitive, and the model is not able to fully reproduce known data. This is shown to be due to an artificially low susceptible pool being used in the second word of mouth process. The model is revised in the Limited Activist Model by representing activity levels by two stocks of different types of party activist rather than by having flows for the differing activities. This illustrates members' changing roles but it does not relate membership change to the needs of the party. It is shown that although word of mouth is a good explanation of the growth and decline of political parties, it is insufficient to explain observed changes in known data. A new approach to modelling the growth and decline of political parties is created called the Supply & Demand Model which is based solely on the hypotheses of political science. Mechanisms include the Demand from the party for members, and the natural Supply of members to the party in response to an increase in political legitimacy. A generic 'limits to growth' archetype is created to handle soft variables such as Political Legitimacy and Media Portrayal. It is shown that the growth and decline hypotheses of political science are good explanations of the changes in political party size, but as in the Limited Activist Model the model is insufficient to explain all of the variations in the data. The Supply & Demand Model is able to explain the growth and decline in terms of what is exogenous and endogenous, but not how the party achieves their aims. For a Political Party to be successful they need to obtain a balance between the supply of members and the demand for members, while ensuring a healthy level of political legitimacy. The strengths of the Limited Activist Model are combined with the Supply & Demand Model in order to link what the party does and the context in which it is done, whilst exploring additional growth and decline mechanisms. A new approach to modelling political recruitment is outlined using a combination of the growth and decline hypotheses of political science and the epidemiological based approaches, the Hybrid Model. A disaggregated view of political party membership was used to take into consideration the different activity levels among activists in order to link recruitment to specific membership activity. Aspects such as party competition are also explored. The Hybrid Model was found to closely replicate known data, while linking what the party does and the context in which it is done. However, the large number of parameters made the initial state of the model difficult to estimate. As such, it is recommended that the Limited Activist Model and Supply & Demand model be used in unison instead of the Hybrid Model alone. The number and sensitivity of the factors within the Hybrid Model, and especially of the exogenous effects, suggest that no party can have a decisive corrective effect on its demise. To investigate this further, more research is proposed with regards to the type of members being recruited and how they joined, along with more research into the influence of the media. It is suggested that a more sophisticated model of leaving might also assist the party in determining how much of the change in membership is endogenous and in the party's control, and how much is exogenous and as such, partly out of their control. From the research carried out in this thesis it is suggested that political parties should be concerned about the recent decline in membership levels, and look for ways to enthuse existing supporters into recruiting members of the public in order to boost political legitimacy and ultimately win elections.
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Ometto, Maria Paola Di Sessa de Luca. "Implicit corporate political activity and elite formation." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/12077.
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In this thesis, we analyze how a progressive business elite created the civil society organization Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), achieving significant institutional changes, thus enabling the elite’s consolidation in the political sphere. The research yielded three articles. The first article discusses how RNSP became a strong political actor in the City of São Paulo and also in Brazil. To address this issue, we applied historical constructs to show how RNSP used history to become a central actor in the political sphere. In the second paper, we complement corporate political activity (CPA) theory by adding a new construct, implicit corporate political activity (ICPA), which conceptualizes how business elites together with civil society organizations can influence government. Since government, corporations and civil society organizations now have blurred boundaries; we understand that this concept is extremely important in drawing attention and creating new avenues for research in this novel environment. In the final article, we show the micro foundations of ICPA. Specifically, how business elites and corporations influence RNSP and, indirectly, government. Concluding, we contribute to the literature on how business influences government and the public sphere indirectly, through civil society organizations. Theoretically, we illuminate the literature of institutional theory, history, and power.
Nesta tese, analisamos como a elite empresarial progressista criou a organização da sociedade civil Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), alcançando mudanças institucionais significativas, permitindo assim a consolidação da elite na esfera política. A pesquisa resultou em três artigos. O primeiro artigo discute como a RNSP se tornou um forte ator político na cidade de São Paulo e também no Brasil. Para abordar esta questão, mostramos como a RNSP usou a história retórica para se tornar um ator central na esfera política. No segundo artigo, propomos o conceito de atividade política corporativa implícita (ICPA), complementar a atividade política corporativa. Conceituamos ICPA como elites empresariais em conjunto com organizações da sociedade civil agindo para influenciar o governo. Com os limites entre o governo, as empresas e organizações da sociedade civil difusos; entendemos que este conceito é extremamente importante para chamar a atenção e criar novos caminhos para a pesquisa sobre a influência das empresas no governo. No último artigo, mostramos os micro fundamentos da ICPA. Especificamente, como as elites empresariais e corporações influenciam a RNSP e, indiretamente, o governo. Concluindo, contribuímos para a literatura sobre a influência das empresas no governo e na esfera pública indiretamente, por meio de organizações da sociedade civil. Teoricamente, estendemos a literatura de teoria institucional, história e poder.
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Theron, Jean Monique. "Political Consumerism: Possibilities for International Norm Change." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4109.
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MAThesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.
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Ekman, Joakim. "Schools, Democratic Socialization and Political Participation: Political Activity and Passivity among Swedish Youths." Södertörns högskola, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27399.
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The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.
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Phelan, Anne M. "An examination of teaching as practical political activity." Diss., This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08082007-120009/.
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Bunis, William Kane. "Social movement activity and institutionalized politics: A study of the relationship between political party strength and social movement activity in the United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186323.
