Journal articles: 'Political activists – Psychology'

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Vanner, Catherine, and Anuradha Dugal. "Personal, Powerful, Political." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130202.

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“Today I met my role model,” tweeted climate change activist Greta Thunberg on 25 February 2020, captioning a picture of herself with girls’ education activist Malala Yousafzai, who also tweeted the picture, proclaiming that Greta was “the only friend I would skip school for.” The proclamations of mutual admiration illustrate a form of solidarity between the two most famous girl activists, who are often pointed to as examples of the power of the individual girl activist in spite of their intentionally collective approaches that connect young activists and civil society organizations around the world. These girl activists have garnered worldwide attention for their causes but have also been subject to problematic media representations that elevate voices of privilege and/or focus on girl activists as exceptional individuals (Gordon and Taft 2010; Hesford 2014), often obscuring the movements behind them. For this reason, this special issue explores activism networks by, for, and with girls and young women, examining and emphasizing girls’ activism in collective and collaborative spaces.

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Gildea, Robert. "Utopia and conflict in the oral testimonies of French 1968 activists." Memory Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2013): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698012463892.

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There are two conflicting cultural memories of 1968: one that celebrates liberation and the other that condemns political violence and sexual excess. This article, based on interviews with five former 1968 activists in France, explores the ways in which they seek to navigate between their personal memories of becoming an activist, positive and negative group memories of being an activist, and the contested cultural memories of 1968, in order to make sense of 1968 and their part in it.

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Hamrick, Ellie, and Haley Duschinski. "Enduring injustice: Memory politics and Namibia’s genocide reparations movement." Memory Studies 11, no. 4 (February 1, 2017): 437–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017693668.

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This article examines post-colonial memory politics in contemporary Namibia. It analyzes the ways in which ethnic Nama and Herero genocide reparations activists struggle to include Germany’s colonial-era genocide of their communities in the national narrative of the contemporary Namibian state. In this article, we explore the extent to which the dominant political party, SWAPO, defines the state through the production of a hegemonic narrative about the Namibian past. We examine how this political context shapes the reparations movement’s strategies and tactics, with attention to how different activist groups position themselves and their historical narratives with respect to the state. We then consider the importance of memorialization for the reparations movement and the multiplicity of meanings associated with state monuments. By highlighting the importance of memory for reparations activists, the article examines the way in which reparations claims shape and are shaped by the politics of memory production in the post-apartheid memory state.

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Costantini, Edmond, and Linda O. Valenty. "The Motives: Ideology Connection among Political Party Activists." Political Psychology 17, no. 3 (September 1996): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791966.

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Taft, Jessica K. "Hopeful, Harmless, and Heroic." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130203.

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There has been a notable increase in the public visibility of girl activists in the past ten years. In this article, I analyze media narratives about several individual girl activists to highlight key components of the newly desirable figure of the girl activist. After tracing the expansion of girl power discourses from an emphasis on individual empowerment to the invocation of girls as global saviors, I argue that girls are particularly desirable figures for public consumption because the encoding of girls as symbols of hope helps to resolve public anxieties about the future, while their more radical political views are managed through girlhood’s association with harmlessness. Ultimately, the figure of the hopeful and harmless girl activist hero is simultaneously inspirational and demobilizing.

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Harré, Niki, Sonja Tepavac, and Pat Bullen. "Integrity, Efficacy and Community in the Stories of Political Activists." Qualitative Research in Psychology 6, no. 4 (November 11, 2009): 330–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14780880903324764.

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Ellerman, D. Andrew. "Student activists 12 years later political and personal career paths." Australian Journal of Psychology 40, no. 3 (August 1988): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049538808260046.

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Wahyuni Iskandar, Ida. "WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATIONS IN EAST KALIMANTAN." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 3175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1223.

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The struggle of women to actualize themselves in the political arena is very difficult since the situation that always accompanies is even an obstacle for them to move freely. Meanwhile, political reform which occurred in Indonesia has certainly given great opportunity to women to participate. In this study, the sampling technique is purposive sampling. The analysis technique used in this study is using interactive model analysis. The results of the research are vote casting the most basic of political participation which women are already involved in general election to vote for governor of East Kalimantan. They have realized that their vote determines the future of their region. For this the simplest form of political participation, most of the women in East Kalimantan have performed their right.The role of the participation of women activists is important in inviting women in East Kalimantan to participate in general elections. To increase activist women's participation is not only the responsibility of one party. Political education for women needs to be held more widely, not only for certain groups. Efforts to increase women's participation in politics certainly need systemic collaboration from various parties from the government, political parties, and community organizations.

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Swann, Marj. "Advice for Activists." Journal of Humanistic Psychology 29, no. 3 (July 1989): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022167889293016.

