Dissertations / Theses: 'Politica penale'

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Giliberto, A. "PRINCIPI E LIMITI DI UNA POLITICA PENALE EUROPEA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/265656.

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Il diritto dell’Unione europea possiede oggi un’influenza sempre più rilevante sul diritto penale degli Stati membri. A partire dall’entrata in vigore del Trattato di Lisbona, tale influenza coinvolge espressamente anche le scelte di criminalizzazione, potendo l’Unione operare direttamente la decisione circa l’an e in parte anche il quantum di pena. Le istituzioni dell’Unione hanno già iniziato ad adottare direttive in materia penale impiegando quale base giuridica l’art. 83 TFUE, e ci si può ragionevolmente attendere che tale prassi si consolidi e aumenti il numero degli atti adottati, andando così a costituire un corpus normativo di crescente rilevanza per gli ordinamenti nazionali e in ultima analisi per i singoli individui. La tesi ripercorre le più importanti tappe che hanno condotto all’attuale sviluppo della competenza penale europea, soffermandosi principalmente sul quadro istituzionale introdotto dal Trattato di Lisbona (capitolo primo). Successivamente fornisce un sintetico riepilogo degli strumenti istituzionali e normativi di maggiore rilievo nel settore considerato e delle loro più rilevanti caratteristiche (capitolo secondo), passando poi ad effettuare una disamina dei principali atti sino ad oggi adottati, prima nel vigore del terzo pilastro e poi sotto la base giuridica fornita dal Trattato di Lisbona (capitolo terzo). Infine, prova a verificare la presenza, i caratteri e la giustiziabilità dei fondamentali principi della legislazione penale nell’ordinamento dell’Unione europea, alla luce della normazione vigente e della giurisprudenza della Corte di giustizia (capitolo quarto), per poi tentare di affermare la sussistenza di basi fondative per lo sviluppo di una vera e propria politica penale europea.
European Union law today has an increasingly relevant influence on national criminal law. Since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, this influence has expressly involved the choices of criminalization as well, as the European Union may directly operate the decision on if and partly how much to punish. The institutions have already begun to adopt directives on criminal matters using art. 83 TFEU as a legal basis, and one can reasonably expect that this practice will consolidate and that the number of measures adopted will increase, thus creating a corpus of legislation which has a growing relevance on the national legal systems and, ultimately, on individuals. The dissertation recalls the most important landmarks that have led to the present development of the European criminal competence, focusing mainly on the institutional framework adopted by the Lisbon Treaty (chapter one). Later, it provides a brief recall of the institutional and legal instruments that have a main role in the relevant subject and of their main characteristics (chapter two). Then, it moves to deal with the main legal acts that have been adopted till now, first in the third pillar framework and then under the legal basis provided by the Lisbon Treaty (chapter three). Eventually, it aims to verify the presence, the characteristics and the possibility to be appealed to on a trial of the fundamental principles of criminal legislation, in the light of the legislation in force and of the case law of the CJEU (chapter four), in order to attempt to maintain the existence of founding basis to the development of an actual European criminal policy.

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Aresi, B. "La camera preliminare della corte penale internazionale : garanzia di legittimità o garanzia politica dell’azione penale internazionale?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/64579.

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The Pre-Trial Chamber is an unprecedented institution in international criminal justice, which lies at the heart of the preliminary phase of the proceedings before the International Criminal Court as a compromise achieved at the Rome Conference. The feature of Pre-Trial Chamber as "check and balance" of the autonomy granted to the Prosecutor especially in the context of the trigger mechanism of the Court's jurisdiction based on the Prosecutor's proprio motu action seems to reveal the political nature of Pre-Trial Chamber s standing within the Court. Although never put into practice to date, the judicial review power conferred on the Chamber may potentially enable it to steer the Court s policy in accordance with the principle of complementarity. Moreover, the Pre-Trial Chamber is intended to meet due process requirements from the beginning of the proceedings. In this respect, although not entirely comparable to the juge d instruction of the inquisitorial tradition, the Pre-Trial Chamber is largely inspired by the French and Italian legal systems rather than by the common law judicial model which traditionally characterizes international criminal trials, where no interplay between the judge and the parties is provided during pre-trial proceedings. In fact, the Chamber has so far actively played its role of ensuring proceedings fairness, favoring a broad and teleological interpretation of the Rome Statute and of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence. Through the analysis of the travaux préparatoires of the International Criminal Court and of the Statute and Rules relevant provisions as well as of the early case-law of the Court, the work aims to discuss whether the Pre-Trial Chamber represents a guarantee of the Court s policy rather than of international criminal proceedings legitimacy or either.

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UBIALI, MARIA CHIARA. "ATTIVITÀ POLITICA E CORRUZIONE: UN¿INDAGINE SULLA NECESSITÀ DI UNO STATUTO PENALE DIFFERENZIATO." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/491124.

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La tesi di dottorato indaga il profilo della corruzione “in ambito politico”. Questa tematica – quantomeno dagli anni ’90 in poi – ritorna ciclicamente al centro del dibattito pubblico, in seguito ai sempre più numerosi scandali di corruzione che coinvolgono i vertici politici delle istituzioni dello Stato e che, indipendentemente dall’esito giudiziario a cui pervengono, ingenerano una situazione di grande instabilità, oltre che una crescente e complessiva sfiducia nell’operato della “rappresentanza politica”. Il lavoro – dopo una breve introduzione sulla disciplina vigente dei reati contro la pubblica amministrazione – si pone il problema dell’adeguatezza dello strumentario penale vigente a trovare applicazione con riferimento a soggetti, genericamente definiti in avvio del lavoro, come ricoprenti incarico politico/elettivo. Con tale termine ci si riferisce in particolare a quegli agenti pubblici che detengono un ufficio caratterizzato, vuoi dalla particolare ampiezza de poteri correlata all’investitura popolare (parlamentari, consiglieri regionali, presidenti di Regione, sindaci), vuoi da un rapporto fiduciario con soggetti “eletti” (ministri ed assessori). Tale interrogativo è suggerito dalla comparazione con l’ordinamento tedesco dove – a differenza del codice penale italiano – non si sposa una concezione monolitica di pubblica amministrazione, ma si differenzia dall’insieme dei pubblici ufficiali (Amtsträger) i c.d. Mandatsträger, ovvero gli agenti pubblici che, essendo stati eletti, ricoprono un incarico per mandato. A quest’ultimi lo Strafgesetzbuch riserva un’autonoma figura incriminatrice di corruzione prevista dal § 108e StGB (Bestechlichkeit und Bestechung von Mandatsträgern) e caratterizzata – come si mostra nel dettaglio – da elementi peculiari e da un campo di applicazione più ristretto rispetto a quello delle omologhe fattispecie destinate ai pubblici ufficiali. Questa importante scelta del legislatore tedesco – lungi dall’essere il prodotto della volontà della stessa classe politica di garantirsi un regime penalistico di favore – affonda le proprie radici in una profonda discussione dogmatica e politico-criminale che pone seri ostacoli ad una equiparazione dell’eletto con il funzionario pubblico. Si affianca all’illustrazione di questi argomenti un approfondito studio di diritto costituzionale e amministrativo italiano sulle peculiarità e le prerogative della funzione svolta dagli agenti pubblici sopramenzionati. Il lavoro dedica quindi ampio spazio all’esame dei diversi problemi applicativi cui si espone una concezione monolitica di pubblica amministrazione con specifico riguardo ai reati di corruzione. Nella parte conclusiva, in una prospettiva de jure condendo e nel paragone stretto con le scelte d’incriminazione dello Strafgesetzbuch, si esplora l’opportunità di uno statuto penale differenziato dell’attività politica, proponendo un trattamento specifico di tali soggetti dal punto di vista delle figure incriminatrici loro riservate, in modo da permettere una migliore sussunzione dei fatti a questi ascritti, che tenga effettivamente conto delle prerogative e delle peculiarità garantite dalla Costituzione alla loro funzione.
This PhD dissertation analyzes bribery and corruption “in the political field”. This subject – at least from the ‘90s – cyclically returns on the public debate stage, due to more and more corruption scandals involving politicians who were appointed in top Italian institutional positions. These scandals, regardless of their legal outcomes, created severe political uncertainties, as long as an increasing skepticism about representatives and their activities. After a short introduction on the current Italian regulation related to crimes against Public Administration, this work tries to address the problem of adequacy and utility of Criminal Law redress for acts committed by persons who have a political or electoral mandate. Representatives and some public servants hold an office that is characterized by very wide powers, arising from a direct relationship with the electorate (as legislative assemblies representatives – both at national and regional level – majors or Presidents of Italian Regions) or from an appointment by someone who as a a direct relationship with the electorate (e.g. Ministers or local Governments Secretaries). This adequacy and utility question comes from a Comparative Legal research, which has been performed in order to write this work taking the advantage of the German experience. Differing from Italian Law, German Bribery and Corruption Law doesn’t shape Public Administration as a monolith: the StGB (Strafgesetzbuch, the German Criminal Code) distinguishes between public officers (Amtsträger) and the so called Mandatsträger, mandate representatives who have been elected. For the latter, the Strafgesetzbuch provides a very specific type of Corruption, punished under § 108e StGB (Bestechlichkeit und Bestechung von Mandatsträgern), which is characterized by very peculiar elements and a scope narrower than those of paragraphs punishing public officers Corruption. Beside this Comparative Legal study, this dissertation analyzes in depth the specific aspects and functions of the above mentioned mandate representatives and appointed public servants in the Italian Legal System. The research on this point has been carried out from an interdisciplinary point of view, taking into consideration Constitutional, Administrative and Criminal Law. Then, this work points out many problems arising from the Italian monolithic concept of Public Administration, in particular those related to Bribery and Corruption. Finally, in a de jure condendo perspective and benefiting from the suggestions given by the German experience, this dissertation proposes possible reforms that would introduce a different Criminal Law regulation for political activities, with specific Bribery and Corruption crimes punishing those who have an electoral mandate or have been appointed to a public office by them.

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TAVERRITI, SARA BIANCA. "L'AUTOCONTROLLO PENALE. RESPONSABILITÀ PENALE E MODELLI DI AUTONORMAZIONE DEI DESTINATARI DEL PRECETTO." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/619498.