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The relationship between social movement activity and conventional politics has received little systematic attention from the sociological social movements literature. In this dissertation I bring together diverse literatures (i.e., the social movement literature in Sociology and the interest group and political party literature in Political Science) to broaden our conceptualization of social movement activity and to understand more adequately the changing nature of that activity. The central premise of this dissertation is that variation in the openness or accessibility of the political opportunity structure is shaped, in part, by the strength of the political parties. The central proposition is that an erosion of political party strength is associated with an increase in social movement activity within institutionalized politics. Without the centrist demands of a traditional two-party political system, the system is vulnerable to a more diverse set of demands as well as a more extreme set of demands. A second proposition suggests that the degree to which a given party has been in or out of power at the presidential level shapes party vulnerability to social movement interests. This may reflect a natural tendency for parties to become increasingly vulnerable to more radical interests over their period of dominance. To address these questions, an historical analysis of party conventions and party platform battles is utilized. The analysis is designed to yield an empirical description of the tensions between the centrist interests of a traditional two-party system and more radical interests associated with an erosion of party strength in such a system. The significance of these arguments rests upon their demonstration of a faulty conceptualization of institutional versus noninstitutional strategies of collective action that permeates much of the sociological social movements literature. I argue that the distinction should not follow an either/or mentality. Rather, under varying historical circumstances the embeddedness of movement interests within institutional structures should be and is variable as well.
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Mok, Hing-luen, and 莫慶聯. "A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.
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劉榮錦 and Wing Kam Raymond Lau. "The socio-political impact of economic reforms and the nature of the 1989 mass movement in Beijing." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31237228.
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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.
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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining.
According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations.
In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government.
Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance.
When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Liedong, Tahiru Azaaviele. "Corporate political activity and firm performance - a systematic review." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2013. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/8065.
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Corporate political activity (CPA) has been recognized as a source of sustainable competitive advantage. Its proponents, mostly nonmarket strategy researchers, argue that political capital enables firms to influence their regulatory and policy environments, shape their competitive space, and improve their performance. Consequently, there is a widely held view that the performance of firms depends not only on the ability of managers to exploit economic markets but also on their ability to succeed in political markets. To test the value of political activism, recent scholarship has probed the relationship between CPA and firm performance. However, random mixed findings and the fragmented nature of the field raise more questions than provide answers to the nature of this relationship. This systematic review examines scholarly articles for evidence of the impact of CPA on firm value.
Drawing on 56 articles contributing to the topic and applying the CIMO-logic method of synthesis, this study discusses the findings within a framework of four elements. First, it examines the contexts within which CPA has been investigated. Second, it presents findings on the strategies that are studied. Third, it investigates the performance outcomes of CPA. Fourth, it explores the mechanisms that underpin the performance outcomes of CPA. The findings suggest that CPA is positively related to firm performance, an indication that there is value in political activism. However, counter evidence is reported by a few studies. The evidence also reveals that institutional contexts impact the political strategies used by firms or studied by researchers. Even though most of the studies lack theoretical grounding, social capital, cronyism and agency relationships are the popularly cited or implied mechanisms underlying the CPA-firm performance relationship. Following from the discussion, two propositions linking contexts, interventions, and outcomes are developed. The study suggests future research directions based on the gaps/limitations identified in the literature.
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Wright, Fiona Catherine. "Conflicted subjects : an ethnography of Jewish Israeli left-wing activism in Israel/Palestine." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708438.
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Yee, Shui-yew, and 余瑞堯. "An empirical study of the political participation of Hong Kong sixth form students: the relationship betweencritical thinking and political participation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31957584.
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Aviles, Grisselle. "How U.S. political and socio-economic trends promotes hacktivist activity." Thesis, Utica College, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1590361.
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Hacktivist activity is becoming increasingly prominent within the cyber domain and society. The boundaries between cyber terrorism and hacktivism are becoming more unclear. Hackers are becoming more skilled and involved in socio-political matters, not only in the U.S. but also internationally. Terrorist groups like the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) have found a venue to voice their ideals and recruit via social media. Furthermore, terrorist groups have partnerships with hacktivist groups such as Cyber Caliphates. This practice has pointed particular inclinations that characterize different hacker groups with different events. For this reason, computer security has become a matter of national security in the U.S. and research regarding political and socio-economic trends as stimuli for the increment on hacktivist activity must be conducted. This research explored the issue of profiling hacktivist groups, departing from the analysis of the hacker’s motivation as a product of a political and socio-economic environment. As comparative angles of analysis, the literature exposed empirical and factual information that integrated U.S. and international hacktivist events. The final research analysis proposed that U.S. political and socio-economic trends promoted hacktivist activity. Moreover, the research exposed that the existent relationship between extrinsic and intrinsic stimuli with political and socio-economical stressors (i.e., misrepresentation, restriction of freedoms, frustration and aggression) promotes hackers to act as hacktivists. Keywords: Psychological profiling; Professor Riddell, Hackers; Hacktivist; Hacktivism; Political Hacktivism; Socio-economic Hacktivism; Extrinsic stimuli; Intrinsic stimuli; Cyber Diplomacy; Cyber Constitution; Cybercrime Awareness Normalization Unit.
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Hogwood, Patricia C. "The creative role of the political party in coalition activity." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306181.