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Gupta, Abhinav, and Forrest Briscoe. "Organizational Political Ideology and Corporate Openness to Social Activism." Administrative Science Quarterly 65, no. 2 (May 28, 2019): 524–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839219852954.

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This paper argues that organizations tend to be more “open” or “closed” as a function of their members’ political ideologies and that this variation can help explain firms’ responses to social activism. Integrating research on social activism with political psychology, we propose that when firms experience activists’ protests, a liberal-leaning firm will be more likely to concede to activists’ demands than its conservative-leaning counterpart, because its decision makers will more readily accept the interconnectedness of the firm’s activities with the activists’ claims. Building on this core concept, we examine how factors that increase the salience of an organization’s ideology also amplify its effect on responses to protests. Based on a longitudinal sample of 558 protest events directed against Fortune 500 firms from 2001 to 2015, our results support the notion that liberal-leaning firms concede more to activism, an effect that exists after accounting for the ideological valence of the protest issues. When an organization’s members are more proximate to the corporate headquarters, this effect of its ideology is heightened. The same is true when the firm’s ideology is incongruent with that of its local community or its industry. These findings inform research on the organizational implications of political ideologies, as well as on social movements, institutional complexity, and non-market strategy.

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Reynolds (Taewon Choi), Jason D., Bridget M. Anton, Chiroshri Bhattacharjee, and Megan E. Ingraham. "The work of a revolutionary: A psychobiography and careerography of Angela Y. Davis." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 17, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.5507.

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Dr. Angela Y. Davis is a political activist, academician, and writer who has navigated and discussed issues of race, class, gender, and USA social policies across her 75 years of life. Davis’s activism established her as the icon of a larger social movement and further related to her decision-making and legacy. Using psychobiographical methods, data were gathered through publicly available sources to explore Davis’s personal, professional, and representational life, as well as understand Davis’s lived experience through a socio-cultural-historical perspective. Two established theories, Social Cognitive Career Theory and Politicized Collective Identity model, were applied to Davis’s life. Findings suggested that in addition to her unique intersectional identities, a confluence of factors including growing up in a family of activists, incarceration, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) surveillance, Communist Party involvement, marginalization within activist spaces, and practicing radical self-care impacted Davis committing to a life as an activist, academic, and the leader of a social movement.

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Scardaville, Melissa C. "Accidental Activists." American Behavioral Scientist 48, no. 7 (March 2005): 881–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764204273174.

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Romer, Nancy. "Is Political Activism Still A “MASCULINE” ENDEAVOR?: Gender Comparisons among High School Political Activists." Psychology of Women Quarterly 14, no. 2 (June 1990): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1990.tb00016.x.

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Wollman, Neil, and Michael Wexler. "A Workshop for Activists." Journal of Humanistic Psychology 32, no. 4 (October 1992): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022167892324009.

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Cornish, Flora, Catherine Campbell, and Cristián Montenegro. "Activism in changing times: Reinvigorating community psychology: Introduction to the Special Thematic Section." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 6, no. 2 (December 21, 2018): 526–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v6i2.1111.

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The field of community psychology has for decades concerned itself with the theory and practice of bottom-up emancipatory efforts to tackle health inequalities and other social injustices, often assuming a consensus around values of equality, tolerance and human rights. However, recent global socio-political shifts, particularly the individualisation of neoliberalism and the rise of intolerant, exclusionary politics, have shaken those assumptions, creating what many perceive to be exceptionally hostile conditions for emancipatory activism. This special thematic section brings together a diverse series of articles which address how health and social justice activists are responding to contemporary conditions, in the interest of re-invigorating community psychology’s contribution to emancipatory efforts. The current article introduces our collective conceptualisation of these ‘changing times’, the challenges they pose, and four openings offered by the collection of articles. Firstly, against the backdrop of neoliberal hegemony, these articles argue for a return to community psychology’s core principle of relationality. Secondly, articles identify novel sources of disruptive community agency, in the resistant identities of nonconformist groups, and new, technologically-mediated communicative relations. Thirdly, articles prompt a critical reflection on the potentials and tensions of scholar-activist-community relationships. Fourthly, and collectively, the articles inspire a politics of hope rather than of despair. Building on the creativity of the activists and authors represented in this special section, we conclude that the environment of neoliberal individualism and intolerance, rather than rendering community psychology outdated, serves to re-invigorate its core commitment to relationality, and to a bold and combative scholar-activism.

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Cole, Elizabeth R., Alyssa N. Zucker, and Joan M. Ostrove. "Political Participation and Feminist Consciousness Among Women Activists of the 1960s." Political Psychology 19, no. 2 (June 1998): 349–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00108.

