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Vanner, Catherine, and Anuradha Dugal. "Personal, Powerful, Political." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130202.
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“Today I met my role model,” tweeted climate change activist Greta Thunberg on 25 February 2020, captioning a picture of herself with girls’ education activist Malala Yousafzai, who also tweeted the picture, proclaiming that Greta was “the only friend I would skip school for.” The proclamations of mutual admiration illustrate a form of solidarity between the two most famous girl activists, who are often pointed to as examples of the power of the individual girl activist in spite of their intentionally collective approaches that connect young activists and civil society organizations around the world. These girl activists have garnered worldwide attention for their causes but have also been subject to problematic media representations that elevate voices of privilege and/or focus on girl activists as exceptional individuals (Gordon and Taft 2010; Hesford 2014), often obscuring the movements behind them. For this reason, this special issue explores activism networks by, for, and with girls and young women, examining and emphasizing girls’ activism in collective and collaborative spaces.
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King, Debra. "Operationalizing Melucci: Metamorphosis and Passion in the Negotiation of Activists' Multiple Identities." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.v813801745136863.
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Activists need to construct and manage multiple identities as activists, as well as negotiate their activist identities in relation to identity positions in other social realms such as paid work or parenting. This research is an empirical application of Melucci's concept of metamorphosis to the processes through which committed activists manage identity work. Metamorphosis facilitates an understanding of how activists maintain a sense of continuity through changes in identity. From life-history interviews with twenty long-term Australian activists this research operationalizes the four concepts associated with metamorphosis: being present or "in the moment," taking responsibility for action, being reflexive, and having a rhythm for managing the identity process. The analysis of these concepts demonstrates the need to extend understandings of identity to incorporate non-instrumental aspects of cognition, such as emotion, the body, and passion. These facilitate an activist's capacity to metamorphose, and therefore manage various aspects of identity construction. Activism is therefore sustained when activists can maintain their passionate participation in creating social change, regardless of circumstances, rather than simply enhancing their commitment to a particular organization.
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Jacobsen, Stefan Gaarsmand. "Resilient retfærdighed?" Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 73 (August 15, 2018): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i73.107234.
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This article uses the idea of resilience as a point of departure for analysing some contemporary challenges to the climate justice movement posed by social-ecological sciences. Climate justice activists are increasingly rallying for a system-change, demanding fundamental changes to political bureaucracy and the economy, which would put ecology, biodiversity and climate change first for all future political decisions. Since the concept of resilience has taken up a central role in recent developments in ecological sciences, it has also become part of the activist debate. The article’s main argument is that the scientific framework behind resilience is not politically neutral and that this framework tends to weaken the activist’s demands for a just transition and place more emphasis on technical and bureaucratic processes.
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De Ridder, Matthijs. ""Ook een politieke invloed moet van onze Alma Mater uitgaan". Staatkunde en activisme bij Robert Van Genechten." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, no. 2 (July 4, 2011): 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i2.12320.
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Hoewel er geen twijfel over mogelijk is dat het activisme een weinig democratische beweging was, laat een analyse van de ‘Staatkundige kroniek’ van Robert Van Genechten zien dat het staatkundige denken van de activisten veel complexer is dan tot nut toe werd aangenomen. Opportunisme is maar een van de vele facetten van het activistische denken. Voor een beter begrip van de collaboratie tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog kan een onderzoek naar het discours van het activisme – in nationaal én internationaal verband – dan ook voor veel nuancerende inzichten zorgen.________“Our Alma Mater should also exert a political influence”. Political science and activism by Robert Van GenechtenAlthough we cannot doubt that activism was hardly a democratic movement, an analysis of the ‘Political chronicle’ by Robert Van Genechten demonstrates that the political thinking of the activists is far more complex than had so far been assumed. Opportunism is only one of the many facets of activist thinking. To gain a better understanding of the collaboration during the First World War, an investigation of the discourse of activism – both in the national and in the international context – could therefore provide much more differentiated insights.
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ARRINGTON, THEODORE S. "Machiavellianism of Political Activists." GPSA Journal: The Georgia Political Science Association 6, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1978.tb00718.x.
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Böttcher, Lucas, Pedro Montealegre, Eric Goles, and Hans Gersbach. "Competing activists—Political polarization." Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and its Applications 545 (May 2020): 123713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.physa.2019.123713.
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Munro, Doug. "Public Intellectuals/Political Activists." WorkingUSA 19, no. 2 (June 2016): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12233.
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Vromen, Ariadne. "Community–Based Activism and Change: The Cases of Sydney and Toronto." City & Community 2, no. 1 (March 2003): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6040.00038.
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How do community–based political activists justify the ongoing effectiveness of their chosen location for political activity? How do they describe the shifts in relationships between community–development activism and the state? This article presents findings from case studies undertaken with two community–development organizations based in Sydney, Australia, and Toronto, Canada. The focus of the analysis is 40 in–depth interviews conducted with activists in the late 1990s. The article details how the activists describe the present realities for community–development activism and what they conceptualize as the future for their field of political action. It is argued that by appreciating how activists substantiate the relevance of community–development activism in periods of economic, political, and social change we are able to build a notion of participation that is inclusive of, rather than critical of, everyday activist experiences.
