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1

Ismandianto. "A Case Study: Policy Communication at Postgraduate Program Academic Service of Public Service." Jurnal Niara 12, no. 2 (January 2, 2020): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/niara.v12i2.3415.

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This research aims at describing the factors influence the policy communication at Postgraduate Program Academic Service of Public Service unit of Politic and Social Science Faculty of Riau University. The method of this research is qualitative with purposive sampling technique used. The sample of the research is the persons who know and involved in the academic service of Politic and Social Science Faculty of Riau University. The data were collected by documentation, interview, and observation. The data were analysed by using descriptive qualitative technique which focus on the particular object intensively. The finding of the research shows that policy communication implementation in Academic Service Unit was poor. It caused by the unbalance ratio of lecturer and students, lack of facilities maintenance, and there is no Standard Operational Procedure (SOP) in administration implementation, and the lack of monitoring and evaluation quality applied by the Faculty management. The factors influenced this policy communication were facilities and infrastructures, qualified human resources availability, Standard Operational Procedure (SOP) availability, students’ capacity management, students’ study road map service availability, course service and course monitoring implementation availability
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2

Ismandianto. "A Case Study: Policy Communication at Postgraduate Program Academic Service of Public Service." Jurnal Niara 12, no. 2 (December 21, 2019): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/niara.v12i2.3466.

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This research aims at describing the factors influence the policy communication at Postgraduate Program Academic Service of Public Service unit of Politic and Social Science Faculty of Riau University. The method of this research is qualitative with purposive sampling technique used. The sample of the research is the persons who know and involved in the academic service of Politic and Social Science Faculty of Riau University. The data were collected by documentation, interview, and observation. The data were analysed by using descriptive qualitative technique which focus on the particular object intensively. The finding of the research shows that policy communication implementation in Academic Service Unit was poor. It caused by the unbalance ratio of lecturer and students, lack of facilities maintenance, and there is no Standard Operational Procedure (SOP) in administration implementation, and the lack of monitoring and evaluation quality applied by the Faculty management. The factors influenced this policy communication were facilities and infrastructures, qualified human resources availability, Standard Operational Procedure (SOP) availability, students’ capacity management, students’ study road map service availability, course service and course monitoring implementation availability.
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3

Herdiana, Deni, and Dara Dwiyandika. "Handling Evaluation Money Politic By Bawaslu Majalengka District In The 2019 Election." Socious Journal 1, no. 3 (June 27, 2024): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.62872/5kjs2r33.

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The purpose of this study is to determine and evaluate the handling of money politics by the Majalengka Regency Bawaslu. The research method used is descriptive qualitative with a data collection approach that involves direct interaction with key informants. The data sources in this study include the Head of Bawaslu, Bawaslu Commissioners, and Staff of the Violation Handling Division of Bawaslu Majalengka Regency. Data were collected through in-depth interviews and related documentation. This study found that the handling of money politics violations by the Majalengka Regency Bawaslu is still not optimal. Several factors affecting the effectiveness of handling are the limited number of Bawaslu members, which has an impact on limitations in patrolling and sweeping money politics activities. In addition, active community participation in reporting suspected cases of money politics is also still low, which hinders more effective detection and handling. This research identifies the need to increase the number of Bawaslu members as well as efforts to increase public awareness and participation in the reporting process, so that the handling of money politics cases can be carried out more thoroughly and efficiently.
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Widyaevan, Dea Aulia. "Kajian Kritik Seni Instalasi Tisna Sanjaya - “32 Tahun Berpikir dengan Dengkul”." JURNAL RUPA 2, no. 1 (January 10, 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25124/rupa.v2i1.752.

