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Journal articles on the topic 'Politica penale'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 9 March 2023

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1

Caterini, Mario, Doris Alina Șerban, and Diana Andone. "Provocările dreptului penal în faţa noilor mijloace de informare în masă." Criminal Law Writings (Caiete de Drept Penal), no. 2 (November 2, 2020): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cdp.2020.2.1.

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Articolul prezintă în primul rând modul în care mass-media este înclinată să selecteze informaţii pe criterii pragmatice/comerciale şi nu neapărat folosind ca punct de referinţă relevanţa informaţiei. Rezultatul unei astfel de selecţii ar putea fi o reprezentare distorsionată a realităţii, care ar putea crea griji colective artificiale şi, în consecinţă, ar putea influenţa politica penală şi funcţionarea sistemului penal. A doua parte a articolului analizează tocmai influenţa reprezentării mass-media asupra politicii penale, în special în contextul actual al aşa-numitei „democraţii lichide” dezvoltată în jurul noilor mijloace de informare în masă (în special Internetul). Autorul se concentrează pe riscurile pe care le poate implica această formă de democraţie, în special pe încălcarea potenţială a unor principii fundamentale în sistemele moderne democratice. Concluzia este dedicată culturii dreptului penal, autorul promovând educarea publicului, respectiv o paideia politico-penală, adaptată nevoilor postmoderne democratice şi de masă, care să încerce să urmărească conţinutul ontologic al nivelurilor minime de cunoaştere a cetăţenilor, cum ar fi interiorizarea acelor valori fundamentale care constrâng etosul societăţii civile contemporane.

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2

Bonnet, François. "Spiegare le variazioni della politica sociale e penale con il principio di less eligibility." SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no. 163 (August 2022): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2022-163001.

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Il welfare (politica sociale) e la punizione (politica penale) variano notevolmente nel tempo e nello spazio, con la politica sociale più o meno generosa e la punizione più o meno barbara. Cosa determina la generosità delle politiche sociali e l'umanità delle politiche penali? Il principio di less eligibility sostiene che in ogni società l'assistenza sarà resa meno attraente del lavoro a basso salario e la punizione renderà il crimine meno attraente dell'assistenza. Io sostengo che il principio di less eligibility determina il mix di assistenza e punizione che viene attuato per governare e gestire la povertà in una data società.

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3

Nascimbene, Bruno. "Lo spazio di libertŕ, sicurezza e giustizia a due anni dall'entrata in vigore del Trattato di Lisbona." DIRITTO, IMMIGRAZIONE E CITTADINANZA, no. 4 (March 2012): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/diri2011-004002.

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1. La definizione di spazio di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia2. La comunitarizzazione e il Trattato di Lisbona. Le residue competenze degli Stati3. Le situazioni di compromesso politico: immigrazione, cooperazione giudiziaria penale, accordi di Schengen4. Lo spazio e la tutela dei diritti fondamentali5. Le realizzazioni compiute. Le azioni necessarie6. Il principio del mutuo riconoscimento. La sua rilevanza, in particolare, nella cooperazione giudiziaria penale e nella politica di immigrazione e asilo

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4

Flick, Giovanni Maria. "Costituzione e processo penale tra principio di ragionevolezza e uno sguardo verso l'Europa." QUESTIONE GIUSTIZIA, no. 1 (March 2010): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qg2010-001002.

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Con riferimento al processo penale la Corte costituzionale ha modulato, nei decenni, il proprio ruolo con una attenzione, volta a volta, maggiormente concentrata sui princěpi, sui valori, sul funzionamento della giurisdizione. Oggi il suo ruolo si misura, da un lato, sul delicato crinale dei rapporti tra politica (nel senso etimologico di arte del governo della cosa pubblica) e processo penale e, dall'altro, con significative e irreversibili aperture verso orizzonti piů ampi dell'ormai angusto "osservatorio" nazionale (che lasciano presagire - quanto meno secondo prospettive di larga massima - quale potrŕ essere lo scenario del "domani").

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5

Marietti, Susanna. "Il paradosso penitenziario." PARADIGMI, no. 1 (April 2011): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/para2011-001012.

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L'articolo denuncia la distanza oggi esistente in Italia fra la prassi penitenziaria e la relativa legislazione. Di qui il paradosso per cui il luogo deputato a punire la devianza dalla legge diventa esso stesso illegale, senza che di ciň nessuno possa essere ritenuto responsabile. Il paradosso penitenziario viene qui interpretato, sullo sfondo del "diritto penale minimo", come un tentativo esemplare compiuto dalla politica di negare la propria subordinazione al diritto, qual č implicata dal modello democratico costituzionale.

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6

Ferrari, Vincenzo. "L'amministrazione della giustizia nell'Italia del 2000. Rassegna e riflessioni." SOCIOLOGIA DEL DIRITTO, no. 3 (December 2012): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sd2012-003011.