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Granovetter, Sara. "Activist as Symptom: Healing Trauma within a Ruptured Collective." Society & Animals 29, no. 7 (December 23, 2021): 659–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-bja10051.
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Abstract Animal activists serve as symptom-bearers for trans-species collective trauma within Western-industrial society. Findings from literature on traumatology and nonhuman animal activism, contemporary discourse, and the voices of ten activists currently in the field suggest that many animal activists suffer some form of trauma. Activist trauma arises through overlapping, complex relational processes of intersubjective attunement with nonhuman animals and embeddedness within a human social context that disavows nonhuman suffering. In understanding activist trauma as a symptom of a dysfunctional system, I depathologize activist suffering and view activists as integral members of a whole society that seeks healing.
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J. Enrico Sinaga, Nicholas Edieth, Kadek Dwita Apriani, and Anak Agung Sagung Mirah Mahaswari Jayanthi Mertha. "Pergeseran Orientasi Politik Mantan Aktivis Pro-demokrasi di Bali: Dari Idealis ke Pragmatis." Jurnal Transformative 8, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.transformative.2022.008.01.4.
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This article discusses the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali after more than 20 years of the reformation. The change in their orientation from idealistic to pragmatic is allegedly one of the catalysts for the decline of democracy. This study aims to determine the causes of the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali and to make a categorization from the political orientation of these former activists. The theory used as the analytical tool is the rational choice theory from Barbara Geddes. This research uses qualitative methods with a case studies approach. There are two important findings in this study: (1) The change in political orientation from idealistic to pragmatic is caused by the rational choices made by former pro-democracy activists by calculating their career and needs factors. (2) If career motives are more prominent than transactional and partisanship motives, then former pro-democracy activists tend to fill the positions in non-political party institutions. On the contrary, if the partisan motive is dominant in a former activist, then they tend to fill the position in a political party.
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van Troost, Dunya, Bert Klandermans, and Jacquelien van Stekelenburg. "Friends in High Places." Humanity & Society 42, no. 4 (October 7, 2018): 455–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597618802537.
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Scholars working from the political opportunity approach have upheld the notion that the political context sets the grievances around which activist mobilizes. Inspired by Tarrow and colleagues plea to explain political activism by analyzing how activists are mobilized, this article focuses on the individual protester. The research question in this article reads how are activist’s protest emotions shaped by characteristics of the political context, specifically by their political alliances? We focus on the emotional constellation evoked by environmental issues (e.g., climate change and nuclear energy) with Green Parties as movement allies and anti-austerity issues with Social Democratic parties as movement allies. Specifically, the parliamentary position of these allies is linked to the relative stake anger and frustration have within the emotional constellation of demonstrators. Results are based on survey data collected among 6,598 demonstrators, and their emotions dispersed over 28 demonstrations in seven European countries. We conclude that having a politically well-connected friend seems to matter more to demonstrators’ emotional constellation than the ideological support provided by that friend.
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National District (Sakha Republic), The Indigenous Women's Collectives, and Sardana Nikolaeva. "Plurality of Activisms." sibirica 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2023.220107.
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Abstract Indigenous women's activism occupies a specific niche within local and global Indigenous politics and plays a particularly important role in the socio-cultural and political development of Indigenous communities. In this regard, it is vital to explore not only activist strategies of grassroots Indigenous women's organizing but also their histories, contexts, and activist scopes. The women's collectives in the Olenek Evenki National District of the Sakha Republic (Russian Federation) have a long history of cultural and political activism. In this photo-essay, we aim to narrativize women's activism in Olenek as well as visually represent the activists themselves. Through the photos and the analytical narratives complimenting them, we also want to explore distinct (and diverse) articulations of Indigenous identities and of Indigenous activisms in the post-Soviet Indigenous Arctic.
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Jusfayana, Yuthika, and Joevarian Hudiyana. "Self-Worth of Social-Political Activists: Theoretical Framework and Systematic Review." Psikologika: Jurnal Pemikiran dan Penelitian Psikologi 28, no. 2 (September 26, 2023): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/psikologika.vol28.iss2.art10.
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Activists are dedicated individuals who endeavor to create a substantial and significant influence on pivotal social issues. Their endeavors are propelled by a multitude of diverse factors, including aspects such as social identity, perceptions of fairness, efficacy, and other relevant considerations. These factors lead them to engage in a process of internalization within the collective group they are part of, shaping their sense of self-worth. However, the motivation to achieve self-worth is not always the predominant focus in existing study. Therefore, this study aimed to explained the context of activists’ self-worth through the framework of the Quest for Significance (QFS) theory, employing a systematic literature review method. The systematic literature review follows the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic and Meta-analysis (PRISMA) protocol, utilizing keywords such as “political activism,” “personal significance,” “fulfilling life activism,” “meaningful activist,” and “activist experience.” The platforms searched include Google Scholar, Springer Nature, Taylor & Francis, and Sage Journal. During the screening stage, journals that met the criteria related to social-political activism and the activation processes of the QFS (significance gain and significance loss) were carefully selected. The study identified key theme concerning the self-worth of activists, such as the role of activism as a coping mechanism, the positive outcomes of activism, the impact of relationships on activist, and challenges inherent in activism.