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La ricerca prende l’abbrivio dalla constatazione della crescente importanza acquisita, nel panorama delle fonti penalistiche, dal fenomeno dell’autonormazione: prodotto del diritto penale post-moderno consistente nell’autoimposizione, da parte dei destinatari stessi della norma, di precetti comportamentali in chiave criminal-preventiva. Oltre al ruolo ambivalente del principio di legalità penale (effetto e causa, al contempo, del fenomeno qui preso in considerazione), l’interesse del penalista per l’approfondimento scientifico del fenomeno è sollecitato dal potenziale che quest’ultimo rivela come alternativa (sostitutiva o integrata) rispetto al diritto penale. Il primo capitolo è dedicato alla ricostruzione delle cause che hanno dato origine al fenomeno, all’uopo ripartite in due macro-categorie: (i) le cause di ordine generale, per l’enucleazione delle quali è stata condotta una ricerca che spazia nelle materie sociologiche, economiche e giusfilosofiche; (ii) le cause di natura giuridica, che sono state investigate considerando sia le manifestazioni comuni all’intero ordinamento giuridico, sia quelle specifiche della penalistica, in cui la crisi del principio della riserva di legge e il declino del diritto penale classico assumono un’importanza cruciale. Nel secondo capitolo, il focus dell’analisi si concentra sulla dimensione strutturale del paradigma autonormativo per come emerso nelle sue principali manifestazioni e nelle concettualizzazioni teoriche maturate soprattutto grazie all’approfondimento riservato al fenomeno della Self-Regulation dagli studiosi di area anglosassone. La paradigmatica dell’autonormazione viene scrutinata tanto nelle sue singole componenti costitutive statiche, quanto nei suoi moti dinamici come strategia regolatoria all’interno dell’ordinamento. La ricerca si sposta nel terzo capitolo dalla struttura alla funzione, con l’obiettivo di ricavare i criteri di politica-criminale strumentali all’impiego dell’autonormazione nel sistema penale. A tal fine, sono state esplorate le possibili relazioni interordinamentali di raccordo tra sistemi autonormativi e ordinamento statale, applicando una metodologia mutuata dall’impostazione di Santi Romano ma ambientata sul terreno del diritto penale e delle sue alternative. Nel quarto capitolo l’indagine si rivolge verso i più eminenti esempi di autonormazione manifestatisi nell’ordinamento italiano: i modelli organizzativi ex D. Lgs. 231 del 2001; i piani per la prevenzione della corruzione nella P.A.; le linee guida medico-chirurgiche per lo svolgimento delle attività sanitaria. Oltre a una disamina ricognitiva della disciplina di questi sub-sistemi normativi, i tre banchi di prova vengono scandagliati in chiave struttural-funzionalistica alla luce dei criteri di analisi illustrati nel secondo capitolo e ricavati nel terzo. Il capitolo 5 chiude il lavoro proiettando i risultati delle ricerche sul piano della teoria del reato, per verificare quale impatto abbia/possa avere l’autonormazione sulla dogmatica. Dopo aver passato in rassegna le possibili ricadute sulle diverse categorie penalistiche, la chiosa finale valorizza il potenziale del diritto riflessivo come candidato ideale per la concretizzazione della clausola di extrema ratio in materia penale. L’uso dell’autonormazione come strumento alternativo rispetto al diritto penale viene ritenuto, infatti, il profilo applicativo più promettente e degno di essere ulteriormente esplorato.
One of the crucial challenges of Criminal Law in the new millennium is to deal with the complexity of contemporary society. The traditional approach based on the State monopoly on criminal matters keeps abreast no longer with the scientific-technological sophistication and the rate of changes in criminal behavior in the era of globalization. In this scenario, we witness the rise of Self-Regulation as an auxiliary tool of crime prevention, whose main goal is to fill the vacuum and to compensate for the rapid obsolescence of state legislation. Compliance Programs, Anti-Bribery Plans, Clinical Guidelines are some of the elements of a diverse constellation of cases in which preventive measures, behavioral rules, surveillance, and sanctions are issued and enforced by a legislator who coincides with the recipient, and which is often a private actor. Nevertheless, the ambivalence of Self-Regulation lies in the fact that – in the face of some positive externalities promised – this paradigm could jeopardize some of the fundamental principles of Criminal Law. The aim of this work is to provide a critical analysis of such phenomenon in order to verify the compatibility of Self-Regulation with the Rule of Law and to assess its efficacy in deterring and detecting misconducts.

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Escresa, Guillermo Laarni <1974&gt. "Reexamining the Role of Incarceration and Stigma in Criminal Law." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4241/1/escresa_guillermo_laarni_tesi.pdf.

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One of the ways by which the legal system has responded to different sets of problems is the blurring of the traditional boundaries of criminal law, both procedural and substantive. This study aims to explore under what conditions does this trend lead to the improvement of society's welfare by focusing on two distinguishing sanctions in criminal law, incarceration and social stigma. In analyzing how incarceration affects the incentive to an individual to violate a legal standard, we considered the crucial role of the time constraint. This aspect has not been fully explored in the literature on law and economics, especially with respect to the analysis of the beneficiality of imposing either a fine or a prison term. We observed that that when individuals are heterogeneous with respect to wealth and wage income, and when the level of activity can be considered a normal good, only the middle wage and middle income groups can be adequately deterred by a fixed fines alone regime. The existing literature only considers the case of the very poor, deemed as judgment proof. However, since imprisonment is a socially costly way to deprive individuals of their time, other alternatives may be sought such as the imposition of discriminatory monetary fine, partial incapacitation and other alternative sanctions. According to traditional legal theory, the reason why criminal law is obeyed is not mainly due to the monetary sanctions but to the stigma arising from the community’s moral condemnation that accompanies conviction or merely suspicion. However, it is not sufficiently clear whether social stigma always accompanies a criminal conviction. We addressed this issue by identifying the circumstances wherein a criminal conviction carries an additional social stigma. Our results show that social stigma is seen to accompany a conviction under the following conditions: first, when the law coincides with the society's social norms; and second, when the prohibited act provides information on an unobservable attribute or trait of an individual -- crucial in establishing or maintaining social relationships beyond mere economic relationships. Thus, even if the social planner does not impose the social sanction directly, the impact of social stigma can still be influenced by the probability of conviction and the level of the monetary fine imposed as well as the varying degree of correlation between the legal standard violated and the social traits or attributes of the individual. In this respect, criminal law serves as an institution that facilitates cognitive efficiency in the process of imposing the social sanction to the extent that the rest of society is boundedly rational and use judgment heuristics. Paradoxically, using criminal law in order to invoke stigma for the violation of a legal standard may also serve to undermine its strength. To sum, the results of our analysis reveal that the scope of criminal law is narrow both for the purposes of deterrence and cognitive efficiency. While there are certain conditions where the enforcement of criminal law may lead to an increase in social welfare, particularly with respect to incarceration and stigma, we have also identified the channels through which they could affect behavior. Since such mechanisms can be replicated in less costly ways, society should first try or seek to employ these legal institutions before turning to criminal law as a last resort.

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Escresa, Guillermo Laarni <1974&gt. "Reexamining the Role of Incarceration and Stigma in Criminal Law." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4241/.

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One of the ways by which the legal system has responded to different sets of problems is the blurring of the traditional boundaries of criminal law, both procedural and substantive. This study aims to explore under what conditions does this trend lead to the improvement of society's welfare by focusing on two distinguishing sanctions in criminal law, incarceration and social stigma. In analyzing how incarceration affects the incentive to an individual to violate a legal standard, we considered the crucial role of the time constraint. This aspect has not been fully explored in the literature on law and economics, especially with respect to the analysis of the beneficiality of imposing either a fine or a prison term. We observed that that when individuals are heterogeneous with respect to wealth and wage income, and when the level of activity can be considered a normal good, only the middle wage and middle income groups can be adequately deterred by a fixed fines alone regime. The existing literature only considers the case of the very poor, deemed as judgment proof. However, since imprisonment is a socially costly way to deprive individuals of their time, other alternatives may be sought such as the imposition of discriminatory monetary fine, partial incapacitation and other alternative sanctions. According to traditional legal theory, the reason why criminal law is obeyed is not mainly due to the monetary sanctions but to the stigma arising from the community’s moral condemnation that accompanies conviction or merely suspicion. However, it is not sufficiently clear whether social stigma always accompanies a criminal conviction. We addressed this issue by identifying the circumstances wherein a criminal conviction carries an additional social stigma. Our results show that social stigma is seen to accompany a conviction under the following conditions: first, when the law coincides with the society's social norms; and second, when the prohibited act provides information on an unobservable attribute or trait of an individual -- crucial in establishing or maintaining social relationships beyond mere economic relationships. Thus, even if the social planner does not impose the social sanction directly, the impact of social stigma can still be influenced by the probability of conviction and the level of the monetary fine imposed as well as the varying degree of correlation between the legal standard violated and the social traits or attributes of the individual. In this respect, criminal law serves as an institution that facilitates cognitive efficiency in the process of imposing the social sanction to the extent that the rest of society is boundedly rational and use judgment heuristics. Paradoxically, using criminal law in order to invoke stigma for the violation of a legal standard may also serve to undermine its strength. To sum, the results of our analysis reveal that the scope of criminal law is narrow both for the purposes of deterrence and cognitive efficiency. While there are certain conditions where the enforcement of criminal law may lead to an increase in social welfare, particularly with respect to incarceration and stigma, we have also identified the channels through which they could affect behavior. Since such mechanisms can be replicated in less costly ways, society should first try or seek to employ these legal institutions before turning to criminal law as a last resort.

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De, Giorgi Alessandro. "Re-thinking the political economy of punishment : perspectives on post-Fordism and penal politics." Thesis, Keele University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.412991.

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CASTILLO, VAL IGNACIO JAVIER. "IL CRITERIO DEL BEYOND ANY REASONABLE DOUBT NELLA RESPONSABILITA' DELLE PERSONE GIURIDICHE. STUDIO POLITICO CRIMINALE E SULLA FINALITA' DELLA PENA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/728661.

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The thesis argues that there are no good reasons to justify the liability of legal persons, for the endangerment or ham to one of us, should be classified as criminal offense, even when the norm of unfulfilled conduct is precisely a penalty one. To assume that a company might be punish for its ex-crime participation does not imply that it should be penalized, with a criminal offense. The reason for this is that one of the fundamental elements of the penal system, the standard of reasonable doubt, is not justified in the attribution of responsibility of moral entities. In addition, in the criminal procedure, as it does not happen in other matters, the so-called search for truth is only one of the components - necessary, but not sufficient - of the adjudicative activity. In criminal law, we needed a special configuration between the balance of other necessary interests, such as social peace (civility), human dignity (otherness), costs and the stability of decisions that imply that not necessarily the true decision is the correct. To this we should added, more than outstandingly, the moral imperative to prevent the conviction of innocent people. This means that the regulation of standard of proof is influenced by epistemic, counter-epistemic and extra-epistemic reasons, which limit or condition the evidence of the jury or trial finder, making the task of imputation difficult. Therefore, the different processes (criminal, administrative and civil) have different epistemic, extra-epistemic and counter-epistemic rules. In the case of legal persons, there are no reasons to be applied the rules of the criminal procedure. In fact, the structure of the criminal justice system, its principles and guarantees, certainly allow that someone who is actually guilty, that is, who committed the crime, to escape the punish, which indirectly increases the incentives of other possible offenders to commit crimes, but above all, it generates an impact of impunity on the victims. If we considered that criminal law has the mission of protecting the most important human’s values, the previous trade-off would be debatable with respect to an entity that, basically, has an economic ethos and that does not necessarily share fundamental human values, let alone recognize it - because he does not recognize the victim as a moral alter ego. Society should design policies to reduce conducts classified as a crime, not incentivize it, even not directly. The thesis concludes that legal entities are not worthy of deserving our criminal law, they do not deserve that the State limits itself, as it does with natural persons, in the use of the ius puniendi, either to control the sources of risk or to sanction the harms they cause to people.
La tesis sostiene que no hay razones suficientes que justifiquen que la responsabilidad de las personas jurídicas, por la puesta en peligro o la lesión de un bien jurídico, deba imputarse a título de una infracción penal, aun cuando la norma de comportamiento incumplida sea, precisamente, una penal. Decir respecto de una empresa que se le sanciona por su participación ex crimine no implica afirmar que se le deba sancionar penalmente. La razón para ello es que uno de los componentes fundamentales del sistema penal, a saber, el estándar de la duda razonable, no se justifica en la atribución de responsabilidad de los entes morales. Y ello porque en el proceso penal, como no sucede en otras materias, la así llamada búsqueda de la verdad es sólo uno de los componentes –necesario, mas no suficiente– de la actividad adjudicativa. En el Derecho penal se genera una especial configuración balanceada con otros intereses necesarios del proceso, como por ejemplo la paz social (civilidad), la dignidad humana (alteridad), los costos y la estabilidad de las decisiones que implican que no necesariamente la decisión verdadera sea la correcta. A eso se debe agregar, de manera más que destacada, el imperativo moral de prevenir la condena de personas inocentes. Ello tiene como consecuencia que la regulación de las pruebas esté influenciada por razones epistémicas, contraepistémicas y extraepistémicas, que limitan o condicionan el acervo probatorio del adjudicador, dificultando la labor de imputación. Por lo mismo, los distintos procesos (penales, administrativos y civiles) tienen distintas reglas epistémicas, extraepistémicas y contraepistémicas. En el caso de las personas jurídicas no existen razones para que respecto de ellas se apliquen las reglas propias de un proceso penal. De hecho, la estructura del sistema de justicia criminal, sus principios y garantías procesales, ciertamente permite que algunos fácticamente culpables, es decir, que cometieron efectivamente el delito, escapen de la condena, lo que aumenta indirectamente los incentivos de otros eventuales infractores a cometer delitos, pero sobre todo, genera un impacto de impunidad en las víctimas. Si se considera que el Derecho penal tiene por misión proteger los bienes jurídicos más importantes, el anterior trade–off sería discutible respecto de un ente que básicamente tiene un ethos económico y que no necesariamente comparte los valores fundamentales humanos, y menos va reconocer –porque no reconoce– a la víctima como un alter ego moral. La sociedad debiese diseñar políticas para reducir las conductas calificadas como delito, no incentivarlas, siquiera indirectamente. La tesis concluye que las empresas no son dignas de merecer nuestro Derecho penal, de que el Estado se (auto)limite, como lo hace con las personas naturales, para usar el ius puniendi, sea para controlar las fuentes de riesgo sea para sancionar los perjuicios a bienes jurídicos relevantes.