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Biglia, Barbara. "II. Some ‘Latin’ Women Activists’ Accounts: Reflections on Political Research." Feminism & Psychology 16, no. 1 (February 2006): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959-353506060816.

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Huddart Kennedy, Emily, John R. Parkins, and Josée Johnston. "Food activists, consumer strategies, and the democratic imagination: Insights from eat-local movements." Journal of Consumer Culture 18, no. 1 (July 11, 2016): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540516659125.

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Scholars remain divided on the possibilities (and limitations) of conceptualizing social change through a consumer-focused, “shopping for change,” lens. Drawing from framing theory and the concept of the democratic imagination, we use a case study of “eat-local” food activism to contribute to this debate. We ask two questions: first, how do activists in the local food movement come to diagnose and critique the conventional industrial food system? and second, what roles do they envision for participants in the sustainable food movement? We address these questions by drawing from activist interview data (n = 57) and participant observation of the eat-local movement in three Canadian cities. Our findings illuminate a mixed picture of possibilities and limitations for consumer-based projects to foster social change. On the one hand, the diagnostic frames presented by food activists suggest skills in critical thinking, attention to structural injustice, and widespread recognition of the importance of collective mobilization. This framing suggests a politically thick democratic imagination among eat-local activists. In contrast, when it comes to thinking about prescriptions for change, activist understandings draw from individualistic and market-oriented conceptualizations of civic engagement, which indicates a relatively thin democratic imagination. These findings demonstrate that despite the sophisticated understandings and civic commitment of movement activists, the eat-local movement is limited by a reliance on individual consumption as the dominant pathway for achieving eco-social change.

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Mitchell, Claudia. "A Girl Activist Inventory." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130201.

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In March 2019, I had the pleasure of giving a talk at Peter Green College at the University of British Columbia that I called “The Politics and Possibilities of Girl-led and Youth-led Arts-based Activism to Address Gender Violence.” I wanted to highlight in particular the activist work of numerous groups of Indigenous girls and young women in a current project and the youth AIDS activist work of the Fire and Hope project in South Africa but I also wanted to place this work in the context of girls’ activism and youth activism more broadly. To do this I started out with a short activity called “Know your Girl Activist” during which I showed PowerPoint photos of some key girl and young women activists of the last few years, and asked the audience if they could identify them. The activists included two Nobel Prize Peace Prize winners, Malala Yousafzai (2014) and Nadia Murad (2018) along with Autumn Pelletier, the young Indigenous woman from Northern Ontario, Canada, well known for her work on water activism, and, of course, Greta Thunberg, now a household name but then, in 2019, already well known for her work on climate change activism. To my surprise only some of these activists were recognized, so, during the Q and A session, when I was asked if there is a history of girls as activists I could see that this question indicated clearly the urgent need for this special issue of Girlhood Studies which was only just in process then. Now, thanks to the dedication of the two guest editors of this special issue, Catherine Vanner and Anuradha Dugal and the wide range of superb contributors, I can point confidently to girls’ activism as a burgeoning area of study in contemporary feminism rooted in feminist history.

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Shapiro, Kenneth. "The Caring Sleuth: Portrait of an Animal Rights Activist." Society & Animals 2, no. 2 (1994): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853094x00153.

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AbstractThe present study of the psychology of animal rights activists utilizes a qualitative analytic method based on two forms of data: a set of questionnaire protocols completed by grassroots activists and of autobiographical accounts by movement leaders. The resultant account keys on the following descriptives: (1) an attitude of caring, (2) suffering as an habitual object of perception, and (3) the aggressive and skillful uncovering and investigation of instances of suffering. In a final section, the investigator discusses tensions and conflicts arising from these three themes and various ways of attempting to resolve them.

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Takovski, Aleksandar. "Coloring social change: Humor, politics, and social movements." HUMOR 33, no. 4 (September 11, 2019): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2019-0037.

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AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists’ reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists’ opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement.

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Zamponi, Lorenzo. "The “Precarious Generation” and the “Natives of the Ruins”: The Multiple Dimensions of Generational Identity in Italian Labor Struggles in Times of Crisis." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (February 20, 2019): 1427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831740.