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Fourcade, Margot. "Sociolinguistics of Youth Activism: Implications for The Future of Political Language." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 10, no. 6 (November 30, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.6p.1.
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From gun control reforms to climate change protests, today’s young activists have been described as ‘louder and more coordinated than [their] predecessors’ (Marris, 2019: 471). This article looks at the linguistic changes at work behind this description: how does their language make youth activists’ voices grow stronger, and how does it help them discuss, mobilise and organise their campaigns. The article begins with a comparison of the language of youth activists today and that of their predecessors, to better assess the extent and nature of these changes. It then analyses the influence of the internet and social media on the political language of contemporary youth. Finally, it considers reactions to youth activist language and reflects upon its implications on the future of political voices. This article aims to bridge the gap between existing literature in the field, which separately contrasts contemporary youth activists with their predecessors, or examines the impact of the internet and social media on their activities. We propose, instead, that focusing on the language of contemporary youth activists, as a legacy and an evolving creative process, on and offline, will provide a better understanding of their impact on the future of political language. We find a nuanced picture, where the linguistic opportunities offered by the internet and social media increase the reach and organisation of contemporary youth activists, but make them look performative and nonchalant, perhaps because they are considered in the terms of traditional politics.
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Hájek, Roman. "The Changing Landscape of Local Information Space in the Czech Republic: Consequences for Local Political Communication." Polish Political Science Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0001.
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Abstract Due to the emergence of Internet-based media channels the character of local information spaces in the Czech Republic has undergone a remarkable change. Traditionally, dominant information sources: daily newspapers and municipally-owned media have become challenged by a variety of online sources run by groups of active citizens. Based on a systemic analysis of the local media sector and interviews conducted with representatives of local activist groups this paper discusses the consequences of these processes for local political communication. From the activists’ perspective, the new communication environment has significantly influenced the character of the mutual relationship between different participants in local political communication. Trust between journalists and activists: the basis for their cooperative relationship, faces decline, whereas the self-confidence of activists in negotiations with politicians has increased. Online media also allow the activists to break the existing information monopoly and engage citizens in public affairs. These changes have resulted in the professionalisation of communication skills for the activists, who are thus able to become more important participants in political communication.
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Walgrave, Stefaan, W. Bennett, Jeroen Van Laer, and Christian Breunig. "Multiple Engagements and Network Bridging in Contentious Politics: Digital Media Use of Protest Participants." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 325–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.3.b0780274322458wk.
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Based on three series of protest surveys across nations, issues, and time, this study examines to what extent the use of digital media permits activists to sustain multiple engagements in different protest events and different movement organizations. We find that digital media use stimulates multiple activisms. Through information and communication technologies (ICTs), activists can maintain multiple engagements and manage weak ties with diverse protest and movement communities. The data also suggest that these multiple engagements and overlapping activisms effectively provide linkages to and integration within social movement networks. Core activists who are closely linked to protest organizations rely more on ICTs to manage their multiple commitments. Even activists less closely tied to core protest organizations can link to more diverse communities through Internet use. These basic patterns systematically hold across nations, across issues, and across time.
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Pilegge, Joseph, and James A. Woods. "Political Scientists As Policy Activists." Southeastern Political Review 19, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1991.tb00048.x.
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O'LEAR, SHANNON. "ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY IN RUSSIA AND ESTONIA*." Geographical Review 87, no. 2 (April 1997): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-0846.1997.tb00075.x.
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ABSTRACT. The use of e‐mail by a grassroots activist group that straddles the Estonian‐Russian border transcends political boundaries and provides ready connections to people in distant places. Activists create a perceived space of resistance in a supportive network that is stretched across space. This network of concern, defined by the physical space in which these activists work and by the strong communicative connections among them, was created to overcome continued environmental mismanagement and remove cultural barriers to cooperation. E‐mail communication has enabled an ongoing influence on environmental policy in Estonia and Russia. This circumstance of a collaborative e‐mail network created by grassroots activists to aid political work is a testament to how communication technology has expanded for the purpose of strengthening previously silenced voices in a regional and political context.
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Alcalde Villacampa, Javier, and Martín Portos García. "Stop Mare Mortum y el movimiento de solidaridad con las personas refugiadas en Barcelona." Empiria. Revista de metodología de ciencias sociales, no. 52 (September 1, 2021): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/empiria.52.2021.31368.