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ROTOLO, GIUSEPPE. "CONOSCIBILITA' DEL PRECETTO PENALE COME AFFERRABILITA' DELL'OFFESA. UN'ANALISI DOGMATICA E POLITICO-CRIMINALE." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/565.

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La ricerca si propone di approfondire il tema della conoscibilità del precetto penale sotto il particolare profilo della percezione dell’offesa corrispondente al tipo di illecito. L’indagine è suddivisa in tre parti. La prima parte si occupa di ricostruire storicamente la disciplina dell’ignoranza della legge e di inquadrarne i contenuti rispetto al sistema penale. Particolare attenzione viene dedicata alla “storica” sentenza della Corte costituzionale, n. 364 del 1988 e ai suoi riflessi sull’ordinamento. Nella seconda parte, si è cercato di tracciare un collegamento tra il principio di colpevolezza e quello di offensività, con specifico riferimento alla conoscibilità del precetto. La ricerca si sviluppa in due prospettive: quella dogmatica e quella politico-criminale. In primo luogo, il tema della coscienza dell’offesa è stato approfondito in relazione agli elementi del reato; successivamente, si è cercato di definire una prospettiva politico-criminale che valorizzi la percezione del disvalore penale del fatto, quale condizione necessaria alla conoscibilità del precetto, da cui derivare un criterio selettivo per la legislazione in materia penale. La terza parte è stata dedicata alla verifica delle indicazioni ricavate dall’indagine rispetto all’ambito disciplinare rappresentato dalla tutela penale dell’ambiente. Sono stati evidenziati i profili di criticità della disciplina rispetto ai principi di offensività e di colpevolezza, con particolare riferimento alle occasioni in cui sembri essere compromessa la certezza del diritto. La scelta dello specifico ambito disciplinare, cui rivolgere l’approfondimento dipende proprio dalla povertà delle fattispecie in materia ambientale sotto il profilo dell’offesa. Pertanto, sulla base di questo assunto, l’indagine ha cercato di trarre conferme all’impostazione di fondo della ricerca, in relazione sia alla definizione del bene giuridico “ambiente”, sia alle modalità di tutela più frequenti. In conclusione, sono state proposte alcune indicazioni che consentano di offrire alla materia ambientale una tutela che garantisca l’afferrabilità dell’offesa e, quindi, la conoscibilità del precetto. Considerando questo requisito essenziale ai fini del rispetto dei principi su cui l’ordinamento penale è fondato, è stata valutata l’opportunità di ricorrere a forme di tutela diverse e, in particolare, a quella amministrativa, quando tale condizione non risulti rispettata.
The thesis is aimed at studying the theme of knowledge about criminal norm particularly concerning the perception of offense correspondent to the types of wrongdoing. The enquiry has been divided into three parts. Firstly it has been examined, with a historical prospective, the discipline of ignorance of law, focusing on its contents with regard to the criminal justice system. Particular attention has been paid to the historical sentence of the Constitutional Court n. 364 of the 1988 and to the effects of such a paramount decision into the criminal justice system. The second part has been dedicated to draw a connection between culpability and harm principle, with particular concern to limiting the application of criminal law. The research has developed into two perspectives: a dogmatic one and one of criminal policy. Primarily, it has considered the key point of the knowledge of the offense as regards to the elements of the crime; subsequently, it has meant to define a criminal policy perspective that enhances the perception of the criminal disvalue of the fact as a necessary condition to the knowledge of the criminal norm from which drawn a selective criterion for penal legislation. Lastly, the study has been centred upon the criminal implications deriving from the violation of the environmental law, which is characterized, in Italy, by the uncertainty of the discipline due also to the intangibility of the offence. The dissertation has intended to highlight some critical profiles of the regulation in respect to the harm principle and the principle of culpability; specifically, it has delved into the situations where the certainty of law appeared to be compromise. The option for such a specific area of legislation depends on the deficiency that distinguishes these cases of the environmental legislation from the point of view of the harm. Furthermore, related to this, the enquiry has attempted to gain some confirmations on this statement of the problem. Both the definition of the environmental interest and the most frequent techniques of safeguard have been object of a close examination. In conclusion, this thesis intends to offer some indications concerning the environmental matter about a system of safeguard which guarantees the perception of the harm and, thus, the knowledge of the criminal norm. Considering this requirement as an essential one for the sake of the principles of criminal justice system, this research has been evaluating the opportunity to have recourse to different kinds of legal safeguards, like an administrative one, in particular, when the condition expressed above appear not to be accomplished.

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CARLES, Roberto Manuel. "La responsabilità penale delle gerarchie politiche e militari nei crimini contro l'umanità." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389414.

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The reopening of judgements of crimes against humanity committed by the last dictatorship in Argentina, poses again the question of the criminal liability of who, occupying hierarchical positions in the State, did not have direct contact with the attributed facts. Of course, criminal liability is not in discussion, but the way in which the superiors take part in the crime with their subordinates. From the times of Military Juntas Judgement, Argentine justice has followed the theory of domination of the act because of the domination of the will by means of an organization, in order to support the indirect perpetration of the superiors. This theory poses several problems, among which is crucial, the range of the control of the subordinateʼs will by the superior. Nevertheless, this theory, which is not majority, has been adopted by the Bundesgerichtshof and the International Criminal Court. The complexity of this theoretical construction, the effects of its applications on economical crimes, its dependence on empirical factors and, fundamentally, the possibility of reaching reasonable solutions by other ways, lead us to question its utility and applications in tackling the problem of criminal liability of political and military hierarchies of the State in crimes against humanity.

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Annison, Harry. "Dangerous politics : an interpretive political analysis of the imprisonment for public protection sentence, 2003-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73c4f0dc-b86f-4d02-a380-0ae97d3974b4.

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The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.

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Cerami, Giorgia. "La tutela penale dell'ambiente nell'ordinamento giuridico italiano." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/1462.

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La consapevolezza della opportunità di una salvaguardia dell ambiente, considerato come bene rilevante in sé e per sé, è divenuta, quindi, patrimonio condiviso e al fine di approntare una sua tutela sono state predisposte anche determinate sanzioni penali. Attualmente, tuttavia, è stato notato come la problematica della tutela penale dell ambiente viva, almeno sul versante nazionale, un periodo particolarmente controverso . Ciò è dovuto anche alla circostanza che le soluzioni offerte da parte della dottrina alla succitata problematica non sono forse del tutto in linea con quello che, oramai, costituisce il comune sentire delle popolazioni degli Stati europei in tema di ambiente. In taluni recenti contributi, infatti, o si giunge alla radicale soluzione dell abbandono della tutela penale dell ambiente , oppure ci si accontenta di una tutela affidata al modello ingiunzionale , in una prospettiva esclusivamente antropocentrica, in cui il bene ambiente viene in considerazione solo in funzione strumentale rispetto alla tutela di altri beni , quali la vita, l incolumità individuale, la salute pubblica, oppure, addirittura, il patrimonio o il corretto funzionamento del mercato. Al contrario, i cittadini europei sembrano sempre più preoccupati dall inesorabile aggravarsi della crisi ambientale. E si aspettano un rafforzamento, e non certo un abbandono, della tutela penale dell ambiente. La consapevolezza dell importanza cruciale degli interessi sottesi alla più ampia nozione categoriale di ambiente, del resto, ha indotto il legislatore comunitario ad intervenire più volte nella suddetta materia, suggerendo così agli Stati membri l introduzione (o, a seconda dei casi, il perfezionamento) di normative di carattere in primo luogo penale, ma anche amministrativo e civile. Già nel 1998, il Consiglio d Europa aveva adottato una Convenzione per la tutela dell ambiente attraverso il diritto penale. La stessa preoccupazione «per l aumento dei reati contro l ambiente e per le loro conseguenze, che sempre più frequentemente si estendono al di là delle frontiere degli Stati ove tali reati vengono commessi», che già aveva portato all adozione della succitata Convenzione, ha costituito, poi, il fondamento - su iniziativa del Regno di Danimarca del febbraio 2000 - della Decisione Quadro della U.E. n.80/2003 in materia di tutela penale dell ambiente . Da ultimo, un ruolo di straordinaria importanza è svolto dalla Direttiva 2008/99/CE del 19 novembre 2008 sulla tutela penale dell ambiente . Tale direttiva, obbliga gli Stati membri a prevedere «nella loro legislazione nazionale sanzioni penali in relazione a gravi violazioni delle disposizioni del diritto comunitario in materia di tutela dell ambiente». Il ricorso alle sanzioni penali è necessario sulla base dell espresso presupposto che le stesse «sono indice di una riprovazione sociale di natura qualitativamente diversa rispetto alle sanzioni amministrative o ai meccanismi risarcitori di diritto civile». La direttiva si spinge anche oltre, indicando gli ambiti specifici dell intervento penale mediante un elencazione delle condotte penalmente rilevanti. Il fine della realizzazione di una tutela penale effettiva, proporzionata e dissuasiva, che in tal modo viene imposto agli Stati membri, costituisce lo spunto per una riflessione sul grado di tutela offerto ai beni ambientali dal nostro ordinamento giuridico allo stato attuale, suggerendo altresì l opportunità di un analisi in ordine alle prospettive cui il diritto penale possa ispirarsi, nel momento in cui interviene a regolamentare una materia così complessa.

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Birkett, Gemma. "Media, politics and penal reform : the problem of women's imprisonment." Thesis, City University London, 2015. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/14049/.

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There has been limited empirical focus on the activities of the penal reform network in England and Wales, and less still concerned with those campaigning to reform women’s penal policy. Investigating the under-researched interrelationship between the women’s penal reform network, journalists, and policymakers at the crime-media nexus, this interdisciplinary study examines campaign strategies for women and how they have developed and augmented under changing governments and the media spotlight. While penal reform campaigners are able to rely on the discourse of vulnerability in relation to women offenders, this remains in the face of entrenched social constructions of the ‘ideal woman’ and a political climate that continues to talk tough on crime. Uncovering a number of inhibitors to their campaigning efforts, this study reveals that such actors operate on the periphery of both the media and policy agendas and campaign for a ‘lesser social problem’. Drawing on the work of Best (2013) and his research on social problems, claimsmakers and the policy agenda, this study also explores the agenda-setting models developed in the political sciences and media and communications. With unprecedented access to over thirty policy elites (including the Chief Executives of the major campaign organisations, former Prison Ministers, ex-civil servants from the Ministry of Justice, Members of the House of Lords and Commons, journalists, and a former Chief Inspector of Prisons) it integrates the viewpoints of key actors operating in this niche policy network for the very first time. With an explicit policy-focused orientation, it also provides a number of pragmatic and practical tips for those wishing to think more strategically about their ability to influence politicians, the media and the public.