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Focusing on mobilizations around work, this article sheds light on generational identity as it emerges in activists involved in labor struggles in Italy in the past few years. Do Italian “millennial” activists perceive themselves as part of the same political generation? What are its main traits? And are the contextual elements that define it linked more to socioeconomic context or to experiences of collective action? The analysis shows a clear self-identification of Italian millennials, in the context of labor struggles, as “the precarious generation”: a generation mostly affected by the socioeconomic conditions of the past few years, with the explosion of labor precarity, of the economic crisis, and more generally, of neoliberal policies. While this shared identity refers to a specific socioeconomic context, there is a difference related to the experience of political mobilization: Activists are rather pessimistic when focusing on the youngest component of their generation, usually described as more individualist, due to their lack of exposure to intense waves of political mobilization. The contribution explores the multidimensional nature of generational identity and its asymmetric nature: If both the socioeconomic context and the experience of political socialization play a role in shaping a political generation, these dynamics do not always go hand in hand, and activists tend to actively work to reconcile the different dimensions of their generational identity into a coherent narrative.

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Liddick, Don. "Techniques of Neutralization and Animal Rights Activists." Deviant Behavior 34, no. 8 (August 2013): 618–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2012.759048.

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Huang, Tsun-Chueh, and Emily Bent. "When Girls Lead." Girlhood Studies 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2022.150204.

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Greta Thunberg’s prominence in the climate justice movement symbolically positions girls at the epicenter of geopolitical resistance, but, while she is given immediate authority across media outlets, other girls’ visions of a more equitable future are often disregarded; this demands our careful attention. We discuss the work of five New York City-based girl activists of color engaged in this movement. We explore the ways in which their intersectional identities and social positions shape their mobilization strategies and draw connections to other popular social justice movements; their activist playbook reveals the transformative potential of intersectional feminist politics in the hands of Generation Z. These girl activists of color generate sophisticated, relational platforms for climate justice informed by the interconnected issues of racial and economic injustice.

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Collins, Charles R., Danielle Kohfeldt, and Mariah Kornbluh. "Psychological and political liberation: Strategies to promote power, wellness, and liberation among anti‐racist activists." Journal of Community Psychology 48, no. 2 (October 14, 2019): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jcop.22259.

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CESARINI, PAOLA, and SHAREEN HERTEL. "Interdisciplinary Approaches to Human Rights Scholarship in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 4 (November 2005): 793–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x05009879.

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Human rights are the focus of research and teaching in multiple fields including law, philosophy, political science, sociology, anthropology, economics, psychology, history, literature and public health. Human rights are also the focus of advocacy and on-the-ground investigation by activists affiliated with nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), labour unions and social movements. Scholars interested in rights-based issues thus often face a dual challenge: that of crossing disciplinary boundaries in order to explore human rights questions, and that of bridging the academic-practitioner divide.

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Besta, Tomasz, and Anna Maria Zawadzka. "Expansion of the self of activists and nonactivists involved in mass gatherings for collective action." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 2 (November 13, 2017): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217735903.

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Three studies were carried out in natural settings of mass gatherings to examine the interplay between activist identity and self-expansion and their relationship with willingness to engage in future collective actions. Study 1 was conducted among activists and supporters of equal rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals; Study 2 involved participants in a nationwide charity event; and Study 3 included members of a religious group. The results showed a statistically significant positive relationship between self-perceived activist identity and collective action (CA) tendency (Studies 1, 2, and 3). Moreover, the interaction between activist identity and self-expansion plays a role in predicting CA, with self-expansion related to willingness to engage in progroup behaviors when activist identity is low but not when activist identity is high (Studies 2 and 3). This interaction statistically significantly predicted collective action tendency when nonmaterialistic relational self-expansion and nonrelational self-expansion were considered but not when materialistic self-expansion was tested (Study 3).

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Parigi, Paolo, and Rachel Gong. "From grassroots to digital ties: A case study of a political consumerism movement." Journal of Consumer Culture 14, no. 2 (June 9, 2014): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540514526280.

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New grassroots organizations that target ethical consumer choices and behavior represent a departure from traditional social movement organizations. In this article, we study the activists of one of these organizations and show that social network ties formed mainly online greatly reinforce commitment toward the goals of the movement. We suggest that online ties, that is, digital ties, are important for political consumerism movements because they create audiences for private actions. It is because of the presence of these audiences that the individual participants can reinterpret their actions into public ones. We used an online survey to collect data on the users of the Transition US social website on Ning.com. Over half of the respondents have experiences with political activism. However, their responses indicate that they are dissatisfied with traditional means of political participation (e.g. rallies) and prefer non-contentious collective actions (e.g. local gardening). Respondents perceive community organizing to be the most effective way to bring about social change, deprioritizing connections to local government. Furthermore, respondents who formed digital ties with other activists were significantly more likely than respondents who had no ties with other activists to adopt consumer changes consistent with the goals of the movement. We interpreted this finding as an indicator that digital ties share some of the characteristics of strong ties, and we explored this similarity in this article.

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Giersch, Jason. "Punishing campus protesters based on ideology." Research & Politics 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 205316801989212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019892129.