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In questo articolo vengono presentati succintamente i risultati di una vasta ricerca su "L'amministrazione della giustizia nell'Italia del 2000", svolta da un gruppo di studiosi di scienze sociali, sotto il coordinamento dell'autore, nell'arco dello scorso decennio. L'indagine, da cui sono usciti dodici studi monografici raccolti in nove volumi, ha preso in considerazione il sistema della giustizia sia nella sua struttura e nelle sue funzioni, sia nei suoi rapporti con alcuni altri sistemi d'azione sociale, e precisamente la famiglia, la politica, il contesto europeo e l'avvocatura. L'autore mette in risalto la relativa chiusura della magistratura verso la societŕ e le principali disfunzioni della giustizia civile e penale. Osserva poi che la congestione sembra un tratto comune a molti sistemi di giustizia moderni e, rifacendosi a recenti studi americani, affaccia l'ipotesi che tali sistemi riescano ad operare soltanto in presenza di alternative semi-istituzionali, come il patteggiamento nel penale e la negoziazione nel civile, che ne tradiscono i principi ispiratori.

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7

Bianchetti, Raffaele. "Sentimenti, risentimenti e politica criminale : un'indagine quali-quantitativa in tema di legislazione penale compulsiva." Archivio penale, no. 1 (2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12871/97888331805024.

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8

Icolari, Maria assunta. "IL FENOMENO FISCALE ITALIANO AL TEMPO DELLA CRISI DELLE CONCEZIONI GIURIDICHE TRADIZIONALI." Revista da Faculdade Mineira de Direito 21, no. 42 (July 16, 2019): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2318-7999.2018v21n42p131-148.

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La disamina muove dal bisogno di una profonda riflessione del sistema tributario italiano dopo che la stagione della crisi, politica ma anche economica, ha sortito i suoi effetti sia sul rapporto mai paritario tra Amministrazione finanziaria e contribuente che sulla nozione di tributo. Pertanto oggetto di attenzione sono per un verso le problematiche legate alla mancanza sia di un vero e paritario contraddittorio nell’azione tributaria, per cui l’Amministrazione fiscale spesso è in una posizione di intollerabile supremazia, sia di un vero coordinamento con il diritto penale; per altro verso del bisogno di adeguare la nozione di tributo agli indirizzi che provengono dal giudice costituzionale.

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9

Dogliani, Mario, Francesco Pallante, Chiara Tripodina, Valeria Marcenň, Pinto Ilenia Massa, and Antonio Mastropaolo. "Come i costituzionalisti possono salvarsi l'anima. Considerazioni a margine del decreto legge salvaliste." QUESTIONE GIUSTIZIA, no. 2 (June 2010): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qg2010-002002.

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Nella cultura democratica, in questi anni, la cautela ha ucciso troppe idee. Ha impedito di concepire soluzioni nuove, precludendosi di immaginare il futuro. Ha bloccato il pensiero, anche quello sbagliato che perň puň contenere germi su cui altri possono costruire. Ha favorito la conservazione, sovente per cautela strategica, sul presupposto che non fosse il tempo giusto per dire certe cose, perché il momento politico non lo consentiva o portava acqua a un'altra politica. E se le cose non si possono dire non si arriva neppure a pensarle. In ambito giustizia unicitŕ della carriera e obbligatorietŕ dell'azione penale sono temi in cui č utile verificare se le opinioni consolidate non possano essere il frutto di questa prudenza autocensoria, e chiedersi se le posizioni a loro difesa della grandissima parte della magistratura non risentano di un ingessamento delle idee, non siano in qualche misura riflessi condizionati, alimentati dal bisogno di difendersi, di contrastare un clima d'assedio costellato di attacchi ingiusti e gratuiti; e chiedersi inoltre se certe difese non siano anche espressione del timore del nuovo proprio di ogni corporazione (espressione neutra, puramente denotativa di un ceto portatore di una identitŕ professionale) comprensibile ma non per questo esente da riflessione critica. Le considerazioni che seguono non propongono certezze, ma vogliono seminare dubbi, invitare a un pensiero libero e a un dibattito laico, non condizionato da alcuna fede e da alcun ideologismo.

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10

Lefterache, Lavinia Valeria. "Minoritatea în Codurile penale (1864-2021). Scurt istoric al vocabularului juridic: de la coconi la minori, de la pricepere la discernământ, de la greşeală la infracţiune şi de la certarea cu măsură la măsurile educative." Criminal Law Writings (Caiete de Drept Penal), no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cdp.2021.2.1.

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Modul în care vocabularul juridic a susţinut claritatea normelor juridice şi menţinerea elementelor de tradiţie a răspunderii penale a minorilor (vârsta răspunderii penale, sancţiuni diferite în cuantum şi natură în cazul minorului care răspunde penal faţă de subiectul major) au asigurat asimilarea mai uşoară a elementelor de noutate la intrarea în vigoare a fiecărui Cod penal. În acelaşi timp, răspunsul dat de legiuitor, începând cu 1864, mai mult sau mai puţin explicit, întrebărilor legate de justul echilibru dintre interesul superior al copilului şi interesul societăţii în reducerea fenomenului infracţional, a depins de experienţele decurgând din punerea în punerea în practică a codurilor şi de consecvenţa jurisprudenţei cu raţiunea legii. Istoricul de faţă îşi propune să explice sensul evoluţie legislative şi, implicit, motivele renunţării la unele soluţii de politică penală, pentru a uşura demersurile viitoare de legiferare în acest domeniu.

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11

Masera, Luca. "La nuova disciplina penale in tema di contrasto allo sfruttamento del lavoro degli stranieri irregolari: l'inizio di una diversa politica criminale in materia di immigrazione?" DIRITTO, IMMIGRAZIONE E CITTADINANZA, no. 3 (February 2013): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/diri2012-003002.