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Durante el largo verano migratorio de 2015 aumentaba de un modo dramático el nivel de conciencia ciudadana y activismo en Barcelona. En la primavera de 2016, cada día tenían lugar eventos de protesta en solidaridad con las personas refugiadas , promovidos por un amplio espectro de grupos locales, asociaciones y redes. En tanto, un cambio en el gobierno local erigía a una otrora activista social como alcaldesa, asumiendo el tema de las personas refugiadas como una prioridad política. Basado en una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas clave, este artículo presenta, mapea y estudia la evolución de las redes activistas locales. Buscando arrojar luz sobre las dinámicas de meso-movilización, analizamos la plataforma Stop Mare Mortum (SMM). Con un alto nivel de politización y centrándose en las personas refugiadas en tránsito, esta iniciativa nacida de una pequeña red de círculos activistas creció hasta convertirse en una plataforma paraguas con gran capacidad para coordinar iniciativas de la sociedad civil. Junto con una combinación única de emociones y marcos de movilización, la habilidad de SMM para adaptar sus estrategias, repertorios de acción y estructuras organizativas a un contexto cambiante explican su capacidad de movilización y el carácter transversal de sus bases. The 2015 long summer of migration has increased dramatically the level of citizen awareness and activism in Barcelona. In Spring 2016 a number of protest events in solidarity with refugees were taking place on a daily basis, promoted by a broad range of local groups, associations and networks. In the meantime, a change of government brought a social activist as the new mayor of the city, with the refugees' issue as a top political priority. Based on a number of in-depth interviews with key activists, this article presents, maps and studies the evolution of the local networks. Aiming at shedding light on meso-level mobilization dynamics, we zoom into Stop Mare Mortum. With a high level of politicization and focusing on refugees in transit, this initiative borne out of a small network of activists has gradually become an umbrella platform aiming to coordinate civil society initiatives within this field. Together with a unique combination emotions and frames for mobilization, SMM’s ability to adapt its strategies, repertoires of action and organizational structures to a changing environment explains its mobilization capacity and the cross-cut nature of its constituency.
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Owen, Cam Nguyen. "“IT'S A RAT RACE”: THE IMPACT OF IDEOLOGICAL IMPRINTING ON MICROLEVEL EXPERIENCES OF MOVEMENT PROFESSIONALIZATION*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-1-59.
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Movement professionalization has mainly been conceptualized as a mesolevel process, with past research stressing differences between groups. Few studies have accounted for why activists in the same organization might have drastically dissimilar experiences. Using interviews with thirty left-wing former and current movement professionals, the article integrates recent scholarship on activist pathways to explain intragroup variations. Findings show that activists who saw professionalization as a dilemma were influenced by the ideological imprinting, i.e., exposure to ideals of “grassroots” mobilization they encountered during the formative years of their activist careers, rather than their current organizational characteristics. Also, while the professionalization literature focuses on tactical moderation, activists emphasized a different problem. They saw external patronage as “tainted” money and an impediment to one-on-one relationship building with constituents. This study highlights the importance of incorporating activist trajectories into the professionalization literature and understanding aspects of movement careers that hinder participation along with those facilitating it.
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Clark, John A., and Charles Prysby. "Introduction: Studying Southern Political Party Activists." American Review of Politics 24 (April 1, 2003): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.1-19.
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The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party activists active at the county level. Over 7,000 activists in the eleven southern states were surveyed in 2001. This study is linked to the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Project, which surveyed a similar group of activists, using a similar questionnaire. The following articles both analyze the 2001 data patterns and compare the 2001 results to the 1991 patterns.
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TORRES-BELTRAN, ANGIE. "Exiled Activists Mobilize Online." Political Science Today 3, no. 2 (May 2023): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psj.2023.40.
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Exile—the banishment of individuals from their home country—is a commonly used form of repression against activists, dissidents, and other political opponents. The aftermath of exile usually limits opposition influence and weakens home-country networks. However, while banishment may keep exiles physically away from home, it does not keep political opponents from promoting their agendas from abroad. In a new article published in the American Political Science Review, authors Jane Esberg and Alexandra A. Siegel demonstrate how exile affects political opponents’ online activism. Their research highlights the importance of digital technologies and social media as an accessible and powerful political tool.
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Thorkelson, Eli. "Two Failures of Left Internationalism." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360309.
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After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies. One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May 2011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international summits was incompatible with activists’ temporal, representational, and reflexive needs.
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Gallagher, Janice. "The Last Mile Problem: Activists, Advocates, and the Struggle for Justice in Domestic Courts." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 12 (March 24, 2017): 1666–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688001.
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The ability of a state to protect its own citizens’ lives is a key part of democratic legitimacy. While the right to physical integrity is nearly universal, holding those who violate this right legally accountable has proved difficult. I argue that the dynamics between civil society groups and government officials can activate investigatory processes plagued by bureaucratic inertia. I develop two analytical categories of civil society actors: Activists impose a political cost to impunity and challenge victim-blaming narratives, whereas advocates facilitate the flow of investigative information between state officials and family members of victims. Drawing from original statistical, ethnographic, and interview evidence, I find that a synergistic political dynamic between activists and advocates can emerge in which political pressure is mounted by activists and channeled into investigatory advances by advocates. While local groups usually anchor these activist–advocate dynamics, international actors may play definitive roles in disrupting tenacious patterns of impunity.
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Boghossian, Johnny, and José Carlos Marques. "Saving the Canadian Fur Industry’s Hide: Government’s strategic use of private authority to constrain radical activism." Organization Studies 40, no. 8 (February 21, 2019): 1241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840618815928.
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We examine the relationship between private and public regulatory authority in contexts characterized by radical transnational activist contestation against industry practices. Employing a comparative case design, we study government responses to similar activist campaigns calling for a trade ban on Canada’s sealing and fur industries. Relying on conventional public authority, the Canadian government was unable to prevent a European ban on seal skin products, leading to the collapse of its sealing industry. In contrast, its response to anti-fur trapping activists successfully employed private authority in the form of a standard-setting multi-stakeholder initiative (MSI). Doing so not only averted a ban but effectively shut down international debate over restrictions concerning the sale of products using trapped fur. Drawing from social movement theory on activist heterogeneity and political opportunity structure, we introduce a novel conceptualization of standard-setting MSIs as strategic instruments employed by governments to constrain the political opportunities for radical transnational activists. Our findings contribute to the literatures examining interactions between private and public regulatory authority, instruments of government repression and the political dynamics surrounding MSIs.