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MATTEI, EVA. "Ethnologie d'une paroisse corse. Elements pour une anthropologie politico-religieuse." Paris 5, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA05H064.

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Le concept de politico-religieux suggere un rapport de reversibilte, fait a la fois d'implications et d'oppositions, entre ce qui nous parait constituer deux faces de la culture. Telle relation est d'abord posee et envisagee sous l'angle d'un contenu micro-politique de l'experience religieuse. Elle l'est ensuite sous celui du vecu politique propre a nos paroissiennes enquetees. Mais c'est le rapport a la mort qui, selon notre hypothese principale, en offre la plus pure illustration, soutenant a lui seul la partie centrale de l'ouvrage l'analyse linguistique et pragmatique d'enonciations discursives recueillies au cours de l'enquete de terrain, dans deux paroisses corses, met a jour certaines specificites culturelles : une religion etablie sur le double registre du pragmatisme et du spiritualisme, la famille comme instance politico- religieuse de premier plan, un engagement et un enjeu social eminemment feminins auxquels se voit liee une forme de pouvoir dite << officieuse >>, la polysemie d'une problematique funebre interdisant toute vision stereotypee d'un << culte de la mort>> en corse, et un potentiel religieux du politique inscrit dans certaines traditions insulaires, et active augre de l'histoire regionale.

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Giunchi, Sara <1986&gt. "Le politiche securitarie dell'era neo-liberista e la prospettiva del diritto penale minimo." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6135.

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Nel presente lavoro descriverò la trasformazione dello stato penale nella odierna società, attraverso l’analisi delle principali teorie neoliberiste su cui si fondano le nuove politiche securitarie sviluppatesi prima negli Stati Uniti e poi in Europa. Il dispiegamento di questa politica statale di criminalizzazione delle conseguenze della miseria, ha portato ad una trasformazione dei servizi sociali in strumenti di sorveglianza e controllo delle nuove “classi pericolose”, accompagnata da una politica del “contenimento repressivo” dei poveri e il ricorso sistematico e massiccio al carcere. Alla luce di queste politiche, si è evoluto un controllo sociale che possiamo comprendere osservando come vengono analizzati i problemi sociali e come viene oggi percepita la criminalità. L’involuzione conseguente del diritto penale ha portato quindi, in contrapposizione, all’emergere della criminologia critica nell’ambito della quale si è iniziato a parlare di diritto penale minimo e del concetto di de criminalizzazione, a fronte della crisi della giurisdizione che oggi stiamo vivendo. L’idea è quella di un diritto penale minimo che permetta la garanzia dei diritti fondamentali della persona. Il concetto di diritti umani resta il fondamento più adeguato per la strategia del minimo intervento penale e per la sua articolazione programmatica nel quadro di una politica alternativa del controllo sociale. In quest’ottica è importante lavorare attraverso delle alternative alla giustizia criminale: la realizzazione ad esempio di programmi di reintegrazione sociale come le diverse esperienze di teatro in carcere.

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Azevedo, Rodrigo Ghiringhelli de. "Tendências do controle penal na modernidade periférica : as reformas penais no Brasil e na Argentina na última década." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/166135.

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No contexto dos processos de democratização do continente latino-americano, que ocorreram paralelamente a uma crise do sistema judicial e ao aumento da criminalidade, Brasil e Argentina promoveram significativas alterações legislativas no âmbito da justiça penal, com a criminalização de novas condutas, a criação de mecanismos informais para o processamento de delitos de menor potencial ofensivo e o aumento das penas e a relativização de garantias processuais para determinados delitos. O presente trabalho visa identificar nesse conjunto de movimentos de política criminal a emergência de um novo modelo de controle penal em países situados no contexto da modernidade periférica. Pretendeu-se realizar um estudo das reformas legislativas em matéria penal que tiveram lugar no Brasil e na Argentina durante a última década, a fim de compor um panorama dos movimentos de política criminal que estiveram por trás do contedo das reformas legais mais significativas' identificar sua especificidade em relação a períodos anteriores e apontar os aspectos mais relevantes que indicassem o sentido dos movimentos de reforma em curso. Constatou-se, entre outras, uma tendencia à expansão e à desformalização do direito penal, como recurso na maioria das vezes meramente simbólico para o enfrentamento de problemas sociais cada vez mais complexos e desafiadores para as estruturas do Estado moderno.
In the context of the processes of democratization of the Latin-American continent, that happened parallel to a crisis of the judicial system and the increase of the criminality, Brazil and Argentina promoted significant legislative alterations in the extent of the penal justice, with the criminalization of new conducts, the creation of informal mechanisms for the processing of offensive potential minor crimes and the increase of the feathers and the relativization of procedural warranties for certain crimes. The present work seeks to identify in that group of movements of criminal politics the emergency of a new model of penal control in located countries in the context of the outlying modernity. It intended to accomplish a study of the legislative reforms in penal matter that had room in Brazil and in Argentina during the last decade, in order to compose a framework of the movements of criminal politics that were behind the content of the more significant legal reforms, to identify its especificity in relation to previous periods and to point the most relevant aspects that indicated the sense of the reform movements in course. It was verified, among other, a tendency to the expansion and the deformalization of the penal law, as a resource most of the time merely symbolic for face up to the social problems more and more complex and challenging for the structures of the modern State.

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Ferreira, Marrielle Maia Alves 1975. "A grande estratégia norte americana e o Tribunal Penal Internacional (1990-2008)." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280155.

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Orientador: Andrei Koener
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T18:32:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_MarrielleMaiaAlves_D.pdf: 2775647 bytes, checksum: b0cda201d9f8a77758515e61d56a312c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo estudar a política dos Estados Unidos para o Tribunal Penal Internacional do ponto de vista da estratégia da política externa norte-americana. O período de análise refere-se ao imediato pós Guerra Fria, quando o tema da criação de tribunais internacionais voltou para a agenda internacional, compreendido nos anos das administrações George H. W. Bush (1989-1992), Bill Clinton (1993-2000) e George W. Bush (2001-2008). Partiu-se da constatação das diferenças no tratamento dispensado pelas Presidências norte-americanas aos instrumentos de justiça internacional. Com vistas a apreciar o significado dessas diferenças o trabalho foi dividido em quatro capítulos. O primeiro capítulo dedica-se a apresentar os antecedentes históricos da criação do Tribunal Penal Internacional e seus aspectos institucionais, com atenção especial para o papel dos Estados Unidos no processo de negociação do referido documento. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo apresenta como o tema se insere no tradicional debate da política internacional e da política externa norte-americana com repercussões para o estudo da grande estratégia dos Estados Unidos. No terceiro capítulo, são examinados os relatórios de estratégia de segurança nacional dos governos estudados com o propósito de contribuir para o estudo das variações da política externa dos Estados Unidos para os instrumentos de justiça internacional. Por fim, o quarto capítulo examina a política de oposição ao Tribunal Penal Internacional durante a administração George W. Bush. A conclusão do trabalho traz considerações sobre o consenso subjacente às posições dos Estados Unidos sobre o Tribunal Penal Internacional e, mais genericamente, os regimes internacionais de direitos humanos, e também as dimensões específicas do dissenso observado no discurso dos governos estudados. Esses dissensos dizem respeito aos valores norte-americanos e as distintas interpretações sobre o grau de comprometimento do Estado com uma instituição permanente de justiça internacional
Abstract: The present research has as its objective an examination of the policies of the United States with regard to the International Penal Court from the perspective of the American foreign policy strategy. For the analysis, the review begins with the end of the "cold war" period. As a time of interest in the creation of international courts, the presidencies of George H. W. Bush (1989-1992), William Jefferson "Bill" Clinton 1993-2000) and George W. Bush (2001-2008) are considered. With the beginning of differences in the treatment given by the different North American presidents, variation in the use of instruments of international justice can be perceived. In order to appreciate the meaning of these differences the present analysis has been divided in four chapters. The first chapter is devoted to the presentation of historical antecedents of the creation of the International Criminal Court and its institutional aspects. Special attention is given to the role of the United States in the process of negotiation of the document. Following this, in the second chapter the theme of international justice is inserted into the international political debate, as well as the American foreign policy debate, with implications for the U.S. grand strategy. The third chapter examines reports elaborated on strategies of national security of individual governments with the goal of contributing to the study of variations in North American foreign policy, in view of international justice. Finally, the fourth chapter examines the policy of opposition to the International Penal Court during the administration of George W. Bush. The conclusion of the analysis presents considerations as to the underlying consensus of the positions of the United States regarding the International Criminal Court. In general, the positions of the international regimes as to human rights and specific dimensions of opposition in the discourse of the governments involved are observed. These dimensions represent North American values and the distinct interpretations of the level of commitment of the US Government as a permanent institution of international justice
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política

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18

Lückel, Wolfgang. ""PENILE POLITICS" sexuality and America in Thomas Brussig's novel "Helden wie wir"." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ucin1107447692.

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VILASI, FELICIA. "STRUMENTI GIURIDICI DI CONTRASTO ALLA CRIMINALITA' ORGANIZZATA NELLA PROSPETTIVA DELLE POLITICHE EUROPEE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/933253.

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Analysis of the process of European harmonization of criminal law and European judicial cooperation in the fight against organized crime, with specific regard to the establishment of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office.

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Hodgson, Max. "The British Labour Party, penal politics and the Soviet Union, 1880-1939." Thesis, University of Reading, 2018. http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/79979/.

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This thesis presents a critical examination of the British Labour Party’s approach to the issues of crime, punishment and penal reform in the inter-war years. Specifically, the study examines the development of Labour’s penal politics in relation to the ‘socialist’ exemplar of the Soviet Union. At present, little is known about the attitudes of the Labour Party to penal politics and its relation to socialism prior to the Second World War. Through a series of inter-related themes and enquiries that engage with the contemporary inter-cultural, transnational, political and economic conditions, an analysis of the Labour Party’s approach to criminality provides an opportunity for a re-evaluation of British socialism, Labour policy and the party’s relationship with the Soviet Union from a novel perspective. The thesis presents three principal arguments. First, in contesting the limited historiography that has been established on British socialism and criminality, it argues that the Labour Party failed throughout the inter-war period to develop a cohesive and unified approach to penal politics. Secondly, the thesis presents a re-assessment of the relationship between the Labour Party and the Soviet Union. In its analysis of British admiration for the developing Soviet penal system and the extent to which the labour movement was willing to indulge or tolerate ostensibly ‘communist’ ideas, it is argued that a focus on crime highlights in new ways how the Soviet Union influenced the Labour Party’s ideological development. Finally, it is contended that the themes of criminality and the Soviet Union together provide a window through which to examine the type of socialism to which the labour movement aspired, and the extent to which this changed over time.

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Mason, Christopher. "The politics of experience : social and political criticism in the novels and non-fiction of Doris Lessing : a cultural study." Grenoble 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993GRE39044.