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12

Villada, Jorge Luis. "DERECHO PENAL Y POLITICA CRIMINAL - DERECHO PENAL POLÍTICA CRIMINAL: VINCULACIONES E INTRODUCCIÓN A AMBAS CIENCIAS." Revista Jurídica Cesumar - Mestrado 20, no. 3 (February 18, 2021): 551–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17765/2176-9184.2020v20n3p551-566.

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Las diferentes escuelas penales consideraban a la Dogmática Penal como el núcleo duro de las Ciencias Penales y a las otras disciplinas aquí mencionadas, como “auxiliares” del Derecho Penal. En verdad debiera ser así, porque son “ciencias o disciplinas diferentes en su naturaleza y metodología para abordar los estudios o conocimientos penales y por ende autónomas. Pero en lo que se da en llamar la “Enciclopedia de las Ciencias Penales”, no pueden nunca ser independientes, ni tienen un carácter que no sea efectivamente complementario. El tiempo y los nuevos horizontes de estudio, como las especializaciones emergentes, fueron interrelacionando o entrelazando conceptos y terminología de todas ellas en forma inevitable, al punto que en algunas cuestiones no se puede prescindir de dicha vinculación para interpretar la Ley Penal, los Sistemas Penales y su aplicación.

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13

Chauvard, Jean-François. "Gaetano Cozzi. La società veneta e il suo diritto. Saggi su questioni matrimoniali, giustizia penale, politica del diritto, sopravvivenza del diritto veneto nell’Ottocento. Venise, Fondazione Giorgio Cini/ Marsilio, 2000, 400 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 59, no. 4 (August 2004): 878–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900019922.

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14

ANNISON, HARRY. "Politics and Penal Change: Towards an Interpretive Political Analysis of Penal Policymaking." Howard Journal of Crime and Justice 57, no. 3 (September 2018): 302–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hojo.12269.

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15

Maldonado Fuentes, Francisco. "Anuario de Derecho Penal y Ciencias Penales." Política criminal 4, no. 8 (December 2009): 494–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-33992009000200010.

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16

Đuričić, Svetlana. "Criminality and penal policy." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 89, no. 5-8 (2017): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv1701037d.

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17

Bolaño García, Beatriz H., and Katrim De La Hoz del Villar. "Participación política de la mujer: democracia en la construcción de paz." Pensamiento Americano 14, no. 27 (May 1, 2021): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21803/penamer.14.27.457.

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Introducción/objetivo: Este texto desarrolla aspectos sustanciales sobre la participación política de la mujer colombiana en todos sus órdenes, como método o fórmula para garantizar el ejercicio fundamental del derecho a elegir y ser elegida en el marco de un Estado democrático. Materiales y métodos: Para tal efecto, se realiza un análisis del marco jurídico protector que propende por la participación de la mujer en asuntos de gobierno y la administración, así como la promoción de la participación política de esta en tanto fórmula para la construcción de paz con enfoque territorial. Resultados: Se esboza la normatividad legal que introduce acciones afirmativas a favor de las mujeres como lo son: las cuotas mínimas de nominación a cargos de libre nombramiento y remoción, al igual que en los cargos de elección popular., entre otras. Asimismo, se efectúa un análisis sobre la participación de la mujer desde los territorios, efectuando un examen sobre el cumplimiento de la cuota legal de representación política de la mujer en cargos de representación popular. De igual manera, se realizan precisiones importantes de cara a la implementación del Acuerdo de Paz en lo que se refiere a garantías que promuevan la participación política de la mujer como medio de construcción de paz. Conclusiones: Se reafirma la necesidad de reivindicar los derechos políticos de la mujer que a través de los años han sido vulnerados y se incita a garantizar los diversos mecanismos democráticos con los que se cuenta para lograr la consecución de una paz estable y duradera.

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18

Carr, Nicola. "Book review: Dangerous Politics: Risk, Political Vulnerability and Penal Policy." Probation Journal 63, no. 4 (December 2016): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0264550516677062a.

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19

Gottschalk, Marie. "The Long Reach of the Carceral State: The Politics of Crime, Mass Imprisonment, and Penal Reform in the United States and Abroad." Law & Social Inquiry 34, no. 02 (2009): 439–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2009.01152.x.

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This essay reviews five books as they relate to the causes and political consequences of mass imprisonment in the United States and the comparative politics of penal policy: Ruth Wilson Gilmore's Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (2007); Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen's Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy (2006); Jonathan Simon's Governing Through Crime: How the War on Crime Transformed American Democracy and Created a Culture of Fear (2007); Michael Tonry, ed., Crime, Punishment, and Politics in a Comparative Perspective (2007); and Bruce Western's Punishment and Inequality in America (2006). The essay first examines the enormous and growing political repercussions of having a vast penal system embedded in a democratic polity, including the political and electoral consequences of felon disenfranchisement; increasing political, social, and economic inequality for people marked by the penal system; and the phenomenon of “governing through crime.” It also analyzes emerging strategies of resistance to US penal policies and mass incarceration, why some countries are more vulnerable to hard‐line penal policies than others, and what it will take to reverse the US prison boom.

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20

Apriani, Karlina Lina, Ahmad Raji Hidayat, Rato Eko Hendriyadi, Wahyu Hamdani, and Surawijaya Surawijaya. "Criminal Law Politics: Corruption Eradication Strategy Through an Integrative Approach." Unram Law Review 4, no. 1 (April 17, 2020): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/ulrev.v4i1.94.