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Banerjee, Hasi. "Political activity of the Liberal Party in India, 1919-1937 /." Calcutta ; New Delhi : K P Bagchi, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40163228j.
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Chui, Wing-tak Ernest, and 徐永德. "Political participation in Hong Kong: the politicization of social workers." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3197532X.
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Sarebanha, Mahgol. "Muslim political mobilization in the United States : 2001-2004." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101894.
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The Muslim-American community faced a crucial moment after the events of September 11th to define themselves both at home in the United States and abroad. The years which followed brought about an increasingly mobilized, better organized group of Muslim-Americans who made a decision to become more active members of American society through participating in the political system, something very difficult if not impossible in their native countries. Those who answered the call did so in different ways. One way as shown in this study was through taking a bold step and running for the United States Congress and for the first time in U.S. history, the first Muslim was elected to the House of Representatives. For the first time, the oath of office was taken on the Qur'an. The Muslim-American community, especially the immigrant population, is highly educated and successful and as generations pass, they will become a more visible part of the American landscape.
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Yeung, Law Koon-chui Agnes, and 楊羅觀翠. "Intergroup relationships and the political orientation of Chinese youth." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235451.
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Muluk, Safrul. "The Indonesian army and political Islam : a political encounter 1966-1977." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33307.
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The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.
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Dahl, Viktor. "Breaking the law : adolescents' involvement in illegal political activitiy." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-33225.
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Illegal political activity has always been part of a democratic society. Despite this, not much is known about young people’s involvement in these political activities. Research portrays political influence attempts of this kind in different terms; as troublesome for the democratic political system, as expressions of conscious decisions vital for humanity’s future, and yet other times as illustrations of a coming-of-age rebellion. Overall there is a lack of collective knowledge on illegal political activity, and especially in adolescence – the age period when these political activities seem to peak. The aim of this dissertation is therefore to enhance knowledge of involvement in illegal political activity in adolescence. This dissertation addresses this task in four empirical studies. Results show that mostly boys engage politically with illegal political means. Adolescents involved are also interested in politics, believe in their own abilities to take part in political activities, have long-term political goals, and approve of violent political tactics. In addition, these activities also seem to associate with a challenge of authority. This could be seen in how political dissatisfaction was translated into illegal political activity, and in the way these activities seemed to be reactions to a non legitimized parental authority. Besides authority challenges, these activities are likely the result of important peer relations; influences from peers with experiences of illegal political activity seem to be a most probable answer to why adolescents adopt these political means. Taken together, the results of this dissertation show that adolescents involved in illegal political activity are well-equipped for political involvement, challenge authorities in most contexts of their lives, and are likely to adopt these political means from already involved peers.
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Minto, Amy M. "Nonmarket Autonomy| Combining Private and Collective Approaches to Corporate Political Activity." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10142268.
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By pursuing private and collective political action in the nonmarket environment, businesses attempt to influence public policy that shapes their operating environment. This dissertation considers how a firm’s market-based experience and its accumulation of political resources affect how the firm combines private and collective political tactics. Drawing on the resource-based view of the firm (RBV) I investigate how a firm’s alliance experience, political resources and prior collective political experience influence the autonomy of its Corporate Political Activity (CPA). I use fixed effects GLS regression with clustered standard errors to test my model on a panel of 21,329 firm/year observations of 2,779 U.S. property casualty insurance companies over the ten-year period between 2005 and 2014. I find support for the influence of state-level political resources, equity alliances, and the interaction of prior collective CPA experience with regulatory complexity and learning capacity on autonomy. My findings contribute to the growing literature connecting market and non-market strategies by linking collaboration in the political arena to the related market activity of alliance experience. Findings also contribute to our understanding of how participation in a collective provides opportunities for learning, and reveals that taking advantage of this opportunity depends on a firm’s learning capacity and the complexity of its regulatory environment. These findings add insight to the literatures on CPA, inter-organizational learning, collective action and trade associations.
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Minto, Amy. "Nonmarket Autonomy: Combining Private and Collective Approaches to Corporate Political Activity." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20502.
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By pursuing private and collective political action in the nonmarket environment, businesses attempt to influence public policy that shapes their operating environment. This dissertation considers how a firm’s market-based experience and its accumulation of political resources affect how the firm combines private and collective political tactics. Drawing on the resource-based view of the firm (RBV) I investigate how a firm’s alliance experience, political resources and prior collective political experience influence the autonomy of its Corporate Political Activity (CPA). I use fixed effects GLS regression with clustered standard errors to test my model on a panel of 21,329 firm/year observations of 2,779 U.S. property casualty insurance companies over the ten-year period between 2005 and 2014. I find support for the influence of state-level political resources, equity alliances, and the interaction of prior collective CPA experience with regulatory complexity and learning capacity on autonomy. My findings contribute to the growing literature connecting market and non-market strategies by linking collaboration in the political arena to the related market activity of alliance experience. Findings also contribute to our understanding of how participation in a collective provides opportunities for learning, and reveals that taking advantage of this opportunity depends on a firm’s learning capacity and the complexity of its regulatory environment. These findings add insight to the literatures on CPA, inter-organizational learning, collective action and trade associations.
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Schmid, Sophia. "The Political Potential of Women’s Voluntary Activity in Refugee Support Work." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20885.