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Gutman, Yifat. "Looking backward to the future: Counter-memory as oppositional knowledge-production in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." Current Sociology 65, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392115584644.
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This article examines a strategy of peace activism that gained visibility in the last decades: memory activism. Memory activists manifest a temporal shift in transnational politics: first the past, then the future. Affiliated with the globally-circulating paradigm of historical justice, memory activist groups assume that a new understanding of the past could lead to a new perception of present problems and project alternative solutions for the future. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and discourse analysis among memory activists of the 1948 war in Israel since 2001, the article examines the activist production of counter-memory during active conflict. Using Coy et al.’s typology of oppositional knowledge-production, the article shows how the largest group of memory activism in Israel produced ‘new’ information on the war, critically assessed the dominant historical narrative, offered an alternative shared narrative, and began to envision practical solutions for Palestinian refugees. However, the analysis raises additional concerns that reach beyond the scope of the typology, primarily regarding the unequal power relations that exist not only between the dominant and activist production of oppositional knowledge, but also among activists.
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Pepin-Neff, Christopher, and Thomas Wynter. "The Costs of Pride: Survey Results from LGBTQI Activists in the United States, United Kingdom, South Africa, and Australia." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 498–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000205.
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AbstractA comparative analysis of emotional taxation was conducted to investigate the affective cost of entering the political process among 1,019 lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI) activists in the United States (n = 355), the United Kingdom (n = 230), South Africa (n = 228), and Australia (n = 206). Four consistent trends were identified across these four contexts, with important implications for the study of social movements, youth activism, gender, sexuality, and race. First, levels of emotional taxation resulting from LGBTQI activist work were consistently very high. Second, emotional burdens were systematically greater for young, nonwhite, and transgender activists. Third, emotional taxation was compounded for activists whose identities crossed multiple marginalized groups. This finding supports the validity and importance of intersectional approaches to LGBTQI issues. Fourth, the sources of emotional taxation varied greatly among activists, and transgender activists were particularly stressed by public engagements such as major events and marches. Transgender nonwhite activists also indicated relatively high levels of emotional stress related to online forms of engagement, such as posting on Twitter and Facebook. These findings could help identify the kinds of activists who participate, the kinds of issues advocated for, and why certain tactics are used.
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Imhoff, Débora, Cecilia Gariglio, Valeria Ponce, Bruno Díaz, and Angelina Pilatti. "Environmental Activism: relationship with psycho-social and psycho-political variables among activists and non-activists from Argentina / Activismo ambiental: relación con variables psicosociales y psicopolíticas en activistas y no activistas de Argentina." Psyecology 5, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2014): 350–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21711976.2014.957541.
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Bickerton, James, Keith Archer, and Alan Whitehorn. "Political Activists: The NDP in Convention." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 25, no. 3 (September 1999): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551529.
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Prindeville, Diane-Michele, and John G. Bretting. "Indigenous Women Activists and Political Participation." Women & Politics 19, no. 1 (April 21, 1998): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j014v19n01_03.
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Sealey-Huggins, Leon Ayo. "Depoliticised activism? Ambivalence and pragmatism at the COP16." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2016): 695–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2015-0143.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to interrogate the forms of activist organisation at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change COP16 in Cancún and reveals their attempts to create alternatives to a seemingly “depoliticised” response to climate change. The paper argues that existing attempts to challenge depoliticisation face problems in the form of governmental opposition, limitations on forms of organising, and internal conflicts between activists. Design/methodology/approach This paper utilises “scholar-activist” engagement with actors at alternative “popular” spaces established outside the COP16 in Cancún, Mexico. It draws upon extensive participant observation and in-depth interviews with 20 English-speaking activists. Findings Common among activists was a concern to try and model alternative forms of social relations, to the depoliticised and hierarchical forms found in the formal Conference of Parties, via forms of anarchist-influenced “prefigurative” practice. In spite, or perhaps because, of perceived challenges to attempts to organise their political praxis along non-hierarchical lines, many people were ambivalent about the scope of their action, revealing highly reflexive accounts of the limitations of these whilst simultaneously remaining pragmatic in trying to make the most of their involvement. Originality/value The paper helps us to better understand the potential to politicise climate change. Understanding the challenges faced by activists is important for trying to organise more effective political responses to climate injustice. It is suggested that we must understand activists’ responses to these challenges and limitations in terms of the pragmatism in response that allows them to continue to invest in activism in the face of unsuccessful actions.
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Lund, Darren, and Rae Ann Van Beers. "Unintentional Consequences: Facing the Risks of Being a Youth Activist." in education 26, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2020.v26i1.479.
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Students involved in social justice activist groups and activities encounter several potentially negative consequences in advocating for issues that are important to them. Through duoethnographic interviews with scholar-activists, former youth activists describe the barriers they experienced as socially engaged young people, including dealing with pushback from their cultural, school, and even activist communities. Without adult allies to help mentor them through these processes, the negative emotions associated with these encounters can lead youth to burn out and leave activism altogether. The findings of this study remind educators that they have an important role to play in providing meaningful activist training, apprenticeship opportunities, and supports for youth who are passionately engaged in progressive social and political action.