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The purpose of this research is to examine the politics of criminal law deeply in eradicating criminal law of corruption through an integrative approach. The method usingis normative legal research. Normative legal research methods or library research methods in legal research by reviewing existing legal materials. The integrative approach in overcoming corruption crime can be made integrally through two approaches, namely first, awareness between criminal politics and social politics directed to achieve particular objectives of the socio-political policies that have been set in order to achieve social welfare. Second, integration of efforts to tackle crime with penal and non-penal approach due to the reality of national law and the political facts of international law for enforcement on a national, regional, and global scale.

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21

Maldonado Fuentes, Francisco. "Anuario de Derecho Penal y Ciencias Penales, Vol. LX (2007)." Política criminal 4, no. 7 (July 2009): 278–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-33992009000100014.

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22

Nyzio, Arkadiusz. "Populizm penalny w Polsce w latach 2007-2015 z perspektywy socjotechniki władzy." Politeja 19, no. 1(76) (May 10, 2022): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.76.18.

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PENAL POPULISM IN POLAND IN 2007-2015 FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF PROPAGANDA TECHNIQUES Penal populism is a phenomenon that receives a lot of attention in the literature. Most often, however, it is being studied from a legal perspective, whereas political motivations and consequences of its application are frequently disregarded. In the article, I analyse in what way, to what extent, and for what purpose penal populism was utilised in Poland in 2007-2015. I argue that it has proven to be an effective tool for conflict management, agenda-setting, and burying bad news.

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23

Ordóñez, Joaquín. "El concepto de "fraternidad" como valor democrático en la política mexicana." Pensamiento Americano 14, no. 27 (May 1, 2021): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21803/penamer.14.27.455.

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Introducción: se pretende demostrar que la fraternidad como valor democrático y como concepto que debe ser aplicado a la realidad mexicana no lo es así. Objetivo: evidenciar que, al no aplicarse cabalmente la fraternidad, los otros dos valores de la democracia (libertad e igualdad) se perjudican en detrimento de la democracia mexicana como forma de gobierno. Materiales y método: análisis en el contexto político nacional, partiendo de la ineficaz actuación de las autoridades estatales que ha provocado descontento social y desconfianza ciudadana y se parte del análisis conceptual de los valores mencionados como unidades del discurso tanto teórico como jurídico. Resultados y conclusiones: a pesar de que la fraternidad no está expresamente codificada en la ley, los conceptos de libertad, igualdad, respeto, dignidad, interés general, la no discriminación, solidaridad, derechos humanos, etc., la refieren directamente, además de que puede tener más importancia que la libertad y la igualdad y de que los aspectos ético y moral pueden ser la base para considerar al otro y así evitar el individualismo, la ambición y el egoísmo derivados, generalmente, de políticas capitalistas.

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O’Loughlin, Ailbhe. "Book review: H Annison, Dangerous Politics: Risk, Political Vulnerability and Penal Policy." Theoretical Criminology 21, no. 1 (September 21, 2016): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480616670079.

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Mulgrew, Róisín. "Mary Rogan, Prison Policy in Ireland: Politics, Penal-Welfarism and Political Imprisonment." Punishment & Society 16, no. 5 (December 2014): 618–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474514529204.

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26

Copetti Santos, André Leonardo, and João Martins Bertaso. "Reflexões sobre o déficit de cidadania na construção normativa do sistema penal brasileiro | Reflections on the deficit in the normative construction of the Brazilian criminal system." Revista Justiça do Direito 31, no. 2 (September 6, 2017): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/rjd.v31i2.7097.

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Resumo: O presente artigo propõe como objetivo geral discutir as discrepâncias entre sistema penal e cidadania no Brasil, bem como tentar estabelecer possíveis conexões entre eles, dentro de modelos de organização política nominados como Estados democráticos de Direito. Mais especificamente, analisa-se o déficit de cidadania que permeia o direito penal contemporâneo. Diante das novas tecnologias penais, e seus efeitos negativos – encarceramento massivo - sobre o estado de liberdade de parcelas hipossuficientes e bem determinadas de populações de países com sistemas de direitos e garantias fundamentais positivados em suas Constituições, torna-se premente retomar as reflexões acerca das implicações entre o exercício do poder punitivo do Estado e a consolidação da cidadania em sociedades, como a brasileira, nas quais imperam profundas desigualdades sociais. Neste artigo aborda-se a questão do déficit de cidadania nos processos decisórios políticos, pela falta de competitividade no sistema democrático representativo, e suas implicações no direito penal contemporâneo, cuja principal consequência é o aumento assustador da população carcerária. O resultado do estudo aponta a existência de fortes implicações de uma insuficiência de cidadania formal e política, pois o acesso ao poder é limitado para a maior parte da população envolvida no fenômeno criminal, situação que tem como principal efeito o direcionamento de uma atuação eficiente do sistema penal destinada exatamente a essas parcelas excluídas do processo de tomada de decisão penal. Pela própria natureza antinômica e paradoxal entre sistemas normativos voltados à potencialização da liberdade e da autonomia. Palavras-chave: Sistemas penais. Cidadania. Democracia. Legitimidade. Processos legislativos penais. Abstract: This article presents as general objective to discuss the discrepancies between the criminal system and citizenship in Brazil, as well as try to establish possible connections between them, within political organization models nominated as democratic rule of law. More specifically, it analyzes the deficit of citizenship that permeates the contemporary criminal law. Faced with the new criminal technologies and their negative effects - massive incarceration - on the state of freedom of low-income and well-defined plots of populations in countries with fundamental rights and guarantees systems in their Constitutions, it is urgent to reflect on the implications between the exercise of the punitive power of the State and the consolidation of citizenship in societies such as Brazil, where deep social inequalities prevail. In this article, the lack of citizenship in political decision-making processes is discussed, because the lack of competitiveness in the representative democratic system, and its implications for the contemporary criminal law, which the main consequence is the frightening increase of the prison population. The result of this study indicates the existence of strong implications of a lack of formal and political citizenship, for access to power is limited for most of the population involved in the criminal phenomenon, a situation that has as main effect the directing of an efficient performance of the penal system aimed precisely at those portions of people excluded from the criminal decision-making process. By the very antinomic and paradoxical nature between normative systems aimed at the enhancement of freedom and autonomy. Keywords: Penal Sistems. Citizenship. Democracy. Legitimacy. Penal political decision-making processes.