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Die vorliegende Arbeit beruht auf der Beobachtung, dass in der Geflüchtetenarbeit (GA) vor allem Frauen aktiv sind und stellt die Frage, welche Rolle Geschlecht in der GA spielt und wie die weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen ihre Arbeit mit den Geflüchteten erfahren. Besonderes Augenmerk liegt auf der Wahrnehmung von Unterschiedlichkeit und Gemeinsamkeit. Ein dritter Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Strategien, die weibliche Ehrenamtliche einsetzen, um Differenz in der Arbeit mit Geflüchteten zu überwinden.
Das erste Paper analysiert zwei quantitative Studien mit deutschen Ehrenamtlichen in der Geflüchtetenhilfe. Es zeigt, dass GA als eine Form von „Care Work“ verstanden werden kann, die von Care-Ethik beeinflusst ist. An zweiter Stelle ergab die Analyse, dass vor allem weibliche Freiwillige ihr Engagement auch als gesellschaftspolitischen Einsatz gegen Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rassismus sahen. Somit argumentiert das Paper, dass GA entgegen traditionellen Annahmen in der Forschungsliteratur eine Form von politischer Partizipation von Frauen darstellt.
Das zweite Paper konzentriert sich auf die direkte Beziehung mit Geflüchteten und basiert auf 22 qualitativen Interviews mit weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen. Sozialpsychologischen Annahmen folgend, dass eine gemeinsame Identität zur Verringerung von Vorurteilen beiträgt, zeigt es auf, wie die Studienteilnehmerinnen Verbundenheit mit Geflüchteten herstellten. Demgegenüber betonen poststrukturalistische, postkoloniale und feministische Theorieansätze die Bedeutung von Differenz, die Konstruktionen von Gemeinsamkeit immer wieder durchschneidet.
Schließlich führt das dritte Paper den politischen Care-Ansatz und die Herausforderung durch Differenz zusammen und legt dar, wie weibliche Ehrenamtliche in der GA Differenz mithilfe care-ethischer Grundsätze zu Integration aushandeln. Das Paper bezieht sich auf Care-Ethik, die auf Beziehungen und Verantwortung als zentralen ethischen Maximen beruht und entwickelt die Idee einer ‚caring integration‘.In German refugee support work (RSW), women comprise the majority of the volunteers. Therefore, this PhD project focuses on the experiences, motivations and attitudes of female volunteers in RSW from three angles. Apart from investigating the role of gender in RSW, it studies constructions of sameness and difference and how the female volunteers resolve the latter in their daily work. The first paper analyses two quantitative studies on German volunteers in RSW. It first establishes that RSW can be conceptualised as a form of care work influenced by care ethics, which potentially forms one motive for women to be drawn to volunteering. Secondly, female volunteers also interpret their voluntary care work politically and employ it as a tool to speak out against racism and right-wing mobilisation. The paper thus demonstrates that contrary to traditional assumptions in the literature, RSW constitutes a form of political participation for women and argues that care and politics are not mutually exclusive. The second paper takes a closer look at the actual experience of female volunteers in RSW based on 22 qualitative interviews. Following social-psychological ideas of a common identity facilitating prejudice reduction, the paper first illustrates how the volunteers form bonds with refugees. However, in a second step it employs poststructural, feminist and postcolonial theory to demonstrate how difference continually intersects and disrupts these constructions of sameness. Finally, the third paper argues that female volunteers in RSW negotiate difference by following a care-ethical approach to integration. Based on the feminist ethics of care which centres on relationships and responsibility, the paper develops the theme of a ‘caring integration’. In addition, it investigates to what extent this notion can be found in the actual practice of female volunteers in refugee support work relying both on the quantitative and qualitative data.
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Potgieter, Elnari. "Predictors of political participation in new democracies : a comparative study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85612.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Comparative studies investigating predictors of political participation in new democracies are rare. This study addresses an identified gap in the literature on predictors of political participation in new democracies in order to build on the rich body of literature concerned with political participation and democratic consolidation which already exists, but also to contribute towards understanding the role of citizens and their decisions pertaining to political participation in new democracies. In order to address the identified gap, this cross-national comparative study uses World Values Survey (2006) data for Chile, Poland, South Africa, and South Korea as part of a cross-sectional secondary analysis aimed at ascertaining what predictors of political participation can be identified for these new democracies. Drawing primarily from studies by Shin (1999) and Dalton (2008) which used the Civic Voluntarism Model by Verba, Schlozman and Brady (1995) as theoretical framework, predictors of political participation considered in this study include: personal resources (level of education and self-reported social class), political engagement and motivation (political interest and leftright political ideology), group membership and networks, as well as demographic attributes (age, gender and size of town). Forms of political participation investigated include: voting as conventional form of participation; and boycotts, petitions and demonstrations as forms of political protest behaviour. The relationships between the possible predictors of participation and forms of political participation were determined by multiple regression analysis. The main findings by this study are that political interest is an important predictor of voting and political protest behaviour; age is a strong predictor of voting; and group membership has a greater impact on political protest behaviour than on voting.