Keywords: social justice activism; youth; duoethnography; student movements
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Valocchi, Stephen. "The Importance of being "We": Collective Identity and the Mobilizing Work of Progressive Activists in Hartford, Connecticut." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.y534010633308j7m.
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This article examines the ways that collective identity influences the mobilizing work activists perform in a wide variety of progressive activities in Hartford, Connecticut, as reported in open-ended life history interviews. Using a collective identity typology based on ideology, organization, and biography, the analysis demonstrates the variety of ways in which these different "group allegiances" affect how activists raise consciousness, choose strategies and goals, pursue allies, and build coalitions. These myriad differences in mobilizing by activists with different collective identities within the same movement sector speak to the flexibility of social movement structures and to the importance of activist identity in maneuvering within those structures.
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Giuranno, Michele G. "The Logic of Party Coalitions with Political Activism." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 29, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569211x15665367493715.
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Abstract This paper considers an electoral equilibrium between two party coalitions. Each coalition is composed of two factions called activists and opportunists. Activists are interested in announcing a policy as close as possible to their ideal policy and are ready to contribute with vital electoral resources to die one’s own party coalition. Opportunists are interested only in winning elections and need the activists’ contributions to enhance their party valence. Thus, the two factions of each coalition negotiate on both policy platform and activists' contributions. Results show that, in equilibrium, the marginal rates of substitution between policy position and activists’ contributions must be the same for the two negotiating factions inside party coalitions. Furthermore, greater activism inside parties leads to policy divergence.
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Koo, Sejin. "PARTY ACTIVISTS IN SOUTH KOREA AND MONGOLIA: PROGRAMMATIC LINKAGES AND POLICY MOTIVATIONS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (July 19, 2018): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.20.
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AbstractParty activists are important for building party–voter links. This study focuses on the motivations of these activists and the hypothesis that economic factors are associated with more programmatic and policy-driven platforms. I examine a novel comparative survey data set of party activists collected in multiple districts in South Korea and Mongolia to determine whether national economic development, the local economy, or individual income shapes activist motivations. The results challenge the economic account and, instead, shed light on the importance of party characteristics, such as size, ideology, and whether a party has its roots in authoritarianism.
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Collitt, Samuel, and Benjamin Highton. "The Policy Polarization of Party Activists in the United States." American Politics Research 49, no. 4 (April 4, 2021): 386–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211004442.
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This article investigates how a key stratum of the partisan elite—party activists—have been positioned across time and policy issues. We examine the extent to which activists have polarized symmetrically or asymmetrically and find that only on the issue of abortion has one party’s activists (Republicans) polarized notably more than the other’s. The article also analyzes party activist proximity to the mass public’s policy preferences and finds that Democrats are consistently closer to the public on economic issues, and Republicans are consistently closer on a subset of non-economic issues. Our findings suggest the need for more nuanced theories of party activism and polarization along with providing a useful lens through which to view party electoral competition.
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Hampton, Matthew. "Queering the Way: Investigating the Relationship Between LGBT+ Advocacy and Policy Advancement." Oregon Undergraduate Research Journal 20, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): 46–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/ourj/20.2.5.
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The modern LGBT+ rights movement in the United States has pushed both political and social advancements forward since the mid-twentieth century, furthering the fight for equality. Even as hundreds of anti-LGBT+ bills have been proposed and passed in states across the country throughout the last decade or so, they have remained a force to be reckoned with. This study analyzes the specific tactics used by LGBT+ activists and nonprofits from the mid-twentieth century to present day, through the framework of Douglas McAdam’s Political Opportunity Theory to explain how campaigns or movements are made successful. Political Opportunity Theory, or Political Opportunity Structure, argues social movement success is most dependent on the availability of political opportunities (McAdam, 2013). The study primarily draws on interviews of LGBT+ activists and aligned policy makers, both archived and original, ultimately seeking to determine which advocacy strategies most effectively advance political and social acceptance. Using political theories, previous scholarly literature, and activist interviews, this study found that many factors contribute to the overall success of an advocacy campaign: access to resources, ability to mobilize populations, clear goals and strategy, and strong relationships between outsider activists and political insiders. The goal of this report is to advise the creation of effective policy change inside political arenas and social change both through advocacy and through increased LGBT+ support from powerholders in government, to further promote LGBT+ equality and understanding in the United States.
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Beta, Annisa R. "The Muslimah Intimate Public: Re-Considering Contemporary Daʾwa Activists in Indonesia." Asiascape: Digital Asia 7, no. 1-2 (May 22, 2020): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-bja10002.
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Abstract This article reconsiders contemporary digital activism in an increasingly pious Indonesia and responds to Eva F. Nisa’s 2018 paper on young Muslim women as daʾwa (proselytization) activists published in this journal. This paper asks: How have today’s socially mediated publics in Indonesia influenced the figure of the daʾwa activist? How are these daʾwa activists different from those in the past? I argue that the daʾwa activists are the products of a Muslimah intimate public, part of a networked public within which young women discuss, engage with, and express how they ‘feel’ about issues that interest them, and celebrate self-improvement and self-enterprise, combined with religious self-cultivation. Within this public daʾwa activists have two key characteristics. First, market logics and commercial interests are fundamental to their daʾwa. Second, the daʾwa accounts frame controversial and political issues through specific visual ethics that engender a sense of intimacy with their followers.