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Le but de la thèse est d'étudier l'œuvre d'un écrivain engagé, voire critique, à partir de ses écrits, entretiens et romans. Elle comprend une introduction à l'art de Doris Lessing, suivie de sa biographie. Les chapitres iii à x abordent les grands thèmes évoqués dans ses documents (l'Afrique, l’Angleterre, la littérature, la politique, le féminisme, le pacifisme, la psychologie et les sciences sociales, le soufisme). Le chapitre xi propose une présentation générale des romans de Doris Lessing. Les chapitres xii à xv sont consacrés à une étude détaillée de quatre romans spécifiques (Vaincue par la brousse, Le carnet d'or, La cité promise et La terroriste). Le dernier chapitre est une conclusion succincte. Les documents et romans choisis reflètent les principales préoccupations sociales, politiques et littéraires de Mme Lessing tout au long de sa carrière d'écrivain, soit de 1950 à nos jours. La thèse illustre la position de Doris Lessing envers ses deux patries : la Rhodésie du sud et l’Angleterre
The aim of the thesis is to study the work of a committed, critical writer as revealed in the non-fiction and novels of Doris Lessing. The study begins with an introduction to the art of Doris Lessing, followed by biographical details. Chapters iii - x deal with the major themes in Mrs Lessing's non-fiction (Africa, England, literature, politics, feminism, pacifism, psychology and the social sciences, Sufism). Chapter xi offers a general introduction to the novels of Doris Lessing. Chapters xii-xv are devoted to a detailed study of specific novels (the grass is singing, the golden notebook, the four-gated city and the good terrorist). The final chapter is a succinct conclusion. Non-fiction and novels chosen span the entire breadth of Mrs Lessing's writing career from 1950 to the present day and reflect her major social, political and literary preoccupations throughout this period. The thesis illustrates Doris Lessing's position towards her two homelands, southern Rhodesia and England

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Lueckel, Wolfgang. "“Penile Politics” Sexuality and America in Thomas Brussig’s Novel Helden wie wir." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1107447692.

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Brangan, Louise Elizabeth Anna. "Power to imprison : comparing political culture and imprisonment regimes in Ireland and Scotland in the late Twentieth Century." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31545.

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Penal politics and imprisonment in the English-speaking west are often presented as having become increasingly harsh and exclusionary since about 1970. Yet, curiously little attention has been given to Ireland and Scotland, two nations considered as exceptions to these pervasive punitive trends, and this presents some considerable gaps in our understanding of penal politics in this era. This thesis uses sociological and historical research to provide an in-depth comparative analysis of political culture and imprisonment regimes in Ireland and Scotland from 1970 until the 1990s. In so doing, the thesis also explores issues central to the history of punishment and comparative penology, in particular the 'punitive turn' in the late twentieth century. Using oral history interviews, archival research and documentary analysis this thesis recovers the history of penal culture in these two jurisdictions and examines how that changed and evolved over the latter part of the twentieth century. It draws upon resources from cultural sociology, governmentality studies and the sociology of punishment to develop the necessary conceptual resources to illuminate and compare penal politics and the varied practices which constitute imprisonment. Imprisonment regimes here are studied as comprising kinds of places, sets of routines and practices. Political culture, meanwhile, is understood as the working cultural symbols, passions, logic of government, political categories, and perceived social origins of crime. While providing grounded and detailed historical accounts of Ireland and Scotland these cases show how generic and global concepts, such as managerialism, rehabilitation, zero tolerance and incarceration intersect with their local social conditions and political relations. This thesis demonstrates that the heterogeneity of imprisonment regimes is a reflection of their political and social context. Therefore, the differences we see in the uses of imprisonment cross-nationally will both reflect and reconstitute their contrasting political cultures.

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Poole, Helen Louise. "An examination of the function of education in prisons : social, political and penal perspectives." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6740/.

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This study aims to examine the function of education in prisons through the application of a unique analytical model. Prisoner education has become a primary focus for the rehabilitation of offenders, evidenced more recently by the announcement and abandonment of a network of privately run ‘Secure Colleges’ to replace the existing estate for young offenders. This research aims to form a better understanding of what such education provision is designed to achieve through an examination the social, political and penal context in which it has developed. Building on the work of Foucault (1979), Markus (1993) and King (1980) amongst others, the present study triangulates data from political discourse, prison architecture, and still images of prison learning spaces using an analytical model based on research findings from philosophical, sociological, penal and educational theories. The main findings of the study are that the enduring function of prison education is the control of the prisoner-class, which is highly related to the macro-management of the penal system (reducing reoffending) and economic production. The author argues such an approach ignores individual agency, and negatively impacts on approaches to prison education through the marginalisation of educational theory and pedagogic best practice.

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Beer, Lorena Rivero de. "Guillermo Gomez-Pena's performances : cultural politics, aesthetics, representatio n and subjectivity." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496277.

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Teodoro, Frediano José Momesso. "A tutela penal da representatividade democrática: a criminalização do financiamento ilícito de partidos políticos." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19910.

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The relentless struggle for power has prompted political parties and their members to pursue resources whose amounts are increasingly staggering. The illegal provenance of campaign funds has been revealed in recent years, demonstrating that irregularities in political parties funding are tied to a wide range of previous crimes. The economic power abuse is such in political-electoral campaign across the globe that democratic representativeness is seriously compromised, mainly by unfair electoral competition process and by popular sovereignty relativization. Faced with the urgency of the lawless political financing issue and the ineffectiveness of the current rule, it is recognized the imperativeness of declare it as criminal offense. Consequently emerges the need to justify the criminalization of offensive actions against democratic representativeness, free democratic elections and others equally democratic institutes. In order to achieve such an aim, it is proposed to acknowledge the referred democratic institutes as assets protected against the economic power abuse by the criminal law. Through the application of harm principle theory, as guiding the present study, it is possible to justify the criminalization of democratic regime violations by the economic power abuses
A implacável luta pelo poder tem levado os partidos políticos e seus membros a perseguirem recursos cujas cifras são cada dia mais surpreendentes. A procedência ilícita de fundos para as campanhas eleitorais vem sendo revelada nos últimos anos, demonstrando que, muitas vezes, as irregularidades no financiamento dos partidos políticos estão atreladas a uma vasta gama de delitos antecedentes. O abuso do poder econômico é de tal ordem nas campanhas político-eleitorais de todo o globo, que a representatividade democrática está seriamente comprometida, principalmente pela concorrência desleal no processo eleitoral e pela relativização da soberania popular. Diante da urgência do tema do financiamento irregular de partidos políticos e da ineficácia da lei vigente, reconhece-se a imperatividade de sua criminalização. Consequentemente, surge a necessidade de justificar a tipificação penal de condutas atentatórias à representatividade democrática, à livre concorrência democrática no processo eleitoral e a outros institutos igualmente democráticos. Para se alcançar tal intento, propõe-se o reconhecimento dos aludidos institutos democráticos como bens jurídicos penalmente tuteláveis contra o abuso do poder econômico. A partir da aplicação da teoria de proteção do bem jurídico, como norteadora do presente estudo, é possível justificar a criminalização das condutas de abuso do poder econômico, violadoras do regime democrático

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Pariona, Arana Raúl. "The abuse of authority crime. Dogmatic and political-criminal considerations." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/107280.

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In a State governed by the rule of law and respect for institutions, the power is never absolute, but rather a limited one. In that order, when public officials exceed their authority and attributions, the legal system should have a reaction.In the present article, the author realizes an explanation and an analysis about the abuse of authority crime. According to national and international doctrine, and Peruvian jurisprudence, the author presents how to understand the legal right protected, the objective and subjective tipicity, the active and passive subjects, as well as the sanction in this crime.
En un Estado democrático de Derecho, el poder nunca es absoluto, sino más bien limitado. En ese sentido, cuando los funcionarios públicos se exceden en sus funciones o atribuciones, corresponde una reacción de parte del ordenamiento.En el presente artículo, el autor realiza una explicación y un análisis sobre el delito de abuso de autoridad. De acuerdo a la doctrina nacional e internacional, y a la jurisprudencia peruana, el autor señala cómo entender el bien jurídico que se protege, la tipicidad objetiva y subjetiva, los sujetos activo y pasivo, así como la pena en este delito.

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Mehra, Nasrin. "Establishment and remodelling of the Iranian juvenile penal system in the light of political events." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248430.

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Groulx, Gordon. "Repression meets responsibility: Canadian penal governance in the 'age of transformation'." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28087.

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In December 2007, the Ministry of Public Safety published the Report of the Correctional Service of Canada Panel Review, a comprehensive analysis of Canada's federal prison system. The release of this report, and the 'transformation' agenda that it presents, is being hailed as a pivotal moment in Canadian corrections, one that will significantly change the manner in which prisons and prisoners are governed. Using a form of Foucauldian discourse analysis, this study 'unpacks' the various meanings and effects that are produced by this report. Drawing on these findings, and through an application of the work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach, it then engages with the different ways in which mentalities and strategies of government, discipline and sovereignty are implicit in the 'transformation' agenda that is put forth. In doing so, it engages with Foucault's notion of the 'triangle' of governmentality. The conclusion of this study explores how the agenda presented constitutes a programme of governance with a dual mandate of repression and responsibilities, one that vacillates between strategies of coercion and subjugation and more 'gentle' and 'distant' technologies of self-government.

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Tisel, David. "Unfree Labor and American Capitalism: From Slavery to the Neoliberal-Penal State." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368618418.

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Tohme, Roni. "Abolition of the death penalty : a process in motion." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32816.

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Following slavery, capital punishment is slowly finding its way toward abolition. This trend is manifested both in international criminal law norms and international human rights norms.
In the international criminal law field, capital punishment, accepted under the Nuremberg and Tokyo Charters, was rejected half a century later in the Statute of the International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia, then in the Statute of the International Tribunal for Rwanda, and most recently in the Rome Statute.
Parallel to developments in the international criminal law field, a similar evolution was experienced in the area of international human rights. The trend towards abolition in the human rights field began with the restriction of the death penalty application to a certain group of people and crimes. However, a European human rights instrument, Protocol No. 6 to the ECHR, shifted the trend from restriction to abolition of the death penalty.
For the abolitionist cause to succeed, the abolitionist trend should be accepted by retentionist countries such as the US and the Islamic states of the Middle East and Africa. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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32

Sakdan, Mohd Foad. "Conflict management in the Barisan Nasional (1974-1999) with special reference to Penang and Kedah." Thesis, University of Hull, 2006. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8631.

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The aim of this thesis is to examine conflict management in the Barisan Nasional from 1974 to 1999. The core of the study focuses on the conflict management during the seat allocation process in elections and the allocation of cabinet posts at federal government level and state Exco level in Penang and Kedah. To elaborate on these two focal points, five main objectives aimed at uncovering the contributing factors to the Barisan Nasional's stability and solidarity to continue ruling a multiethnic society. A total of 28 political figures in the BN and two from opponent parties were identified as interviewees. Results of this study revealed that the Barisan Nasional employed its own, unique approach in handling conflicts. Firstly, Power-sharing shows that the Barisan Nasional applies a formula for seat allocation using three stringent processes to ensure that each of its components receives a fair allocation of seats commensurate with the performance and strength of the party. For the allocation of cabinet and Exco posts, each party is provided with the opportunity and position to hold the post, so that each component party would have an avenue of participation in the development of policies and direction of the national administration. Secondly, the principles practised within the Barisan Nasional, which includes decision-making procedures, the representativeness and confidentiality of discussions on seat allocation and Cabinet/Exco post allocation, are confined only to the main elite groups of the component parties. The involvement and knowledge of other party members, especially those at branch and divisional levels, are extremely limited and restricted in these areas. Thirdly, in the process of allocating seats and Cabinet/Exco posts, some bargaining inevitably takes place, usually by two parties, namely a component party of the Barisan Nasional and an NGO. There are four factors contributing to this bargaining. The scope of this bargaining also involves four areas. Fourthly, the management of conflict in seat and Cabinet/Exco post allocations demonstrates that the Barisan Nasional continuously faces various challenges from time to time. Seven different challenges are outlined, and these often pose as elements that threaten the strength and stability of the Barisan Nasional. The control of these elements is important in ensuring that the Barisan Nasional continues to be sound and stable, whilst failure would put the Barisan Nasional in a quagmire of difficulties in continuing to defend its power. Finally to manage the conflict on seat and Cabinet/Exco post allocations, the Barisan Nasional applies four levels of review. At each level, the conflict is assessed and analysed to ensure that if can be handled well and comprehensively to the satisfaction and justice of all parties involved. In addition, the Barisan Nasional also practises five approaches in managing these conflicts. The study findings provide a comprehensive documentation of the techniques applied by the BN in managing conflicts, and it is hoped that it would describe to the public how each party played its role in maintaining political stability whilst serving as guidelines to countries facing interethnic conflict.