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Calahorrano Latorre, Edison. "EL DELITO DE TRÁFICO ILÍCITO DE MIGRANTES DESDE EL PRINCIPIO DE PROPORCIONALIDAD: UN ANÁLISIS COMPARADO DE LOS CASOS CHILENO, ESPAÑOL Y ECUATORIANO." Revista Republicana 29 (July 20, 2020): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21017/rev.repub.2020.v29.a86.

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El presente trabajo analiza el tipo penal de tráfico ilícito de migrantes desde sus elementos, con la finalidad de establecer diferencias con el delito de trata de personas y verificar si se justifica su inclusión en el catálogo penal, a partir de someterlo al test de proporcionalidad, por lo que se toman como referentes las tipificaciones constantes en los Códigos Penales de Chile, España y Ecuador. A partir de los principios y subprincipios del test de proporcionalidad se argumenta que no todos los casos de tráfico ilícito de migrantes deben, necesariamente, estar inscritos en la protección del ius puniendi estatal, para lo cual se recurre a las funciones del Derecho Penal en el estado constitucional de derecho, el principio de proporcionalidad y la necesidad de combatir y sancionar la criminalidad organizada.

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Val, Katarzyna du. "Regulacje „antyfaszystowskie” jako narzędzie transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce: kazus tzw. małego kodeksu karnego z 1946 r." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 421–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.21.

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“Antifascist” Regulations as a Tool of Systemic Transformation in Poland: The Case of the So-called Small Penal Code of 1946 In Poland in the mid-1940s a number of „anti-fascist” regulations came into force. However, they served mostly as a propaganda tool aimed at fighting political opponents and building a new order. In this context, attention should be drawn to „anti-fascist” provisions contained in a Decree on particularly dangerous crimes during the rebuilding of the State of June 13, 1946 (aka „small penal code”).

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Wangga, Maria Silvya E., Pujiyono Pujiyono, and Barda Nawawi Arief. "Revocation of Political Rights of The Perpetrators of Criminal Acts of Corruption." Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies 4, no. 2 (August 25, 2019): 277–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jils.v4i2.29689.

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The purposes of this paper are to identify and examine the revocation of political rights for corruptors as an extra-ordinary measure. The research showed that law enforcement through penal policies still have shortcomings such as light criminal sentence for perpetrators of criminal acts of corruption as well as lack of awareness among judges to apply the additional sentence of fixed-time revocation of rights. Penal law enforcement requires integral and sustainable policies through non-penal policies (prevention). Preventive efforts should be responsive to the demands of the community at large for officials who are clean, honest and who have integrity. Non-penal law shall be enforced through the concept of developing smart and integrity-based politics.

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Orlandi, Renzo. "O procedimento penal por fatos de criminalidade organizada: do maxi-processo ao «grande processo»." Revista Brasileira de Direito Processual Penal 7, no. 3 (October 31, 2021): 2105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22197/rbdpp.v7i3.634.

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Neste artigo são analisadas as transformações no processo penal posteriores ao maxi-processo, especificamente a formação de um processo penal especial destinado à persecução da criminalidade organizada, o «grande processo», «difuso», no qual os singulares e concretos procedimentos penais confluem, com o sério risco de perder a sua individualidade.

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Ismawati, Sri. "Penal and Non-Penal Approaches to the Legal Enforcement of Child Marriage: A Political Analysis of Criminal Law." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (December 31, 2020): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.07.

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This study is directed to examine the issue of child marriage from the perspective of criminal politics. Criminal political perspective child marriage is a perspective that not only sees the problem of child marriage solely as a matter of criminal law, but also tries to look at the problem of child marriage from a non-legal perspective. By using normative and juridical approach, the results showed that the perspective of politics of criminal law of child marriage is to see the problem of child marriage solely as a matter of criminal law, but also tries to look at the problem of child marriage from a non-legal perspective. The politics of criminal law with a penal approach can be done by using integrative formulation, revision, criminalization, penalization of child marriage, law enforcement against criminal acts related to child marriage, encouraging the making of Regional Regulations, Governor Regulations or Regulations of Regents. On other hand, the non-penal approach is by empowering the role of parents by conducting education, education and self-esteem; empowering the role of religious leaders, community leaders, traditional leaders; family economic empowerment, education empowerment and integral policy models

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Tulich, Tamara. "Harry Annison (2015) Dangerous Politics: Risk, Political Vulnerability and Penal Policy. Oxford University Press." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 7, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v7i4.1089.