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vergelykende studies wat ondersoek instel na voorspellende faktore van deelname aan politieke aktiwiteite in jong demokrasieë, is skaars. Deur indikatore van politieke deelname in nuwe demokrasieë na te vors, spreek hierdie studie dus die geïdentifiseerde gaping in die literatuur aan en brei dit uit op die korpus tekste aangaande politieke deelname en demokratiese konsolidasie. Verder bevorder dit ook ’n beter begrip van landsburgers en hul besluite rakende politieke deelname in jong demokrasieë. Ten einde die aangeduide literatuurgaping te oorbrug, steun hierdie verglykende studie op data van die “World Values Survey” (2006) vir Chili, Pole, Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea. Dit vorm deel van ’n sekondêre analise om individuele eienskappe as voorspellers van deelname aan politieke aktiwiteite in nuwe demokrasieë, te identifiseer. Studies deur Shin (1999) en Dalton (2008), wat gebruik maak van Verba, Schlozman en Brady (1995) se “Civic Voluntarism Model”, dien as primêre teoretiese begronding. Daaruit word afgelei dat moontlike voorspellers van deelname aan politieke aktiwiteite gelys kan word as: persoonlike hulpbronne (vlak van opvoeding en self-geidentifiseerde sosiale klas); politieke betrokkenheid en motivering (belangstelling in politiek en politieke ideologie); groeplidmaatskap en –netwerke asook demografiese eienskappe (ouderdom, geslag en grootte van dorp). Die vorme van politieke aktiwiteite waaraan daar aandag gegee word, is eerstens stemgedrag tydens nasionale verkiesings as konvensionele vorm van politieke deelname en tweedens biokotte, petisies en demonstrasies as vorme van politieke protesgedrag. Die hoof bevindinge van hierdie studie is dat politieke belangstelling ‘n belangrike voorspeller is vir stemgedrag en politieke protesgedrag; ouderdom is ‘n sterk voorspeller vir deelname aan verkiesings en groeplidmaatskap het ‘n groter invloed op politieke protesgedrag as op die keuse om te stem.
Mandela Rhodes Foundation
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Binhas, Lynda. "La construction de l'économique comme objet sociologique, le discours politique patronal et syndical de 1945 à 1988." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0020/NQ47596.pdf.
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Mata, Joe I. (Joe Israel). "The Effects of Age-Graded Associations on the Political Activism of the Elderly." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501086/.
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Although the graying of the American society has been well documented, the question as to whether the elderly populace will indeed become a political factor has yet to be determined. Some studies indicate that the elderly will soon develop the consensus needed for political action; other studies counter that the elderly will never be a viable political factor. Among the determinants listed as influencing the political participation equation are standard socioeconomic variables (e.g., race, social status, education, and income). These factors have been studied extensively (Campbell 1960; Key 1950; Milbrath 1965; Nagel 1987; Rose 1965). Trela recently added an item that could possibly influence the political activism of the elderly: membership in age-graded associations. This study addresses the questions raised by Trela (1971), namely, whether age-graded associations influence the political activity of senior citizens, and if so, in what direction elderly participation is swayed. Unlike previous reports, the preliminary data gathered for this study suggest that the age-graded associations of the elderly cannot accurately predict their political activism.
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Alvarez, Amanda Milena. "Risk Acceptance and Contentious Politics: An Understanding of Protest Activity." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/581245.
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Political SciencePh.D.
What are the individual characteristics which motivate individuals to participate in contentious politics? This dissertation claims that risk acceptance as a psychological concept allows us to understand the individual predispositions that impact participation in protest activity. This dissertation project is significant to the field of political science in that it theorizes about the characteristics that make individuals risk acceptant and utilizes risk acceptance in the study of contentious politics, which has not been done before. I import claims from social psychology to highlight how lack of completion of several life cycle markers-which I name risk weights, such as marriage, parental status, and educational attainment amongst others-make individuals more risk acceptant. Once these risk weights are mapped onto risk, it allows one to determine and explain when protest activity is likely to occur. My dissertation uses a mixed-method approach to examine the relationship between risk acceptance and contentious politics. It is divided into the following components: one measure for risk acceptance, two online experiments, and field interviews in Chile. There are two main claims that this project posts: The first is that high levels of risk acceptance correspond with higher likelihood of participation in different forms of contentious political events, with case study work focusing on protest activity in Latin America. The second claim is that risk acceptance is a function of risk weights. The more risk weights that an individual has, the less likely they are to participate in contentious politics. Conversely, the fewer risk weights that an individual has, the more likely they are to participate in contentious political action. One of the important contributions of my work is that it treats risk acceptance as a purely psychological factor, one that is stable and only changes in accordance with risk weights, but that is not impacted by the context in which individuals are embedded. This means that the decision to participate or not participate in contentious political action is a function of the interaction between risk acceptance and some other contextual factors which are beyond the scope of my present research. This dissertation aims to identify the likelihood of participation for any individual. Social psychology has been underutilized in the study of contentious politics and can provide insights into why individuals self-select into these movements. In the context of worldwide mass mobilization, this allows us to understand the underlying individual psychological predispositions that lead to mass mobilizations and waves of mobilizations. Examining how these psychological mechanisms manifest themselves into various forms of contentious politics has important potential applications for the study of contentious politics.