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Ǧumʿaẗ, Asʿad. "Le problème politico-religieux chez Ibn Rochd : l'interprétation des textes religieux." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010561.

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Peu de questions ont suscité, dans l'histoire de la philosophie islamique, autant de polémique : Ibn Rochd est-il nationaliste (entendez : opposé à la religion) ou bien fidéliste (entendez : opposé à la philosophie) ? Notre philosophe se déclare être les deux à la fois : philosophe et musulman. C'est que pour Ibn Rochd, comme pour toutes les sectes islamiques médiévales, le nationalisme ne comportait aucune connotation laïque. Procédant de la problématique "agl-nagl", le domine d'application du rationalisme en islam est, en premier lieu, l'interprétation des textes religieux. Seulement, du fait de l'imbrication du politique et du religieux en Islam, toute secte qui détient le monopole de l'interprétation des textes religieux s'arroge, par là-même, le monopole de l'exercice du pouvoir politique. D'où la dimension politico-religieuse du projet rochdien : le monopole de l'interprétation des textes religieux que profit des falasifa
Very few questions have led to so much controversy in the history of the moslem philosophy as Ibn Rochd : is he rationalist (that is to say opposed to religion), or fidei defensor (that is to say opposed to philosophy) ? Our philosopher states that he is both : a philosopher and a moslem. We have to say that, for Ibn Rochd, as well as for all the medieval moslem sects, rationalism did not mean, in any way, laic. Following the problematic "agl-nagl", rationalism in islam and its application means interpreting the religious texts. However, because of the imbrication of the religious and political in islam, any sect which holds the monopole of the interpretation of the religious texts, assumes, thus, the right of exercising the political power to itself. Hence the political-religious dimension of the rochdian project : the monopole of the religious interpretation of the texts held by the philosophers (falasifa)

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ROSA, Sérgio Antônio. "Análise da politica sobre drogas no Brasil a partir da criminologia crítica." Universidade Federal do Pará, 2016. http://repositorio.ufpa.br/jspui/handle/2011/8732.

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O objetivo da presente dissertação de mestrado foi analisar a legislação brasileira em relação à política sobre drogas, analisando os diferentes tratamentos normativos dispensados pela lei nº 11.343/2006; o contraponto da justiça penal e da justiça terapêutica e a eficácia da Justiça Terapêutica. O problema que objetivou a fazer a pesquisa é saber: Como a legislação brasileira trata os diferentes casos de drogas, em termos de penalização? O tratamento dispensado ao ―mula‖, ao traficante e ao usuário de drogas pode ser considerado justo e ressocializador, ou seja, consegue recuperar o indivíduo e libertá-lo das drogas, além de reinseri-lo na sociedade? O que é mais eficaz, a Justiça Terapêutica com a inserção da ‗pena tratamento‘ ou a prisão do usuário de drogas em celas comuns? Do ponto de vista do método a pesquisa proposta segue a lógica indutivo-dedutiva, pois faz deduções das normas existentes. Quanto à coleta de dados, a pesquisa se enquadra como sendo de revisão bibliográfica, cujos dados secundários foram obtidos na Constituição Federal, nas Leis Codificadas, na legislação ordinária, na doutrina e na jurisprudência, livros, artigos e reportagens, entre outros. Trata-se de uma revisão bibliográfica que tem como base os artigos já publicados na literatura sobre o assunto em questão. É preferível que a pessoa cumpra uma pena alternativa ou pena tratamento, ao invés de ir para a prisão, onde estão os maiores criminosos e, por causa disso, ver sua vida vinculada de forma irreparável ao mundo do crime. A Lei nº 11.343/06 está a caminho da maturidade jurídica. No mesmo sentido, caminha a doutrina atrás de subsídios suficientes para dirimir os pontos controversos. Seja como for, a Lei tem mais aspectos positivos do que negativos, e somente a análise prática de cada caso concreto tornará possível uma melhor interpretação de suas normas.
The goal of this dissertation was to analyze the Brazilian legislation on drug policy, analyzing the different regulatory treatments dispensed by law No. 11,343/2006; the counterpoint of criminal justice and justice and the effectiveness of Therapeutic Justice. The problem that aimed to do the research is: How the Brazilian legislation treats the different drug cases, in terms of penalty? The treatment to the dealer, the dealer and the drug user may considered fair and ressocializador, IE, you can retrieve the individual and free him from drugs, in addition to reinsert it in society? What is more effective, Therapeutic justice with the insertion of ' shame ' treatment or prison drug user in Gen pop? From the point of view of the proposed research, method follows the inductive-deductive logic, as it makes deductions of existing standards. As for data collection, the research qualifies as literature review, whose secondary data obtained in the Federal Constitution, Codified laws, ordinary legislation, doctrine and jurisprudence, books, articles and reports, among others. This is a literature review based on articles already published in the literature on the subject in question. It is preferable that the person comply with a feather or alternative treatment, instead of going to prison, where the biggest criminals are and, because of this, view your linked life irreparably to the world of crime. Law No. 11,343/06 is the path of legal maturity. In the same sense, the doctrine behind subsidies sufficient to resolve the issues. Nevertheless, the law has more positives than negatives, and only the practical analysis of the individual case will make possible a better interpretation of its rules.

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Leacock, Vivian. "Punishment, welfare and responsibility in youth justice : penal strategies and the politics of reform in England and Wales." Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422855.

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Miao, Michelle. "The politics of change : explaining capital punishment reform in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:524671ef-31e8-42ee-8b8c-34d8f3c408ef.

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The thesis seeks to enhance understanding of the recent reform of capital punishment law, policies and institutions in China by studying its causes, significance, and limits. The research surveys the reform initiated by China’s top judiciary – the Supreme People’s Court - around 2006-2007. It demonstrates a changing domestic socio-political context, within which the external and internal impetus to reform is inevitable. Drawn from elite interview evidence with penal policy makers including judges, prosecutors, and legislators, the thesis concludes that Europe-inspired, cross-border abolitionist sentiments created motivation for change in China through soft mechanisms of shaming and persuasion, albeit to a limited degree. In the domestic realm, the research identified three pairs of interrelated tensions – the contradiction between elites and the public, the conflict between political intervention and judicial autonomy, and the divergent interests and priorities between top judicial organs and lower courts. These tensions are useful social, political and legal indicators to explain why and how China reformed its capital punishment machinery.

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Haber, Carolina Dzimidas. "A eficácia da lei penal: análise a partir da legislação penal de emergência (o exemplo do regime disciplinar diferenciado)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-15092010-144855/.

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O objetivo do presente trabalho é a análise da legislação penal de emergência e, mais especificamente, do regime disciplinar diferenciado, previsto pela Lei nº. 10.792/03, sob o enfoque dos conceitos de eficácia técnico-jurídica, sociológica e, sobretudo, simbólica. Inicialmente, busca-se traçar um quadro das transformações sociais, políticas e econômicas que vêm ocasionando modificações relevantes no sistema penal, na tentativa de utilizá-lo como resposta aos novos problemas político-criminais, contrapondo-o, assim, ao modelo de direito concebido pelo Estado liberal. Em seguida, são examinadas as políticas de segurança pública do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, com o intuito de entender como foram pensadas e implementadas tais políticas em um período em que o governo foi constantemente desafiado a se posicionar sobre o crescimento da violência nas grandes cidades brasileiras. Parte-se, então, para a análi/se específica do regime disciplinar diferenciado, explicitando-se, em primeiro lugar, o contexto em que foi criado e, depois, o conteúdo dos dispositivos que permeiam o texto da lei e as decisões judiciais emanadas sobre o tema. Por fim, o trabalho propõe um estudo crítico sobre o impacto, na ordem jurídica, do Direito Penal de emergência e, mais especificamente, do regime disciplinar diferenciado, a partir do estudo de sua eficácia social e simbólica.
The objective of this dissertation is to analyze the criminal law of emergency and, more specifically, the differentiated disciplined regime, according to the Law nº. 10.792/03, focusing on the concepts of juridical, sociological, and, mainly, symbolical efficacy. Firstly, it is pictured the social, political and economical transformations that have been modified significantly the penal system in order to attempt using them as an answer to the new criminal problems, at the same time that they are compared to the principles and rules conceptualized by the liberal State. Secondly, the public securities politics of Fernando Henrique Cardoso are examined with the purpose of understanding how these politics were wondered and implemented in a period that the government was often challenged because of the increasing of violence in Brazilian big cities. Then, it was analyzed specifically the differentiated disciplined regime, showing at first place the context that it was created, and after the content of this law text and judicial decisions related to the subject. In summary, this dissertation proposes a critical study about the impact on justice system of criminal law of emergency and, more specifically of differentiated disciplined regime, from the study of its social and symbolical efficacy

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Garcia, Filho Luiz da Rosa. "O Tribunal Penal Internacional Permanente no âmbito do sistema internacional: viabilidade e limites." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2011. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/tede/jspui/handle/tede/1848.

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This dissertation seeks to identify the role that the permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) occupies in the international system. In this paper, we analyze the formation of an international governmental organization (IGO) in light of theories of international relations, addressing the major theoretical schools, and giving special focus, to the applicability of the theory of hegemonic stability, bearing in mind the opposition that the United States offers to the Organization. We also draw a profile of the historical formation of the International Court, rescuing its predecessors and leaning on the principles that guide its activities, giving special attention to the principle of complementarity, which aims to safeguard the sovereignty of States Parties to the Rome Statute, an international treaty that gave start to ICC. Our research also takes care of the issue of the difficulties faced by this Court, in particular those under the opposition it faces in the International System (IS), addressing conciliation options and charting a prognosis for the future of the Organization in a world increasingly interdependent and globalized.
A presente dissertação de mestrado busca identificar o papel que o Tribunal Penal Internacional Permanente (TPIP) ocupa no sistema internacional. Neste trabalho, analisaremos a formação desta Organização Internacional Governamental (OIG) sob a luz das teorias de Relações Internacionais, abordando as principais vertentes teóricas e, dando especial enfoque, a questão da aplicação da teoria da estabilidade hegemônica, tendo em mente a oposição dos Estados Unidos em relação à Organização. Também traçaremos um perfil da formação histórica da Corte Internacional, resgatando seus precedentes e nos debruçando sobre os princípios que norteiam sua atividade, dando especial atenção ao princípio da complementaridade, que visa resguardar a soberania dos Estados signatários do Estatuto de Roma, tratado internacional que deu início ao TPIP. Nossa pesquisa cuida ainda da questão das dificuldades enfrentas pela referida Corte, em especial as decorrentes da oposição que enfrenta no Sistema Internacional (SI), abordando opções de conciliação e traçando um prognóstico para o futuro da Organização em um mundo cada vez mais interdependente e globalizado.

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Mendonça, Joseli Maria Nunes. "Evaristo de Moraes : justiça e politica nas arenas republicanas (1887-1939)." [s.n.], 2004. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280992.