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Recent protests on university campuses have inspired conservative claims that liberals allow partisanship to color their judgement of disorderly activists. Prior research suggests, however, that both ideologies are prone to political bias. Furthermore, because conservatives are typically more concerned with orderliness and authority, there are theoretical reasons to expect conservatives to respond more forcefully to protests than liberals, especially when those protesters are political opponents. Using an experimental design with two samples, one with Mechanical Turk participants and the other with current college students, the study finds support for the hypotheses that (1) conservatives are more punitive towards protesters than liberals, (2) both ideologies are more likely to punish when protesters are their political opponents, and (3) conservatives’ responses to protesters are more sensitive to their ideology than liberals’. These results support recent studies of the psychology of political ideology and punitiveness.

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Bertuzzi, Niccolò. "Political Generations and the Italian Environmental Movement(s): Innovative Youth Activism and the Permanence of Collective Actors." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 11 (March 8, 2019): 1556–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831735.

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During recent years, Italian social movements have experienced a period of crisis, in part due to diffuse antipolitical feelings and latent social conflict. However, environmental issues and especially territorial mobilizations remain relevant, due to the appearance of new contentious actors and to the permanence of long-standing organizations and important local grassroots campaigns. Based on 19 semistructured interviews with activists belonging to informal groups and formal associations, this article discusses the role of age and generations within the variegated Italian environmental archipelago, in which organizational and collective aspects prove to currently have a relevant role. Indeed, age does not represent an important fracture, representing a partial anomaly if confronted with the other case studies discussed in this special issue. The only diversities between cohorts are related to the forms of action preferred and (eventually) adopted, while the common perception of job precariousness among young activists is not translated into a single frame and common path of resistance. More than a Millennials’ identity, it is rather appropriate to speak of various and divergent political generations: individuals belonging to different cohorts share some ideologies and visions of the world, especially related to territorial belongings or to specific ways of looking at environmental issues. Also for this reason, a final comparison between contemporary young activists and those of previous generations is proposed to address the generation(s) in movement(s) in a dynamic perspective.

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Rizvi, Sajjad H. "Islamic Political Radicalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.1477.

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As jihadi ideology shifts from articulating a perpetual conflict against the“far enemy” (read: the United States and its allies) and the “near enemy”(read: the United States’ clients) within the Middle East and the wider Muslimworld to taking the conflict to the heart of the far enemy in NorthAmericaand Western Europe, it is time for academics to take stock of what hashappened, how it has happened, and why. The “radicalization” debate, as itis called, tries to ask the pertinent question of why some Muslim male citizensof these “western” states feel so disenchanted, dis-integrated, and alienatedfrom their immediate communities that they can perpetrate such grossacts of violence as the bombings in Madrid in March 2004 and 7/7 in London.The challenge of such violent radicalism (and it is important to qualifyit as such, since radicalism traditionally has been a political virtue of the Leftdemanding change) affects security policy as well as the integrity and dignityof Muslim communities. Tahir Abbas, a reader in sociology at the University of Birmingham anda leading expert on the sociology of Britain’s Muslim communities, hasassembled a vibrant interdisciplinary circle of specialists, comprisingMuslimand non-Muslim academics and activists, to tackle this question. The collectionbrings together studies in political science, political sociology (the primaryfocus for the debate on radicalism), anthropology, psychology, criminology,and related disciplines.The contributors concentrate on Britain, albeitwithin a European context, and thus this book might be of value for thosestudying Islamismin otherMuslim-minority contexts (particularly the UnitedStates) and even in Muslim-majority contexts as a base of comparison ...

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Hall, Bogumila. "Coming of Age in the “State of Emergency”: Race, Religion, and Political Imagination Among Britain’s Youth of Color." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 11 (February 26, 2019): 1539–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831728.

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In a racial security state, Britain’s black and brown youth have been excluded from the national narrative. Construed as foreign, threatening, and alienated, young people of minority backgrounds have been the prime targets of the state’s counterterrorism legislation as well as surveillance, policing, and disciplining programs. At the same time, communities of color are among the most severely affected by austerity measures, suffering from the highest rates of unemployment, shoddy housing, cuts to public services, and closure of community centers. This article reveals how generational identity is tied to racial and class consciousness, dimensions rarely accounted for in the classical sociological work on generations. Shedding light on the mosaic of intersectional struggles, the article scrutinizes how activists of color, marginalized even within traditional leftist movements, carve out their own spaces of engagement, reclaim their terms of speaking, and forge wider alliances and solidarities. In doing so, they combine outward acts of resistance with inward-looking practices of self-affirmation, building community spaces, and preserving memories. Within these various avenues—ranging from university campuses to DIY festivals—young racialized activists depart from the language of civil rights and the politics of recognition, typical for the generation of their parents. Instead, young activists question the multiple exclusions on which citizenship relies, turn away from state projects, and articulate a radical, decolonial vision of social justice, not contained by the nation–state framework.