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Zienkowski, Jan. "Marking a sense of self and politics in interviews on political engagement." Journal of Language and Politics 14, no. 5 (December 31, 2015): 665–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.5.03zie.
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This paper explores the relationship between notions of self and politics in discourse on political engagement. By means of a heuristic inspired by the poststructuralist notion of logic and the pragmatic concept of metapragmatic awareness, the author argues that metapragmatic markers play an important role in communicating interpretive processes that inform preferred and disavowed modes of subjectivity. He relies on an interview conducted with an activist involved in Flemish minority politics in order to show how activists distinguish between preferred and disavowed modes of politics. In dealing with the multiplicity of identities and issues that constitute political debates, activists need to establish and communicate some degree of coherence. Metapragmatic awareness allows interlocutors to establish patterns of coherence that can be described in terms of interpretive logics. The author presents a strong case for taking the reflexive awareness of language users into account when studying society-wide debates.
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Polletta, Francesca. "How Participatory Democracy Became White: Culture and Organizational Choice." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.2.96746725j1312512.
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Why do activists choose the organizational forms they do? Social movement scholars have tended to focus on activists' instrumental assessments of organizational forms' costs and benefits or on activists' efforts to balance instrumental calculations with a commitment to ideological consistency. Neither explanation is adequate. Organizational forms, like strategies, tactics, and targets, are often appealing for their symbolic associations, and especially, their association with particular social groups. The article fleshes out this dynamic through a case study of the rise and fall of participatory democracy in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Contrary to standard explanations for SNCC activists' repudiation of consensus-based and nonhierarchical decision making in the mid-1960s, I show that participatory democracy was abandoned when it came to be seen as ideological, oriented to personal self-transformation, and—no coincidence—as white. That was not the case earlier on, when participatory democracy was seen as practical, political, and black, and I account for that shift. Once established, however, participatory democracy's social associations shaped subsequent activist generations' view of the form's strengths and liabilities.
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Zhurbina, Irina. "Political Ontology of Alain Badiou and Sylvain Lazarus." Balkan Journal of Philosophy 13, no. 2 (2021): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/bjp202113218.
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The article reviews the concepts of the French anthropologist and political theorist Sylvain Lazarus and the philosopher Alain Badiou, who suggest a new perspective on the subjective foundations of politics as thought. The focus on the subjective foundations of politics can be explained by the initial ambiguity in the works of the French theorists, who interpret the activities of the intellectual activist in different ways. The paper shows that Sylvain Lazarus is more concerned with the intellectual activity of political activists, whom he categorizes as political activists and politicians by the degree of intellectual activity. It was concluded that, according to Lazarus, politicians occupy a priority position. They are presented as professional lone thinkers with revolutionary consciousness, which allows them to think politics from the perspective of a probable revolution. In this regard, the politics, according to Lazarus, is a politics of revolutionary action. It was found that in Alain Badiou’s theory the semantic emphasis is on the participation of intellectuals in politics. Based on Plato’s thought on the development of a philosopher, Badiou formulates the idea of an exemplary subject of politics. The exemplary subject of politics is a philosopher-mathematician who is good at mathematical logic.
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Danforth, Scot. "Becoming the Rolling Quads: Disability Politics at the University of California, Berkeley, in the 1960s." History of Education Quarterly 58, no. 4 (October 12, 2018): 506–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2018.29.
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Historical analyses of 1960s university campus activism have focused on activities related to the civil rights movement, Free Speech Movement, and opposition to the Vietnam War. This study supplements the historiography of civil disobedience and political activity on college campuses during that tumultuous era with an account of the initiation of the disability rights movement with the Rolling Quads, a group of disabled student activists at the University of California, Berkeley. This small group, with little political experience and limited connections to campus and community activists, organized to combat the paternalistic managerial practices of the university and the California Department of Rehabilitation. Drawing from the philosophy and strategies of the seething political culture of 1969 Berkeley, the Rolling Quads formed an activist cell that expanded within less than a decade into the most influential disability rights organization in the country.
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Gordon, Hava R., and Jessica K. Taft. "Rethinking Youth Political Socialization." Youth & Society 43, no. 4 (October 25, 2010): 1499–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x10386087.
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This article draws from the experiences and narratives of teenage activists throughout the Americas in order to add a needed dimension, that of peer political socialization, to the larger political and civic socialization literature. The authors argue that although the existing literature emphasizes the roles and responsibilities of adults in shaping young people’s civic capacities, the roles that young people play in socializing each other for political engagement is underexplored. Based on two qualitative studies of teenage activists throughout North and Latin America, the authors argue that teenage activists, who are largely left out of this literature, represent a different process by which youth engage in politics. We use teenagers’ narratives about their own youth-led political socialization to extend the existing theorizing on youth civic engagement, rethink some of its core tenets, and elucidate the roles that young people themselves play in the processes of political socialization.
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Taft, Jessica K. "Hopeful, Harmless, and Heroic." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130203.