Temple University--Theses
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Van, Wyk Claude. "The establishment of an ethnically based middle class in South Africa and Malaysia : context, policy and outcome." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96100.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question this study aims to address is whether a state-sponsored ethnic middle class in a dominant party political system premised on ethnic politics, will punish the ruling party by not according them their electoral vote. The latter core question stems from the conventional notion of a large middle class producing stronger democratic tendencies within a society. However, South Africa and Malaysia are dominant political party systems where politics is aligned along ethnic lines fundamentally because of the colonial and apartheid histories. Furthermore, the ethnic middle classes’ (Malays and Blacks) grew as a result of affirmative action policies implemented by the same political parties that dominated the political scene in the respective countries. An analytical framework of one-party dominance, ethnic politics and the composition of the state bureaucracy, is applied to analysing the Black and Malay middle classes’ behaviour in South Africa and Malaysia. This study looks at how the Black and Malay middle classes’ grew via state affirmative action policies implemented in public service employment, business and education; which are fundamental spheres for social upward mobility. This was done by looking at the implementation of the NEP in Malaysia between 1971 to 1990, and the implementation of BEE and employment equity in South Africa post-1994. South Africa and Malaysia’s colonial and apartheid histories created economic imbalances amongst majority and minority ethnicities primarily. Therefore, after independence and the inauguration of democracy the assumption of political power of ethnic majorities resulted in a need for the past’s economic imbalances to be addressed. Hence, affirmative action policies were implemented that would benefit the ethnic majority groupings (Malays and Blacks) where the electorate is highly polarised. Therefore, the outcome of this study suggests that because politics are aligned along ethnic lines under a climate where the ANC and the UMNO have political hegemony, the Malay and Black middle classes’ are unlikely to bite the hand that feeds it.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag in hierdie studie wentel om die moontlikheid al dan nié dat ‘n staat-ondersteunde etniese middelklas in ‘n dominante-party politieke opset wat op etniese grondslag gebaseer is, die regerende party sal straf deur hul verkiesingstem te weerhou. Dit spreek die konvensionele siening aan dat ‘n groot middelklas demokratiese tendense in ‘n gemeenskap sal versterk. Nietemin, bestaan dominante-party stelsels in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië ooreenkomstig basies etniese riglyne as gevolg van hul onderskeie apartheid en koloniale geskiedenisse. Meer nog: die etniese middelklasse het hul bestaan te danke aan die regstellende aksie beleide wat ingestel is deur dieselfde politieke partye wat die politiek in die onderskeie lande domineer. Swart en Maleier middelklas-gedrag in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië is ge-analiseer volgens ‘n raamwerk van een-party oorheersing en die samestelling van die staatburokrasie. Hierdie studie fokus op die wyse waarop die Swart en Maleisiese middelklas deur middel van regstellende aksie in openbare dienste, besigheid en opvoeding – die fundamentele sektore vir die ontwikkeling van opwaartse mobiliteit in die samelewing – bevoordeel is. Dit is gedoen deur te kyk na die beleidstoepassing van die NEP in Maleisië tussen 1971 en 1990 en die toepassing van Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging (BEE) en gelyke werkgeleenthede in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die grootste ekonomiese wanbalans tussen meerderheid- en minderheidsgroepe is hoofsaaklik die gevolg van Maleisië en Suid-Afrika se onderskeidelike geskiedenisse van koloniale en apartheidsregering. Onafhanklikheid en die instelling van ‘n demokratiese stelsel het dus aandag aan die ekonomiese wanbalans genoodsaak. Vanselfsprekend sou die regstellende aksie ter voordeel van die meerderheids- en etniese groepe (Maleiers en Swart mense), waar die elektoraat uiters gepolariseer is, werk. Die uitkoms van hierdie studie dui daarop dat weens die klimaat geskep deur die politieke hegemonie van die ANC en die UMNO, waar die politiek volgens etniese riglyne bedryf word, dit onwaarskylik is dat die Maleisiese en Swart middelklasse bevoordeling van die hand sal wys.
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Bouressa, Andrea Kelly. "Conspicuous Consumption and American Political Behavior." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4817/.
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The following premise is based on the ideas of social theorists who have contributed to understanding the importance of image in society. This proposal argues that political participation is susceptible to exploitation in the form of conspicuous consumption as defined by Thorstein Veblen. The analyses that follow will test the degree to which Americans who demonstrate more traditional forms of conspicuous consumption also tend to show more activity in political venues. While the correlation of these two variables is not sufficient to demonstrate cause and effect, it may be significant enough to attract more researchers to this question: are Americans using political involvement to positively influence the way that their social status is perceived by others?
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Ruhland, Neil J. "Gaining public support through interpersonal means : the application of the uncertainty reduction theory to political communication." CardinalScholar 1.0, 2009. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1540707.
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Political public relations is far from a science and candidates employ teams of public relations practitioners in an effort to gain as much support as possible from their constituency. This is most evident during an election, where a candidate attempts to garner enough support to either remain in office or be elected for the first time to the position. A way must be determined to attract individuals to vote on Election Day.
The average American voter is not the individual that are being interviewed on television about the candidate they support, they are the people that spend less time thinking about the upcoming election and more time concerned with the aspects of their lives that deserve immediate attention. The individuals a person sees on television supporting a candidate at a rally or giving an interview about whom they support. The majority of voters are the ones with drastically less developed notions about the candidates seeking office and are labeled by many political analysts as swing voters.
The purpose of this study is to discover if the uncertainty reduction theory can be applied to the political communication process. With voter turnout being as incredibly low and entire voting demographics feeling disenfranchised with their political representative something needs to be done. This study is poised to address both of them and propose potential remedies. It is important for a candidate to reduce a voter’s uncertainty about them and by appealing to their true beliefs, values, and attitudes a vital connection can be made. This study is important because its results will provide political candidates with a framework of how to campaign can effectively appeal to different demographics of the population, which in the end will prove more successful at building a positive public opinion than any political advertisement can.Department of Journalism
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Chang, Yan Margaret, and 章茵. "A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977273.