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Hegasy, Sonja. "Archive partisans: Forbidden histories and the promise of the future." Memory Studies 12, no. 3 (June 2019): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698019836187.

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Remembering past injustices has been regarded as central to overcoming intra-societal conflicts with the end of World War II. Since, memory has increasingly been charged as a means to achieve reconciliation. But only in recent years have archives, and here especially human rights archives, in the Mashreq and Maghreb moved from being semi-functional repositories for academics to become important loci for political activists to reappraise violence and injustice. The role of the archive in preserving or erasing personal memories is critically investigated by such activists. This article covers an emergent discourse on the memory milieus of violent conflict, war, and occupation extant in this region. In a selective overview covering Morocco, the Western Sahara, Lebanon, and Egypt, it asks what the visibility of violent experiences means for the wider social context and how traumatic pasts are re-socialized through private and public archiving initiatives. The author investigates the archive less as a place of storage than as a milieu around which various actors conceptualize the past and struggle over future justice.

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Park, Jun Won, Preeti Vani, Sidney Saint-Hilaire, and Michael W. Kraus. "Disadvantaged group activists' attitudes toward advantaged group allies in social movements." Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 98 (January 2022): 104226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2021.104226.

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Paddock, Joel. "Interest group influence on the ideological orientations of local party activists." Social Science Journal 44, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 734–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2007.10.002.

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Başoğlu, Metin, Murat Paker, Erdoğan Özmen, Özgün Taşdemir, Doğan Şahin, Ayten Ceyhanli, Cem Incesu, and Nuşin Sarimurat. "Appraisal of self, social environment, and state authority as a possible mediator of posttraumatic stress disorder in tortured political activists." Journal of Abnormal Psychology 105, no. 2 (May 1996): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0021-843x.105.2.232.

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Lee, Francis LF, Joseph Man Chan, and Dennis KK Leung. "When a historical analogy fails: Current political events and collective memory contestation in the news." Memory Studies 12, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017703809.

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Collective memory studies have emphasized how people can utilize important historical events as analogies to make sense of current happenings. This article argues that the invocation of historical analogies may, under certain circumstances, become an occasion for people to negotiate and contest the significance of the historical events. Focusing on Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement in 2014, this article analyzes how references to the 1989 Tiananmen Incident emerged in the news as a dominant historical analogy when the movement began, foregrounding the possibility of state violence. But when state violence did not materialize, the authorities, young protesters, and radical activists started to contest the relevance of Tiananmen. The analogy was largely abandoned by the movement’s end. The analysis illustrates the recursive character of the relationship between past and present events: after the past is invoked to aid interpretations of the present, present developments may urge people to reevaluate the past.

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Taylor, Randon R., and William T. Hoston. "A People's War on Poverty: Urban Politics and Grassroots Activists in Houston." Social Science Journal 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2016.02.004.

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Portos, Martin. "Divided We Stand, (Oftentimes) United We Fight: Generational Bridging in Spain’s Feminist Movement and the Cycle of Antiausterity Mobilizations." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (February 18, 2019): 1447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831730.

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After a general campaign that aimed at changing the political and socioeconomic system, the 15M/Indignados abandoned the visible occupation of central squares decentralized through neighborhood assemblies, and specialized around different issues, such as housing, and the health and public education systems. Although often cohabitating amid tension, feminist activists of different generations forged internal and autonomous spaces that prioritized feminist aspirations and permeated dissent in the shadow of the Great Recession, sharing arenas with people who would not have been reached otherwise. Despite the feminist movement(s)’ heterogeneity, intersectional character, and organization through polycephalous networks, it has in recent times grown to stand out as the movement with the highest mobilization capacity in the country. Based on original qualitative data from 12 semi-structured interviews with key informants and activists, the piece of research sheds light on the tensions between different generations of feminists. It will explain the continuities and discontinuities between veteran and younger activists’ world views when it comes to their forms of politicization, theoretical underpinnings, strategic priorities, organizational configuration and resource mobilization, repertoires of action and cultural foundations. In addition, it contends that the ability of veteran and new activists to forge arenas of encounter, fostering debate and synergies during the antiausterity cycle of protest, were key to account for the cross-generational alliance-building processes, which have hitherto seldom been explored in the feminist movement(s) and beyond.

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D’Errico, Francesca. "“Imagine” – Participative strategies of two online minorities within Italian context." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 6 (December 31, 2016): 688–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.6.02der.