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Orientador: Silvia Hunold Lara
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese estuda a atuação pública de Evaristo de Moraes, interpretando alguns aspectos de sua experiência pessoal na interação com o mundo em que viveu. Evaristo de Moraes (1871-1939) projetou-se no mundo público bastante jovem. Com 16 anos, engajou-se nos movimentos abolicionista e republicano. Depois, militou em partidos operários e trabalhou como advogado em vários sindicatos do Rio de Janeiro. Também advogou - como rábula e depois como bacharel - no tribunal do júri e teve atuação destacada nos debates concernentes à administração da justiça criminal. Durante toda a Primeira República, defendeu a intervenção do Estado nas relações de trabalho, contestando abertamente a ordem liberal vigente. A partir de 1930, integrou grupos empenhados em reformular a legislação sindical e penal. Mestiço, enfrentou as vicissitudes impostas pelo racismo. De origem pobre, procurou conquistar reconhecimento social por meio do aprimoramento intelectual. Assim, a experiência social de Evaristo de Moraes permite discutir questões cruciais da história republicana brasileira. Tratando-as pelo viés de uma experiência individual, o estudo procura estabelecer as relações entre o direito, a justiça, a política e a história
Abstract: The objective of this dissertation is to study Evaristo de Moraes's public activities, interpreting some aspects of his personal experience in interaction with the world he lived in. Evaristo de Moraes (1871-1939) was rather young when he started his public life. At sixteen, he joined the abolitionist and republican movements. After that, he was an activist in labor parties and worked as a lawyer in several unions in Rio de Janeiro. He also worked as a lawyer in Court with outstanding performance in the debates conceming the administration of criminal justice. During the First Republic, he defended the intervention of the State in labor relations, openly contesting the liberal order then in force. ln 1930, he joined groups that fought for the reformulation of labor unions and penallegislation. As a mixed-race individual, he faced the difficulties imposed by racism. From a poor background, he searched for social recognition through intellectual improvement. Thus, Evaristo de Moraes's social experience allows us to discuss essential issues in brazilian republican history. Through the individual experience approach, this study aims at establishing relationships between law, justice, politics and history
Doutorado
Doutor em História

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Jenkins, Gwynneth Ann. "Contested space : heritage and identity reconstructions: an enquiry into conservation strategies within a developing Asian city, George Town, Penang, Malaysia." Thesis, University of Hull, 2003. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5543.

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Elias, Renatta Christina de Oliveira. "O PROCESSO PENAL CONTRA TOMÁS ANTÔNIO GONZAGA: INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA FINAL DO SÉCULO XVIII." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2010. http://tede2.pucgoias.edu.br:8080/handle/tede/3559.

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The present Dissertation has the object of study the Penal Process moved against Tomás Antônio Gonzaga. He was the respected General Ouvidor of Vila Rica since 1782. Accused of being the leader of the Minas Gerais Conspiracy in 1789 by Silvério dos Reis, Gonzaga was arrested and led to the Prison of the Ilha das Cobras. There he was maintained incommunicable in the jails during the whole course of the Judicial Inquiry of the Minas Gerais Conspiracy. We search to show that during whole the Penal Process, Gonzaga denyed any participation in the plans of the Conjurados. It was not found any writing proof to incriminate him, and the depositions of the other Inconfidentes, in the majority, declared to be Gonzaga innocent. The Judge Gonzaga, without consistent proofs of his participation in the Conspiracy, was condemned in 1792 to the exile for the Island of Moçambique for 10 years. There he stayed until the year he came to die: 1810. The present Dissertation, yet, tries to discuss the relationships of power that settled down in that period and the politics of domain imposed to the Colonial Brazil.
A presente Dissertação tem como objeto de estudo o Processo Penal movido contra Tomás Antônio Gonzaga, que foi o respeitado Ouvidor Geral de Vila Rica desde 1782. Acusado de ser o líder da Conjuração Mineira em 1789 por Silvério dos Reis, o Desembargador Gonzaga foi preso e conduzido à Fortaleza da Ilha das Cobras. Lá foi mantido incomunicável nos cárceres durante todo o andamento dos Autos de Devassa da Inconfidência Mineira. Procuramos demonstrar que durante todo o Processo Penal, Gonzaga negou qualquer participação nos planos dos Conjurados. Não foi encontrada nenhuma prova escrita que o incriminasse, e os depoimentos dos demais réus Inconfidentes, em sua maioria, declararam ser Gonzaga inocente. O Desembargador Gonzaga, sem provas consistentes de sua participação na Conjuração, foi condenado em 1792 ao degredo para a Ilha de Moçambique por 10 anos. E lá permaneceu até o ano em que veio a falecer: 1810. A presente Dissertação procura, ainda, discutir as relações de poder que se estabeleciam naquele período e a política de domínio imposta ao Brasil Colonial.

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Della, Greca Marco. "La rivoluzione dell'impossibile : politica e letteratura nel Blanchot non conformiste." Paris 7, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA070043.

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Objet du travail est l'analyse de l'expérience politico-littéraire de Maurice Blanchot dans les années 1930 avec une attention particulière portée aux lieux et aux modalités concrètes dans lesquelles elle s'est réalisée Dans la première partie on s'est occupé d'une reconstruction de l'histoire du débat autour de l'objet de l'étude. En ce sens, on a thématisé les réactions et les positions qui ont caractérisé la culture française et internationale, à partir des années quarante jusqu'aux jours plus récents. La deuxième partie est l'analyse du contexte générationnelle « non-conformiste », à travers une analyse des thèmes typiques de l'époque et des milieux intellectuels dans lesquels le jeune Blanchot forme sa première expérience d'écriture. On a proposé donc une reconstruction génétique des conceptions, des sensibilités, des inquiétudes des groupes d'intellectuels dont Blanchot est très proche. La troisième partie est un examen plus spécifique des contenus idéologiques de l'écriture du jeune Blanchot et de son activité politique, comme il l'exerce dans la communauté des revues et des mouvements politiques et littéraires non-conformistes. On s'est concentré d'une façon particulière sur la tentative théorique et pratique d'élaborer une nouvelle conception de révolution et sur le thème de Pinséparabilité de politique et littérature à l'intérieur de ce projet révolutionnaire. La dernière partie s'occupe spécifiquement des caractères formels et des thèmes présents dans les textes du jeune Blanchot, en juxtaposant une analyse rhétorique et psycho-sociolinguistique avec une perspective plus proprement historiée-philosophique
Aim of this work is to analyse the political and literary experience of Maurice Blanchot in the 1930; particularly focusing on the different forms of his writings and on the contexts in which those took place. In the first part, I propose an overview on the critical debate about the intellectual engagement of young Blanchot: on this purpose, I investigate the various reactions and opinions expressed by French and international scholars, since 1940s until recent times. In the second part, then, I focuses on the generations context - known as "non-conformism" -, in which young Blanchot's experience develops, and I present the highly topical issues discussed in those years. Later on, I propose a genetic reconstruction of the views, the sensibilities and the concerns of those groups, which Blanchot was affiliated to. The third part deeply investigates the ideology of the writings and the political activity of young Blanchot, which were strictly related to the project of such political and literary movements. I concentrate on the theoretical and practical attempt to create a new idea of revolution, highlighting the concept that politics and literature were thought an inseparable for the realization of such project. The last part more specifically focuses on the texts of young Blanchot, by juxtaposing two different kinds of analysis: a rhetoric and psycho-sociolinguistic one and a historic-philosophical one

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TRAVERSO, MATTEO. "DIRITTO PENALE E STRATEGIE DI MANTENIMENTO DELL'ORDINE PUBBLICO NEL REGNO DI SARDEGNA (1814-1861). IL REATO DI GRASSAZIONE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/571544.

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La ricerca svolta ha ad oggetto l'evoluzione del sistema penale sabaudo nel periodo compreso tra la Restaurazione di Vittorio Emanuele I (1814) e la formazione del Regno d'Italia (1861). Sono state innanzi tutto studiate le magistrature che erano deputate alla repressione dei reati più gravi, quali i Senati e (dopo il 1848) i Magistrati e le Corti d'Appello, ponendo in risalto il parallelismo intercorrente tra la progressiva modernizzazione della normativa penale e l'evoluzione dell'ordinamento giudiziario subalpino. Incentrando poi l'analisi sul reato di grassazione (una particolare fattispecie criminale che -nella sostanza- consisteva in una rapina attuata con condotte particolarmente violente e minacciose) si è cercato di delineare le concrete modalità con cui il "sistema" reagiva alle turbative all'ordine pubblico interno sia a livello giudiziario che amministrativo, evidenziando come, nel corso della prima metà del XIX° secolo, si sia realizzato un netto accentramento del controllo sociale e criminale.

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Tamburus, Carolina Sene. "Da apropriação indébita previdenciária (Art. 168-A, parágrafo 1, Inciso I do Código Penal) e sua efetiva materialização no plano da tipicidade /." Franca : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89885.

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Orientador: Fernando Andrade Fernandes
Banca: Antonio Milton de Barros
Banca: José Carlos de Oliveira
Resumo: O presente trabalho versa sobre o delito de apropriação indébita previdenciária, analisado sob a ótica legitimadora do bem jurídico-penal, por referência a determinados critérios político-criminais, com vistas a propiciar uma delimitação do âmbito de intervenção penal, distinguindo-se aquelas condutas cujo grau de ilicitude se restringe ao plano extrapenal daquelas que, por configurarem uma intensa danosidade social, caracterizam um verdadeiro ilícito penal. O trabalho parte da análise sobre a estrutura constitucional da Seguridade Social, a legislação previdenciária em matéria de custeio, bem como aspectos criminológicos e o desenvolvimento do tratamento legal dos crimes contra o sistema de Seguridade Social nos ordenamentos jurídicos estrangeiros e pátrio. Na seqüência, são analisados os critérios de dignidade penal e carência de tutela penal, bem como seus respectivos princípios político-criminais, de modo a se verificar a legitimidade da intervenção penal, particularmente em relação à Previdência Social. Após esse necessário enfoque, chega-se propriamente ao crime de apropriação indébita previdenciária, sendo inicialmente analisados os elementos componentes do tipo penal previsto no art.168-A, §1º, inciso I do Código Penal para que, em seguida, seja enfrentado o núcleo central da pesquisa, a compatibilização do citado delito com a função legitimadora do bem jurídico-penal, possibilitando, no plano da tipicidade material, diferenciá-lo do ilícito administrativo-fiscal. Para tanto, afirma-se que o mero não recolhimento no prazo legal não se mostra suficiente para caracterizar a figura típica, impondo-se a configuração de um plus como elemento diferenciador do simples inadimplemento fiscal. O tipo penal em análise... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The present paper tells about Social Security embezzlement crime offense under the view of the criminal legal property legitimacy, referring to certain penal-political criteria, intending to restrain the criminal intervention aspect; distinguishing the conducts in which illicit degree is restricted to the lawful plan from those that characterize an actual offense for representing an intense social damage. This paper starts from the analysis of the Social Insurance constitutional structure, the social security legislation in terms of cost, as well as the crime aspects, and the development of the legal crime treatment against the Social Security according to the alien and native legal systems. Then, the criteria of the penal dignity and lack of criminal tutela, as well as their respective penal-political principles are analyzed in order to verify the legitimacy of the penal intervention, particularly in respect to the Social Security. After this necessary introduction, we get to the Social Security embezzlement crime offense itself, and the component elements of the criminal type of the 168-A sec., § 1I from the Penal Code, so that, afterwards we are able to reach the central part of the research, that is, the compatibility of the mentioned criminal offense with the legitimate power of the criminal legal property, making it possible to differentiate it, to what concerns the matter vagueness doctrine, from the fiscal administrative illicit. To make such differentiation, we state that the simple fact that the collection is not made within the legal term is not enough to characterize criminal offense, being necessary the configuration of a plus as a differentiating element from the simple fiscal default. This criminal offense under analysis should be classified as an improper omission crime, being a must the proof of a previous active conduct to the... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below)
Mestre

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Colucci, Alex R. "Knowledge Production, Capital Punishment, and Political Economy." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1555694255644039.