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Freiberg, Arie, Lorana Bartels, Robin Fitzgerald, and Shannon Dodd. "Parole, Politics and Penal Policy." QUT Law Review 18, no. 1 (February 16, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/qutlr.v18i1.742.

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This article examines the most recent changes in Australian parole laws, policies and practices in the context of the changing relations between legislatures, the courts and parole authorities. It argues that legislatures, purportedly reflecting public opinion, have become less willing to trust either the courts or parole boards and have eroded their authority, powers and discretion. It provides examples of legislative changes that have altered the purposes of parole and introduced mandatory or presumptive non-parole periods, as well as overriding, by-passing and restricting parole.

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Cavadino, Michael, and James Dignan. "Penal policy and political economy." Criminology & Criminal Justice 6, no. 4 (November 2006): 435–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895806068581.

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Mason, Gail. "The Penal Politics of Hatred." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 42, no. 3 (December 2009): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/acri.42.3.275.

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SPARKS, RICHARD. "The Media and Penal Politics." Punishment & Society 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14624740022227872.

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Loader, Ian. "For penal moderation." Theoretical Criminology 14, no. 3 (August 2010): 349–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480610370166.

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The 2008 financial crash, and the lessons it teaches us about the costs of unregulated excess, offers an opportunity to think anew about, and seek to temper, the enthusiasm for excessive punishment that has swept across several western societies in recent years. Taking this as my point of departure, I make the case in this article for a public philosophy of punishment that can speak to the times we now inhabit—what I call penal moderation. I begin by describing the value and role of a public philosophy of punishment and setting out the constitutive elements of penal moderation as a candidate for such a philosophy. These elements are restraint, parsimony and dignity. I then indicate how penal moderation might be put to work as an intervention in contemporary cultures and practices of punishment— by naming excess, drawing lessons from ‘moderate’ times and places, emphasizing that punishment is a social and political choice, and reconfiguring the relation between penal practice and ‘public’ opinion. I conclude by assessing two contrasting—if not mutually exclusive— styles of penal moderation that I term moderation-by-stealth and moderation-as-politics. My claim is that while the former offers a route to short-term reform, the latter is ultimately more consistent with penal moderation’s aspiration to serve as a public philosophy.

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Paolella, Francesco. "Archivio fascista di medicina politica." RIVISTA SPERIMENTALE DI FRENIATRIA, no. 1 (April 2009): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/rsf2009-001004.

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- This paper describes the birth and presents the main themes of the journal "Archivio fascista di medicina politica" published in the years 1927-1932. The author first discusses the notion of political medicine in fascist ideology, and then analyses the health, social and demographic policies of the fascist regime. He compares political medicine with adjacent disciplines such as social medicine, occupational health and forensic medicine. In the second part of the paper, the author presents some articles - published in this journal - on political medicine related to psychiatry and criminology: i.e. vocational guidance, the fight against alcoholism, the debate on the reform of the penal code ("codice Rocco"), the prevention of crime and above all of juvenile delinquency. Keywords: political medicine, fascism, social diseases, criminology.

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Hortal Ibarra, Juan Carlos. "TUTELA DE LAS CONDICIONES LABORALES Y REFORMAS PENALES: ¿EL OCASO DEL DERECHO PENAL DEL TRABAJO?" Revista de Derecho Penal y Criminología, no. 20 (January 23, 2020): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdpc.20.2018.26445.

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Dos décadas después de la aplaudida reunificación de los delitos laborales en la modificación operada en 1995, se ha procedido a su parcial demolición. El Derecho penal del trabajo nació con la finalidad de garantizar un plus de protección a los empleados por cuenta ajena en tanto parte débil de la relación laboral establecida con el empresario. Sin embargo, esta disciplina ha sido objeto de un proceso de adulteración mediante la asunción de unos intereses tangenciales cuando no opuestos a su auténtico fundamento. Sirva esta contribución para denunciar este preocupante proceder y ofrecer al inflacionista legislador alguna receta político-criminal con la que combatir la irracionalidad que le aqueja. Two decades after the applauded reunification of labor crimes that came about as a result of the modification carried out in 1995, it has been partially «demolished». Criminal labour law was created with the purpose of guaranteeing an extra protection for self-employed as the weak party in the employment relationship established with the employer. However, this discipline has been subject to a process of adulteration through the assumption of tangential interests when not opposed to its true basis. This contribution serves to denounce this worrying practice and offer the inflationist legislator some kind of political-criminal récipe with which to combat the irrationality that afflicts him.

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Krzan, Bartlomiej. "Admissibility of evidence and international criminal justice." Revista Brasileira de Direito Processual Penal 7, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.22197/rbdpp.v7i1.492.

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O processo penal internacional combina elementos das tradições acusatórias e inquisitórias, assim constituindo um paradigma único. Em razão da escala mais ampla e da maior complexidade da criminalidade internacional a ser enfrentada pelos Tribunais criminais internacionais, pode ser interessante observar os seus desenvolvimentos e históricos diante da temática da admissibilidade probatória. Neste artigo pretende-se analisar a legislação e a prática dos Tribunais Internacionais Militares, os Tribunais Penais Internacionais para a antiga Iugoslávia e para Ruanda, e o Tribunal Penal Internacional, além de apontar comentários gerais sobre admissibilidade da prova em uma perspectiva internacional ampla, ou seja, não somente limitada a órgãos judiciais internacionais de caráter penal.