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There has been a notable increase in the public visibility of girl activists in the past ten years. In this article, I analyze media narratives about several individual girl activists to highlight key components of the newly desirable figure of the girl activist. After tracing the expansion of girl power discourses from an emphasis on individual empowerment to the invocation of girls as global saviors, I argue that girls are particularly desirable figures for public consumption because the encoding of girls as symbols of hope helps to resolve public anxieties about the future, while their more radical political views are managed through girlhood’s association with harmlessness. Ultimately, the figure of the hopeful and harmless girl activist hero is simultaneously inspirational and demobilizing.
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Herbert, Lea, Laurie Campbell, Breahannah Hilaire, and Galaxina Wright. "Pilot Study of the Intersection of COVID 19 and Activist Mental Health." Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 15, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.15.1.32-50.
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Recent tensions in society have led to protests and demonstrations to raise awareness and consciousness ultimately for change. These efforts can be draining. Domestic increases in youth activism has illustrated transformative community action as well as the need to determine themes related to activist sustainability and mental health. Therefore, a phenomenological study was conducted to explore Millennial and Generation Z activist mental health perceptions and engagement during times of protest including COVID-19. The voice of seven youth activists regarding their experience with concurrent activism and mental health maintenance were explored. Themes derived from interviews with these young adult activists about their mental health behaviors, included: wellness maintenance, mindset, and technology. Intentions of youth activists to participate in integrated care were discussed. Implications and suggestions for counselors and helping professions are provided.
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Stone, Walter J. "The Carryover Effect in Presidential Elections." American Political Science Review 80, no. 1 (March 1986): 271–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957095.
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The carryover hypothesis asserts that participants' candidate support behavior in the general election is affected by their preferences for their party's nomination. This paper examines data from activist and national sample surveys for evidence of a carryover effect in the 1980 election. There is a detectable carryover effect on voting behavior both for activists and for citizens generally. Among activists, where evidence about candidate support behaviors beyond voting is available, the effect on such activity is substantial, and increases with the effort associated with the general election activity in question.
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Samadhi, Willy Purna. "The Disorientation of the Political Capacity of Indonesian Pro-Democracy Activists." PCD Journal 10, no. 2 (April 13, 2023): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v10i2.6249.
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This study examines the political performance of pro-democracy activists in Indonesia after the end of the New Order. Using a democratic transformative politics approach, this study confronts aspects of the political capacity of pro-democracy activists with the need for popular control to work effectively. It finds that activists have been disoriented towards the development of political capacity and popular control. This study contributes to the study of Indonesian democracy by placing the issue of political capacity for building popular control as an integral part of the problem of democracy. The problems of democratisation are not only caused by the domination of political elites who have established oligarchies, but also by pro-democracy activists themselves ignoring the importance of developing collective political capacity as a means of advancing popular control. This study urges pro-democracy activists to re-orient their political capacity building and work with an agenda of consolidating the demos for civic democracy. Pro-democracy activists need to develop a systematic strategy of politicisation to strengthen citizens’ collective power through civic associations as a substitute forconstituents and voters.
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Cherry, Elizabeth. "“Not an Environmentalist”: Strategic Centrism, Cultural Stereotypes, and Disidentification." Sociological Perspectives 62, no. 5 (July 5, 2019): 755–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419859297.
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Birding has long been associated with environmental activism, from its origins as a scientific hobby in the nineteenth century to today’s citizen scientist birders. My research with birders shows that despite their political activism, personal actions, and ecological beliefs, many disidentify as activists or environmentalists. Using data from 30 in-depth interviews and three years of ethnographic research with birders, I argue their disidentification comes from two interrelated sources. First, these birders followed the Audubon Society’s approach of strategic centrism, espousing a centrist identity and strategy of conservation. Second, these birders disidentified with the identity of “environmental activist” because of negative cultural stereotypes about environmental activists, which was bolstered by the Audubon Society’s strategic centrism. These mutually reinforcing phenomena create a situation that doubly discourages these birders from identifying as environmental activists. This paper contributes to sociological understandings of the interplay between culture, identity, and environmental activism.
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Cardoso, Daniel. "The Political Is Personal: The Importance of Affective Narratives in the Rise of Poly-activism." Sociological Research Online 24, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 691–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419835559.
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There is a considerable gap on how social movements that center around non/monogamies decide to organize and articulate their strategies, as well as how they manage their tensions with other activist groups and ideologies or even the State. In addition to this, the fact that much of the literature that circulates is written in English and in an Anglophone context, hampers the ability of researchers to come into contact with other experiences of non/monogamies. This article gives a situated account of the rise of the Portuguese polyamorous social movement and shows how interpersonal relationships fundamentally shape the way activism is performed, and how archives are also important in establishing the identity of activists and activist groups. Using data from the Portuguese polyamorous group PolyPortugal, and interviews with high-profile activists, I argue that the idea of a politics of relating (the politicized analysis of how we connect and perform a given ethics of connection) is a conceptually useful tool to think about the transformations of contemporary intimacies, but it is also fundamental to think about how activism is done by people and for people – people who relate to one another, who exist in tension.
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MERELMAN, RICHARD M. "Role and Personality among Adolescent Political Activists." Youth & Society 17, no. 1 (September 1985): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x85017001003.
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