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IAVARONE, CARLA. "IL CASO DELLA LEGISLAZIONE PENALE ALIMENTARE. PROSPETTIVE E LIMITI DI UNA TUTELA INTEGRATA IN TEMA DI CRIMINALITA' SISTEMICA E RESPONSABILITA' DELLE PERSONE GIURIDICHE." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/73306.

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La ricerca rappresenta lo studio delle prospettive e dei limiti delle strategie di contrasto alla criminalità agroalimentare, in particolare su larga scala, in una prospettiva anche sovrannazionale. Lo studio suggerisce alcune proposte in tema di criminalità economica agroalimentare e responsabilità delle persone giuridiche.
The research represents the study of the perspectives and limits of strategies to combat agri-food crime, in particular on a large scale, also in a supranational perspective. The study suggests some proposals regarding agri-food economic crime and corporate liability.

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Nunes, Diego. "O Percurso dos crimes políticos durante a Era Vargas (1935-1945)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/93750.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Florianópolis, 2010
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O trabalho aborda as rupturas e continuidades do Direito Penal brasileiro com a modificação da formatação do crime político, utilizando como referencial teórico-histórico as transformações sofridas da tendência liberal do século XIX para o do inimigo do Estado do entre-guerras pelo Direito Penal Político italiano. Até 1935, o Brasil adotava a perspectiva liberal do Código Penal de 1890, em que esta categoria de crimes tinha tratamento normativo relativamente brando, além de se encontrar no corpo do Código Penal. Com a consolidação de Getúlio Vargas no poder pelas Constituições de 1934 e 1937, foram criadas e sucessivamente reformadas leis de segurança nacional que trasladavam o crime político do Código Penal para nele não mais retornar, formando um sistema à parte, com tipos penais abertos, supressão e mitigação de garantias processuais, rito especial e a instalação de um tribunal de exceção competente para julgar esses crimes. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho investiga por meio da análise da teoria e legislação acerca do crime político na Itália, bem como doutrina, legislação e aplicação judicial das Leis de Segurança Nacional, se as modificações introduzidas entre a primeira Lei de Segurança Nacional e o fim do Estado Novo (1935-1945) teriam produzido um duplo nível de legalidade penal, ao dispor de tratamento diferenciado entre a legislação penal comum e a legislação penal política, e se esta situação serviu como instrumento para a manutenção de um regime político declaradamente antidemocrático.
This research approaches the ruptures and continuities of Brazilian Criminal Law to the modification of the political crime formulation, having as a theoretical-historical reference the changes occurred by the liberal tendency of the XIX century to the Estate enemy interwar through Italian Political Criminal Law. Until 1935, Brazil had adopted the liberal perspective of penal code of 1890, in which crime categories had been normatively treated as relatively lenient, beyond to be found at the criminal code. With the consolidation of the power by Getúlio Vargas through the constitutions of 1934 and 1937 were created and successively reformulated #national security laws#, which translated the political crime of the Criminal Code preventing its return, formulating a separate system with open penal types, suppression and mitigation of procedural guarantees, special ritual and the installation of a competent exception court to judge these crimes. At this sense, the present work investigates through theoretical and legislative analyses of the political crime in Italy as well as doctrine, legislation and judicial application of the National Security Laws, whether the modifications introduced between the first National Security Law and the end of the Estado Novo (1935-1945) had produced a double level of Criminal legality by having a different treatment between the common Criminal legislation and the political criminal legislation, and whether this situation was an instrument to the maintenance of an explicit antidemocratic political regime.

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ARANCI, MATTEO. "EFFETTIVITÀ DEL DIRITTO DELL¿UNIONE EUROPEA E POTERI SANZIONATORI: GLI OBBLIGHI DI CRIMINALIZZAZIONE COME STRUMENTO DI ENFORCEMENT DELLE POLITICHE SOVRANAZIONALI." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/813683.

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The EU legal system can be considered a phénomène nouveau in the international setting. It has felt, since the time immediately following its foundation, the need to affirm its effectiveness and, over the years, the institutions – thanks to the decisive role played by the Court of Justice – have sought the tools able to ensure their policies the highest degree of enforcement. Among those tools, the affirmation of obligations to protect, at national level, the Community rights is of course included. The structural asymmetry that characterizes the European Union, endowed with regulatory powers but not equipped with its own administrative-judicial structure, requires Member States to de facto realize what EU law provides. Thus, each national system is called, considered the principle of sincere cooperation (Article 4, paragraph 3, TEU), to make their substantial and procedural means available for the implementation of the discipline emanating from the European Union, within the constraints of equivalence and effectiveness imposed by the Court of Justice. In order to make any legal system effective, it is necessary, in addition to its ability to protect citizens’ rights, that it can adopt preventive and repressive measures, so that it can avoid the risk of non-compliance with the rules deriving from it. Without the ability to impose sanctions, a legal system would be deprived of one of the essential tools to prove itself authentically effective. Within the broad genus labelled “sanctions” – which includes different types of measures – a prominent role has been attributed to criminal law, considered as a preventive and dissuasive tool. Since the Maastricht Treaty, the European Union has been given progressively more extensive powers in criminal matters, today enshrined by Article 83 TFEU. The second paragraph of this provision allows the institutions to adopt directives containing minimum rules concerning offences and sanctions when the approximation proves essential to ensure the effective implementation of a Union policy, already subject to harmonisation measures. This provision clearly shows the possibility to use criminalization as a tool to ensure better enforcement of the regulatory system adopted by supranational institutions. At present, only two directives have been adopted based on Article 83, paragraph 2, TFEU. The former, approved in 2014, concerns sanctions for market abuse; the latter, adopted in 2017, deals with the fight against fraud to the Union’s financial interests. These directives allow an initial analysis on the ability of criminal offences to ensure a deeper degree of effectiveness of the European legal system. The use of directives based on Article 83, paragraph 2, TFEU has been invoked in further areas: among these, the protection of the environment and competition. The objective, in this sense, consists in verifying the prospects for intervention by the European Union and investigating the effects that this could achieve.

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Martins, Fernanda Rocha. "As funções da pena e o sistema penitenciário brasileiro: em busca de novas alternativas." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2014. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1106.

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It treats the present work about the Brazilian prison system and hence the establishments intended to serve the sentence of imprisonment, a more serious sanction that can be imposed, in the Brazilian legal system, who performs a behavior not tolerated by the rest of the community. Well, the study of prisons and their (correct) functioning necessarily lead to the study of law to punish the state and own imprisonment. Now what legitimizes the state to segregate one of its members and interfere with their way of life, imposing the restriction of certain legal rights? What do you want the state to impose a prison sentence, in other words, to segregate an individual for a certain period of time, conscious of his return to the bosom of society? Well, this thesis is dedicated, in its first two chapters, answer these questions and establish what function pen in a democratic state. From there, it becomes possible to analyze the Brazilian prison system: if the prisons are intended to serve the sentence in prison, they must necessarily be structured to achieve the function of this same penalty. The Chapters 3 and 4 are intended, in this sense, to demonstrate the current reality of the prison system, if it lends itself to the fulfillment of the function that it is intrinsic and, if not, it is possible to design public policies aimed at achieve this very purpose.
Trata o presente trabalho acerca do sistema prisional brasileiro e, portanto, dos estabelecimentos destinados ao cumprimento da pena privativa de liberdade, sanção mais grave que pode ser imposta, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, a quem realiza uma conduta considerada intolerável pelo resto da comunidade. Pois bem, o estudo dos estabelecimentos penais e de seu (correto) funcionamento conduz necessariamente ao estudo do Direito de punir do Estado e da própria pena de prisão. Ora, o que legitima o Estado a segregar um de seus membros e interferir em seu modo de vida, impondo a restrição de certos bens jurídicos? O que pretende o Estado ao impor uma pena de prisão, ou seja, ao segregar um individuo por determinado período de tempo, consciente de seu retorno ao seio social? Bom, a presente dissertação se dedica, em seus dois primeiros capítulos, a responder essas questões e estabelecer qual a função da pena em um Estado Democrático de Direito. A partir daí, possível se torna a análise do sistema prisional brasileiro: se os estabelecimentos penais são destinados ao cumprimento da pena de prisão, eles devem necessariamente estar estruturados de forma a alcançar a função desta mesma pena. Os capítulos 3 e 4 se destinam, neste sentido, a demonstrar a atual realidade do sistema prisional brasileiro, se ele se presta ao cumprimento da função que lhe é intrínseca e, em caso negativo, se é possível a elaboração de políticas públicas que visem a alcançar essa finalidade essencial.

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Cunha, Carolina Costa da. "A defensoria pública como órgão da execução penal : análise de sua inserção na complexidade sistêmica da questão penitenciária." Universidade Catolica de Pelotas, 2015. http://tede.ucpel.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/532.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES#
#2075167498588264571#
#600
Recognizing that the Penitentiary issue is manifested by complexity, with the participation of administrative organs, judicial, legislative, political and state sectors of governance and others, it approaches one of this dimension, that is the meeting of the social security rights perspectives and the Justice access in the state promotional expectations. It analyzed the inclusion of the Public Defender in this complex situation, as an organ of criminal enforcement (as amended by Law No. 7,210 / 84, produced by Law No. 12,313 / 10), with the responsibility to provide legal assistance to prisoners, graduates and their families. Using as theorical perspectives of the complex paradigm, Edgar Morin, analyzed this new reality from the point of view of public defenders, starting two working hypotheses: a) giving to Defender the condition of an organ of penal execution, the State aimed to strengthen the mechanisms for access to justice for the prisoners; b) the entry of the institution on the systemic complexity, this new condition, became necessary giving rise to some potential action for the organ, but also inhibiting others. Methodological research approaches the case study strategies; in the data analysis, it worked from the discursive textual analysis. The study showed that the inclusion of the Public Defender in the complex system of the criminal enforcement is a reality that has raised episodes of disorder and reorganization, which have culminated in the strengthening of the institution, but at the same time, some actions taken to broaden the access to justice may be limiting that right, because of the effect of the socio-ecological action principle.
Reconhecendo que a Questão Penitenciária manifesta-se como uma complexidade, da qual participam, dentre outras, instâncias administrativas, judiciárias, legislativas e setores político-estatais de governabilidade, aborda-se uma de suas dimensões, constituída no encontro das perspectivas dos direitos sociais de Segurança e de Acesso à Justiça, nas expectativas promocionais do Estado. Analisa-se, assim, a inserção da Defensoria Pública nesta configuração complexa, como órgão da execução penal (conforme alterações na Lei nº 7.210/84, produzidas pela Lei nº 12.313/10), com a responsabilidade de prestar assistência jurídica aos presos, egressos e seus familiares. Adotando-se como referencial teórico as perspectivas do paradigma da complexidade, de Edgar Morin, analisou-se esta nova realidade sob o ponto de vista dos defensores públicos, partindo-se de duas hipóteses de trabalho: a) ao erigir a Defensoria à condição de órgão da execução penal, o Estado buscou fortalecer os mecanismos de acesso à justiça destinado aos presos; b) o ingresso da Instituição na complexidade sistêmica, nesta nova condição, tornou necessária uma reorganização, fazendo surgir, algumas potencialidades de atuação para órgão, mas também inibindo outras. Metodologicamente a pesquisa aproxima-se das estratégias do estudo de caso; na análise dos dados, trabalhou-se a partir da análise textual discursiva. O estudo evidenciou que a inserção da Defensoria Pública na complexidade sistêmica da execução penal é uma realidade que vem suscitando episódios de desordem e reorganização, os quais têm culminado no fortalecimento da instituição, mas, ao mesmo tempo, algumas ações adotadas no sentido de ampliar o acesso à justiça podem estar, por efeito do princípio socioecológico da ação, limitando tal direito.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politica penale'

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