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Santoriello, Ciro. "Il movente politico come criterio esegetico della norma penale." Archivio penale, no. 1 (2014): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12871/97888674131576.

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Campbell, Michael, Heather Schoenfeld, and Paige Vaughn. "Same old song and dance? An analysis of legislative activity in a period of penal reform." Punishment & Society 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 389–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474519887945.

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After years of tough-on-crime politics and increasingly punitive sentencing in the United States, economic, political, and social shifts in the 21st century have created new opportunities for opponents of the penal status quo. By 2013, a majority of states had enacted some type of reform aimed at reducing prison populations. An emerging body of punishment and society scholarship seeks to understand the possibilities and characteristics of reform efforts by examining enacted state legislation. In this article, we use a unique data set of all proposed and passed bills in three legislative sessions in New Jersey between 2001 and 2013 to provide a nuanced empirical account of change and continuity in penal logics in the period of reform. Even when not enacted, proposed legislation shapes the penal field by introducing new ideas that are later incorporated into rhetoric, policy, or practice. Proposed bills that never become law can also alter the political calculus for reformers or their opponents. Our findings demonstrate that by expanding our universe of data, we gain insight into characteristics of “late mass incarceration” that we might otherwise miss. In particular, while we find evidence of decarceration and bifurcation logics, our analysis also demonstrates that state lawmakers continue to participate in “crime control theater” and reproduce the same punitive penal logics that helped build the carceral state.

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ORDÓÑEZ SOLÍS, David. "La corrupción en el seno de las instituciones de la Unión Europea: responsabilidades, investigación administrativa y control judicial." RVAP 104-II, no. 104-II (April 29, 2016): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.104.2016.2.07.

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LABURPENA: Europako Batasunaren erakundeetan ere ustelkeria dagoela egiaztatu da. Bruselako politikariak eta funtzionarioak politika, diziplina eta, jakina, zigor kontroleko prozeduren mende daude. 1999an, eta Europako Batzordean detektatutako ustelkeria dela eta, Europako erakundeak hartutako erabakiari esker, martxan jarri zen Iruzurraren aurkako Borrokatzeko Europako Bulegoa (OLAF), ustelkeria eta ez-betetze larriak ikertzeko. 2009an, Lisboako Tratatuan Europako fiskaltza eratzea proposatu zen, Europako mailan egindako delituen —bereziki, Euro¬pako Batasunaren finantza interesetan eragina duten delituak— ikerketa judizialak egiteko. Kasu bietan, ikerketen ondorioz, diziplina eta zigor neurriak ezar daitezke. Eremu horretan, epaimahaiek xede berezia dute, alegia: politika eta diziplina erantzukizuna badago, justizia auzitegiak du legalitatearen kontrola; aldiz, nazioko zigor epaileek baino ezin dizkiete ezarri zigor zehapenak Europako Batasuneko politikariei eta funtzionarioei. RESUMEN: En el seno de las instituciones de la Unión Europea también se ha comprobado la existencia de corrupción. Los políticos y los funcionarios de Bruselas están sometidos a procedimientos de control político, disciplinario y, desde luego, penal. En 1999 y a raíz de la corrupción detectada en la Comisión Europea se puso en marcha la Oficina Europea de Lucha contra el Fraude (OLAF) en virtud de un acuerdo de las instituciones europeas con el fin de investigar la corrupción y los incumplimientos graves. En 2009 el Tratado de Lisboa ha previsto el establecimiento de una Fiscalía Europea que impulse las investigaciones judiciales relacionadas con los delitos europeos, en particular los que afectan a los intereses financieros de la Unión. En ambos casos las investigaciones pueden concluir con la imposición de medidas disciplinarias y penales. En este ámbito los tribunales tienen una misión esencial: en el caso de la responsabilidad política y disciplinaria el control de la legalidad corresponde al Tribunal de Justicia; en cambio, las sanciones penales a los políticos y funcionarios de la Unión Europea solo pueden imponerlas los jueces penales nacionales. ABSTRACT: Corruption also lives within the institutions of the European Union. Members and officials of the European institutions are responsible and submitted to political, disciplinary and criminal actions. As a consequence of the corruption unveiled in the European Commission in 1999, the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) was set up by the agreement of the European institutions in order to investigate frauds and serious misconducts. Moreover, the Lisbon Treaty has foreseen the setting up of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office whose mandate is to investigate, prosecute and bring to judgment the perpetrators ofoffences against the Union’s financial interests. These organisms allow performing administrative and criminal inquiries regarding European officials. Tribunals, both European and National, are committed to control the disciplinary actions (European Courts) and criminal lawsuits (National Courts) against European politicians and officials.

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Schoenfeld, Heather. "Putting politics in penal policy reform." Criminology & Public Policy 10, no. 3 (July 19, 2011): 715–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2011.00743.x.

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Loader, Ian. "Crime, Order and the Two Faces of Conservatism: an Encounter with Criminology’s other." British Journal of Criminology 60, no. 5 (March 31, 2020): 1181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azaa025.