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Fedorochko, Nicholas R. "Money and Power: Industry Concentration as a Determinant of Corporate Lobbying Activity." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2145.
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Amid increasing trends of market concentration and corporate political activity in the United States, this thesis takes a quantitative approach to evaluating Luigi Zingales’ political theory of the firm. Using data from the Economic Census and from the Center for Responsive Politics, I find that concentration as measured by four and eight largest firms’ share of establishments exhibits a significant positive relationship to corporate lobbying at the intensive margin. On the other hand, concentration as measured by four and eight largest firms’ share of employment exhibits a significant negative relationship on politically active firms’ decision to lobby at the extensive margin. Through drawing upon existing quantitative literature on this subject, I conclude that Zingales’ theory remains sound and its implications on the political economy of the United States are bleak. Further research should look into politically feasible policy solutions to this troubling relationship.
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Hadani, Michael. "Governance mechanisms and corporate political activity ownership considerations in a non-market context /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
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Tonge, Jonathan. "The politics of the anti-poll tax movement : a study of local activity." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283224.
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Non-payment of the poll tax amounted to the largest campaign of civil disobedience in postwar Britain. Despite this, there has been scant academic investigation of either the basis or organisation of protest. This thesis attempts an original contribution to . knowledge by exploring the role of anti-poll tax organisations in promoting dissent against the charge. . Specifically, the piece examines the applicability and inadequacy of existing theories of pressure groups and social movements in accounting for the development and organisational tendencies of such groups. Using a case study approach based in three localities, the thesis examines the size, structure . and motivations of the anti-poll tax movement. Beginning with an examination of the poll tax itself, the thesis explores how weaknesses in the recovery legislation provided a valuable resource for a campaign of opposition based upon a fusion of economic circumstance and moralism. In assessing the nature of 'outsider' movement politics, the failure of parliamentary opposition to the charge and the subsequent refusal of opposition political parties to countenance non-payment are explored. The thesis argues that the anti-poll tax movement highlighted the growing redundancy of distinctions between pressure groups and social movements. Modem protest groups are frequently based upon informal networks with loose membership, based around collective action: - Within the anti-poll tax movement, the thesis highlights important differences between a largely class-based, sustained Scottish movement and a more transient, diverse campaign elsewhere. However, commonalities existed throughout the movement, based around a rejection of central control and a favouring of decentralised, localised opposition.
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Folik, Abdul. "Arab political Islam and the Muslim Brotherhood : analysing an influence on the political activity of British Muslims between 1989-2009." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30340/.
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Toney, Jeffrey A. "Political engagement and social networking sites exploring the relationship between social networking sites and political engagement in young adults." Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/713.
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Social Networking Sites (SNS) have extremely high rates of young adult users. Facebook.com report.s that more than half of its users are of college age. Due to the increasing number of political figures and political information on SNS, this study analyzes the relationship between SNS and political engagement. Specifically, this study seeks to determine if adults' consumption of political information on SNS leads to higher levels of political engagement. Political engagement is broken down into three different variables: political knowledge, political interest, and political participation. This study draws its data from a sample of 355 undergraduate college students. Data was collected through a volunteer self-administered survey questionnaire. Three sections respectively measured political engagement, social networking site dependency for political information, and demographic information. Data were collected from a junior college and a private university in Northern California.
This study found a positive relationship between SNS dependency for political information and political interest and participation. In other words, individuals who depend on SNS for political information have higher levels of political interest and participation. There was no significant relationship found between political knowledge and SNS dependency. These results suggest that SNS may help foster political engagement in young adults.
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Wagener, Debra Lorraine. "Identity, dissatisfaction and political activity : the experience of east German women since unification." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288876.
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This thesis is an investigation into the integration of east German women into the Federal Republic following German unification. It draws on oral history interviews to examine the existence of a distinctive identity amongst east German women and concludes that their opinions and values reflect the Marxist Feminist principles upheld in the GDR, with particular reference to the belief in the importance of paid employment for the emancipation of women. The thesis also investigates the nature of dissatisfaction with the Federal Republic amongst east German women and concludes that a lack of fulfilment of expectations arising from socialisation in the GDR has led to a level of dissatisfaction amongst east German women which could act as a stimulus for political mobilisation. Finally, the thesis investigates the links between dissatisfaction and political activity amongst east German women and concludes that they display both political will and ability despite disempowerment in the GDR but also that there are signs of characteristics specific to east German women relating to disillusion and withdrawal. It also notes, however, that east German women have recorded signficant achievements in retaining more typically 'east German biographies' and that their individual resistance to change may prove to be their most powerful political weapon.
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Bryans, Andrew Nils. "The response to left-wing radicalism in Portland, Oregon, from 1917 to 1941." PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3565.
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In the early twentieth century industrial, political, and social conflicts occurred throughout the United States during a period of rapid industrialization and modernization. Examples of these disputes, such as labor strikes and political struggles, have frequently been the subjects of scholarly investigations. Yet certain aspects of these conflicts remain relatively unknown, particularly on the community and local levels. The purpose of the present study was to explore and provide the context for a better understanding of the motives behind the responses of antiradicals to left-wing radicalism. What were some of the social, cultural, and economic motivations of local antiradicals in the city of Portland from 1917 to 1941?