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Abstract Within the field of political psychology studies, the main goal of the present study is to investigate in depth the role played by two different forms – E-Tactics vs E-Movement – of social media activism on the quality of discourses and their possible level of acquired empowerment. Two Italian cases of e-minorities (Teatro Valle Occupato and Roars) will be analysed in terms of argumentative moves following a pragma-dialectic perspective in order to observe how they can construct a possible process of conscientization. Results, achieved by means of quanti-qualitative methods, highlight how E-Tactics (Teatro Valle Occupato), differently from E-Movement (Roars), can better promote normative but also creative forms of argumentations, as activists can claim for their rights but mainly also promote value change. This type of activism is strongly correlated to political participation, differently from E-Movement, mainly oriented to individual empowerment.

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Zelinska, Olga. "How Protesters and the State Learn From One Another: Spiraling Repertoires of Contention and Repression in Ukraine, 1990-2014." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 9 (July 24, 2020): 1271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220941223.

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This article employs a contentious politics framework to examine the mobilization–repression nexus as it occurred in Ukraine from the 1990 Revolution on Granite, through the 2000-2001 Ukraine without Kuchma campaign and the 2004 Orange Revolution, to the 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement. Comparative analysis of these four cases suggests that developments in both the contentious and repressive repertoires resembled spirals: each campaign became more complex and of longer duration than the last, and each was driven by the repeated protester–government interactions and by the political, economic, and technological environment that changed over time. In the transit from autocracy to democracy, Ukrainian activists adopted and “normalized” political protest much more quickly than did the authorities. The activists creatively innovated as they borrowed from earlier dissent traditions and from other social movements abroad. For the government, the process of learning how to manage contention with means other than their usual repression tactics was much longer, and it is not over. As it slowly transits from Soviet past to democracy, Ukraine continues its development into a “social movement society.”

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Wasielewski, Patricia L. "Not quite normal, but not really deviant: Some notes on the comparison of elite athletes and women political activists." Deviant Behavior 12, no. 1 (January 1991): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.1991.9967867.

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Nel, Carla, Barbara Burnell, Paul J. P. Fouché, and Roelf van Niekerk. "Meaning and wellness: A comparative psychobiography on Helen Suzman and Beyers Naudé." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 17, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.5391.

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This comparative psychobiographical study provides an in-depth exploration of meaning in the lives of two extraordinary individuals, Helen Suzman and Beyers Naudé. A comparison of the construction of meaning, as an important aspect of wellness within the holistic wellness model, is given for these South African anti-apartheid activists. Suzman (1917–2009) dedicated her career to opposing apartheid policy as a parliamentary politician. Naudé (1915–2004) was a renowned public figure dedicated to social justice in his role as a theologian. The holistic wellness model views the Neo-Adlerian life task of spirituality as crucial to ascribing meaning to life events, acknowledging multiple potential sources of meaning. The differences and similarities pertaining to the domains of meaning-making of these two subjects are explored. The subjects, who differed regarding biographical variables, were found to share a common sense of purpose within the same socio-political milieu. The study findings confirm that commitment to diverse sources of meaning and generativity are central to meaningfulness. This comparative psychobiographical study contributes to the eugraphic exploration of the meaning-making processes of these exemplary individuals.

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Hopke, Jill E., and Molly Simis. "Response to ‘Word choice as political speech’: Hydraulic fracturing is a partisan issue." Public Understanding of Science 26, no. 1 (August 2, 2016): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662516643621.

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In 2015, Hopke & Simis published an analysis of social media discourse around hydraulic fracturing. Grubert (2016) offered a commentary on the research, highlighting the politicization of terminology used in the discourse on this topic. The present article is a response to Grubert (2016)’s commentary, in which we elaborate on the distinctions between terminology used in social media discourse around hydraulic fracturing (namely, ‘frack,’ ‘fracking,’ ‘frac,’ and ‘fracing’). Additionally preliminary analysis supports the claim that industry-preferred terminology is severely limited in its reach. When industry actors opt-out of the discourse, the conversation followed by the majority of lay audiences is dominated by activists. exacerbating the political schism on the issue.

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Doerr, Nicole, and Massimiliano Andretta. "Imagining Europe: Internal and External Non-State Actors at the European Crossroads." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 3 (August 1, 2007): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007032.