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Abstract Over the past half century, conservatism has been a powerful force in shaping public and political responses to crime in Britain. But within criminology, conservative ideology remains curiously neglected and poorly understood. In this paper, I develop an interpretive reconstruction of conservative thinking about crime that seeks to make good this inattention. My central contention is that one finds in conservative ideology both an emotionally and culturally resonant case for making police authority and penal control central to the production of order and arguments for sceptical penal restraint and non-penal modes of socialization. But from which aspects of its conceptual morphology do these two faces of conservatism arise? In answering this question, my encounter identifies the claims that conservatism brings to contests over a better politics of crime (claims with which non-conservatives are required to reckon), as well as pinpointing certain shortcomings and blind spots of conservative ideology.

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Brown, David. "Mapping the Conditions of Penal Hope." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 2, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v2i3.126.

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This article examines the conditions of penal optimism behind suggestions that the penal expansionism of the last three decades may be at a ‘turning point’. The article proceeds by outlining David Green’s suggested catalysts of penal reform and considers how applicable they are in the Australian context. Green’s suggested catalysts are: the cycles and saturation thesis; shifts in the dominant conception of the offender; the GFC and budgetary constraints; the drop in crime; the emergence of the prisoner re-entry movement; apparent shifts in public opinion; the influence of evangelical Christian ideas and the Right on Crime initiative. The article then considers a number of other possible catalysts or forces: the role of trade unions; the role of courts; the emergence of recidivism as a political issue; the influence of ’evidence based’/’what works’’ discourse; and the emergence of justice reinvestment (JR). The article concludes with some comments about the capacity of criminology and criminologists to contribute to penal reductionism, offering an optimistic assessment for the prospects of a reflexive criminology that engages in and engenders a wider politics around criminal justice issues.

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Abolafia, Jacob. "PLATO'S THEORY OF INCARCERATION." Ramus 50, no. 1-2 (December 2021): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2021.7.

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In addition to its many famous innovations in popular government, the Athenian democracy seems to have also experimented with another, more ambivalent political institution familiar to modern societies—penal incarceration. In recent years, there has been renewed debate over the precise role of imprisonment in Athens, as an increasing number of voices, including Marcus Folch in this volume, make the case that imprisonment was an important point of contact between criminal punishment and democratic politics and society in Athens.

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Djatmiko, WP. "SYSTEMIC POLICY AS CRIMINAL POLITICS IN ERADICATING CORRUPTION IN INDONESIA." Asia Pacific Fraud Journal 1, no. 2 (April 23, 2015): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.21532/apfj.001.16.01.02.17.

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Criminal Policy is a rational organization of the control of crime by society, which can be carried out operationally through a penal or non-penal policy. Reality shows that there is a flaw in penal policy in preventing crime act of corruption in Indonesia. Various efforts have been done to eradicate corruption, starting from law enforcement, political will, legislative policy, establishment of special institutions/commissions, improvement and reformation on bureaucracy, law socialization in various circles, and establishment of international cooperation. Yet, all of those efforts have not yielded maximum results. In Indonesia, corruption is still raging. Therefore, the corruption prevention policy should rely on not only penal policy, but also non-penal policy (systemic policy). The corruption prevention policy using systemic approach is a strategic policy as it is more preventive in dealing with corruption. The main goal of systemic policy is to handle and reduce the causative factors of criminal act of corruption.

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Hogg, Russell. "Populism, Law and Order and the Crimes of the 1%." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v2i1.96.

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The article examines the evidence of endemic financial crime in the global financial crisis (GFC), the legal impunity surrounding these crimes and the popular revolt against these abuses in the financial, political and legal systems. This is set against a consideration of the development since the 1970s of a conservative politics championing de-regulation, unfettered markets, welfare cuts and harsh law and order policies. On the one hand, this led to massively increased inequality and concentrations of wealth and political power in the hands of the super-rich, effectively placing them above the law, as the GFC revealed. On the other, a greatly enlarged, more punitive criminal justice system was directed at poor and minority communities. Explanations in terms of the rise of penal populism are helpful in explaining these developments, but it is argued they adopt a limited and reductionist view of populism, failing to see the prospects for a progressive populist politics to re-direct political attention to issues of inequality and corporate and white collar criminality.

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Brown, Elizabeth K., Kelly M. Socia, and Jasmine R. Silver. "Conflicted conservatives, punitive views, and anti-Black racial bias 1974–2014." Punishment & Society 21, no. 1 (October 19, 2017): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474517736295.

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Research suggests that the views of “conflicted conservatives,” Americans who self-identify as conservative but express support for liberal governmental policies and spending, are particularly important in policymaking and politics because they are politically engaged and often act as swing voters. We examine punitive views among conflicted conservatives and other political subgroups in three distinct periods in the politics of punishment in America between 1974 and 2014. In particular, we consider the punitive views of conflicted conservatives relative to consistent conservatives, moderates, and liberals. Given the barrier that racialized typifications of violent crime may pose to current criminal justice reform efforts, we also explore the role of anti-Black bias in predicting punitive views among White Americans across political subgroups. Our overall findings indicate that conflicted conservatives are like moderates in their support for the death penalty and like consistent conservatives on beliefs about court harshness. These findings, and supplemental analyses on punitive views and voting behaviors across political subgroups, call into question whether conflicted conservatives have acted as critical scorekeepers on penal policy issues. We also find that anti-Black racism was significantly related to punitive views across political subgroups and among liberals in particular.

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