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Molnar, Donald. "The Winnipeg general strike : class, ethnicity and class formation in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64052.
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Chiu, Shuk-yi, and 趙淑儀. "Changes in the role concept of women in their process of political participation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31249188.
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Victor, David G. "Effective multilateral regulation of industrial activity : institutions for policing and adjusting binding and nonbinding legal commitments." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10038.
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Mullery, Colleen Bridget. "A Structural Analysis of Corporate Political Activity: An Application of Euclidean Modeling to the Study of Intercorporate Relations." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1303.
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During the past two decades business has become increasingly active in the political process, and scholars continue to debate the extent to which this activity is organized. This fundamental issue is addressed by examining corporate political activity within the context of resource dependence and class cohesion theories. Political action committee (PAC) campaign contributions, this study's measure for corporate political activity, are structurally analyzed to determine if either resource dependence or class cohesion theory explains the forces which drive business participation in the U.S. public policy process. The rationale which forty-two diverse corporate PACs exercise when selecting which congressional campaigns to support during two election cycles is explored. Resource dependence theory contends .that a firm's behavior is a function of its dependence on the environment for resources. Successful firms attempt to manage this external dependence by controlling or manipulating their environment corporate involvement in politics, therefore, will reflect a firm's dependence on the government for sales, subsidies or regulation. The regulatory environment in which a firm operates is this study's measure of resource dependence. Conversely, class cohesion theory argues that a firm's political activity is a function of its top management's inclusion in a network of corporate elites. Board members and chief executives from the nation's largest corporations coalesce to advance a political agenda which is compatible with the overarching goals of the business community rather than the parochial goals of an individual firm or even industry. Interlocking directorates, professional association memberships, shared educational experience and geographic proximity of headquarters locations are this study's indicators of a corporate elite network. Two categories of analytical methodology are applied. Multidimensional scaling maps corporate patterns of support for congressional candidates based on a PAC contribution proximity measure. These patterns are subsequently subjected to discriminant analysis, canonical correlation, regression and chi-square analysis to test for Resource Dependent and Class Cohesive political behavior. The results are conclusive: Support of selected congressional campaigns is more likely fueled by fragmented business interests, as resource dependence theory suggests, rather than the collective motives of a corporate elite. In fact, no support emerged for class cohesion theory as an explanation for the observed patterns of intercorporate relations. Further, a corollary proposition that PAC activity will vary with the ideology of White House administrations is not supported. Rather, PAC contribution patterns do not vary significantly between the Carter and Reagan administrations. This research renders four significant contributions to scholarship: 1. It provides empirical evidence to clarify a central issue in business-government relations, i.e., the atomistic or collective nature of corporate political activity. 2. It introduces a rigorous mathematical technique to the business-government relations discipline. 3. It indirectly addresses an ongoing scholarly debate over the role of interest groups in a democracy. 4. It indirectly addresses the current public policy debate over campaign finance reform.
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Selim, Gul Rukh. "Peasant political practice in Bangladesh : an analysis of changing relations of appropriation." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63256.
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Ross, Gerald G. "A contribution to the study of vöelkische Ideologie and Deutschtumsarbeit among the Germans in Canada during the inter-war period." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ33442.pdf.
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Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.
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In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.
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Liggons, Kwali N. "Activity versus Achievement: A Closer Look at Young Adult Participation in the Political Process between 1972-2008." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1357.
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The work of the collective research in this thesis is to provide concise insights about the inputs that are responsible for the process by which young adults develop civic competence and how this translates into active participation among young adults in the political process over time. Research for this thesis explores how key concepts of socialization, task generalization, shifts in young adult voting trends between 1972-2008, the role of social research statistics, and political theory informs the role of socialization in the development of civic competence in young adult voters. This thesis also explores critical social contexts, direct and indirect influence of family units, how critical moments in the academic careers of young adults take effect in college and ultimately young adulthood, what shifts in voting trends further indicate, and lastly the role that social media plays in the modern landscape of young adults becoming politically active and in a larger effort to assess core features of the young adult involvement in the political process following the passage of the 26th Amendment based on scholarly research in the aforementioned areas and relevant national studies.
By all cited statistics, with the exception of the 2008 presidential election, voting among young adults since 1972 has fallen precipitously. Contrary to traditional beliefs, which suggest that young adults are disengaged with the political process, key research findings indicate a shift in the means by which young adults engage in the political process. For example, at an increasing rate since 1972 young adults seek demonstrate their participation in the political process through hands on mechanisms such as volunteerism. Secondly, given the advent of Facebook, MySpace, YouTube and other social networks, young adults have largely transitioned the ways that they gather information about the political process from traditional means, such as newspapers, televised news broadcasts to social networks. Personal suggestions for increasing rates of young adult participation in the political process include a critical need for civic education curriculum in schooling systems that present contextual lessons on civic duty and how individual participation fits in the political process. Ultimately, the aim of this research is twofold: (1) to explain what are the key drivers of young adult participation in the political process, and (2) to shed light on the role young adults have in reshaping the political process for current and future generations.
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Chan, Ching-yee Aris, and 陳靜宜. "From docile students to ferocious red guards: a study of the mentality and behavior of politicized youths inGuangzhou, 1963-1968." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31213881.
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