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This article studies the construction of ideals and images associated with Europe and the European Union by non-state actors (social movements, trade unions and NGOs) based outside Europe. First, we analyse the external image of Europe and the EU through the content analysis of meaning attributed to the EU and EU politics on the homepages of non-EU NGOs, trade unions and social movements within the global justice movements. Secondly, we study the perspective of non-Western European activists within the European Social Forum process as a transnational forum ‘from below’ for ‘another’ Europe. The European Union seen from outside is an ambivalent powerful political community with both a hegemonic but also a socially transformative and democratic aspiration. While internal EU organizations and groups claim the internal democratization of Europe, activists based outside the EU see it as an important external ally for the implementation of human rights and democratization (or gender equality), though they are very critical on materialistic issues, such as trade relationships.

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Stewart, Abigail J., Isis H. Settles, and Nicholas J. G. Winter. "Women and the Social Movements of the 1960s: Activists, Engaged Observers, and Nonparticipants." Political Psychology 19, no. 1 (March 1998): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00093.

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Chironi, Daniela. "Generations in the Feminist and LGBT Movements in Italy: The Case ofNon Una Di Meno." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (March 6, 2019): 1469–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831745.

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The article analyses the participation of young people in emerging social movements, focusing on the experience of the Italian Non Una Di Meno (NUDM) movement combatting male violence against women. Challenging scholarly assumptions of growing youth apathy in democracies, the analysis reveals high levels of participation on the part of the younger population engaged in gender-related struggles. Hit by both conservative and austerity policies associated with the economic and political crisis, feminist and LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersexual) Millennials reacted by increasing their involvement in contentious politics. In the protest arena, they have crossed paths with older generations, activating processes of exchange, but also intergenerational tensions. Based on original qualitative data from ten semi-structured interviews with movement activists in Florence and Bologna, this piece of research sheds light on the role of young people in the birth and evolution of NUDM, and the relationship between different generations of activists within this movement. More specifically, it explains continuities and discontinuities between veterans and younger activists’ sources of theoretical inspirations, organizational models and mobilization resources, strategic priorities and action repertoires. Millennials embrace intersectional feminism and queer theory; opt for grassroots, horizontal organizing; adopt a conflictual attitude towards the state, and dialogical, introspective dynamics within the movement. Intergenerational disagreements especially relate to sex work, and surrogate motherhood.

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Wright, Anthony Gerard, and Jurhamuti José Velázquez Morales. "“Where Your Voice Burns Like Fire”: Visual art and radio broadcasting as semiotic practices of intergenerational political socialization among the Purépecha of Cherán, México." Global Studies of Childhood 11, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20436106211008647.

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This article analyzes visual art and radio broadcasting as semiotic practices that serve as crucial sites of child and youth participation in Indigenous social movements. Looking specifically at a movement against organized crime, political corruption, and environmental exploitation that emerged in 2011 among the Purépechan people of Cherán, Michoacán, México, we show how young people’s creative practices present a significant challenge to hegemonic models of adult- directed political socialization and participation, although they do not result in a total flattening of age-based hierarchies. Drawing on multimodal ethnographic fieldwork and personal experience in the movement, we show how the creative practices of youth activists facilitate the production and circulation of visual and sonic content that conveys historical and onto-epistemological frameworks which guide the movement. We also show how the circulation of this content generates the potential to influence those who come into contact with it, including both Purépechans and non-Purépechans who reside well beyond the borders of Cherán. In doing so, we demonstrate that multimodal ethnographic attention to the ways in which young people’s diverse semiotic repertoires are deployed in contexts of political activism can provide valuable insights about political socialization, intergenerational relationships, and the entanglement of a variety of politically charged semiotic forms in everyday life.

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Bélanger, Jocelyn J., Blaine G. Robbins, Hayat Muhammad, Manuel Moyano, Claudia F. Nisa, Birga M. Schumpe, and Michelle Blaya-Burgo. "Supporting political violence: The role of ideological passion and social network." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, no. 8 (December 2020): 1187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430220933954.

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This research examines how social networks contribute to the process of radicalization, building on work showing that obsessive (vs. harmonious) passion for a cause is linked to greater support for political violence. Study 1 ( N = 331) shows that obsessive (vs. harmonious) passion is related to affiliating with radical (vs. moderate) social networks, which in turn is associated with support for political violence. Study 2 ( N = 381) provides experimental evidence for this phenomenon, by showing that inducing an obsessive mindset produces a greater proclivity to connect with radical activists, which in turn is associated with greater support for political violence. Drawing from social network analysis, Study 3 ( N = 366) shows that network density intensifies obsessively passionate individuals’ affiliation to radical networks. The results offer insight into the group processes behind radicalization across different cultural contexts and ideologies.

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Schofield, Norman, and Guido Cataife. "A model of political competition with activists applied to the elections of 1989 and 1995 in Argentina." Mathematical Social Sciences 53, no. 3 (May 2007): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mathsocsci.2007.01.002.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political activists – Psychology'

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