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Art critics has become a way to reveal and appreciate content lies behind its appearences. Thus signified an important role on reading an art work by analyze the reasoning behind the artworks, through the artist statement, intention and the translation on relating medium. The process of reasoning require several steps which enhance the art critic's methods. On this case , a method of Feldman' art critics has been applied to anaylize an installation work of Tisna Sanjaya – “32 Tahun Berpikir dengan Dengkul”. Feldman theory divide art critics method into four steps: description, formal analysis, interpretation and evaluation. This analysis require contextual reading due the impact of this art works into social, politic relation outside the artworld itself. Tisna's work has become one pioneer on installation artwork in Bandung, which also has a significance role of enggaging public reaction which create a paradoxes. Further more, provoke the government security (Satpol PP) to burn this artwork in Babakan Siliwangi as well as his other works "Doa untuk yang Mati”.
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5

Eldek Güner, Hikmet. "Evaluation of a Modernist Approach through Buildings in Kayseri, Turkey." Periodica Polytechnica Architecture 49, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppar.12643.

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Kayseri was an important commercial city throughout history, and with the declaration of the Republic, it continued its importance in different areas. The city has many original buildings from the Early Republican Period and was a model of modernisation set on a western ideology. Modernisation of the Republic was started with industrialisation. Consequently, Kayseri became an industrial city in the early 20th century. Investments (both economic and spatial) made by government were later continued by the private sector. Industrialisation was seen as the most important dynamic of development and key to modernisation. This situation resulted in the establishment of a new Kayseri around the industrial area and was viewed as an example for a modern Turkey. These industrial areas were constructed close to the boundary of the city centre. At the same time, the city centre was reconstructed according to modern city planning and the new style (modern style). The ceremonial ground (city square), an urban grid system, wide main transport routes, new public and municipal buildings, which were symbols of international style, were constructed by destroying the historic city centre in the Early Republic Period.The Republic was not only constructing new public buildings in a modern style; it was tried to build a new life with the modern residential areas. Instead of the traditional dwellings, modern houses were constructed to illustrate the new lifestyle together with new functional buildings such as modern education complexes, a community centre, stadium and train station were all constructed to show how to live the modern life.The city gained a new face with the changes starting from 1930. Today, many buildings, belonging to the Early Republican Period, are not being considered in the conservation of cultural heritage and are in danger. Industrial complexes, residential areas, public places are seen as a building stock destined to disappear and be replaced by new buildings. These earlier buildings hold important historical, social, economic and political values. Similarly, construction techniques and materials were also unique for that period.The aim of this study is to draw attention to the 20th century buildings in Kayseri constructed in the Early Republic Period, and classify these buildings under different headings (industry, housing, public space, educational space, open spaces) with the photographs, plans and history, thus defining their values and why they must be conserved. Republic was not only constructed new public buildings in modern style, it was tried to build a new life with the modern residential areas. Instead of the traditional dwellings, modern houses were constructed for point out of new life style and also new functioned buildings like as modern education complexes, community center, stadium, train station were constructed to show how to live in the modern life. The city has gained a new face with the changes starting from 1930. Today many buildings, belonging to the Early Republican Period, are not being considered in the conservation of cultural heritage and they are in danger. Industrial complexes, residential areas, public places are seen as a stock of a building and faced to disappear for constructed for the new buildings. They have very important values like as historical, social, economic and politic. Also construction techniques and materials were also unique for that period. The aim of this study is, to attract attention on 20th century buildings in Kayseri which are constructed in Early Republic Period, to classify these buildings in different headings (industry, housing, public space, educational space, open space …etc) with the photographs, plans and history. In general, meaning the main aim of this study is to define their values and explain why they must be conserved.
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6

de Mendonça Lima, C. A., and R. M. Rodrigues. "Systematic Review of Preventing Suicide in Old Age: 2005–2010." European Psychiatry 26, S2 (March 2011): 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)73723-3.

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Suicide is a typical phenomenon of the elderly and mainly among men. Besides the importance of suicide in terms of public health there is fewer interest to prevent suicide in old age. This can be explained by stigma, poor evaluation of the dimension of the problem and lack of politic will.Suicide prevention and the care of survivors of suicide depend on the mental health network of care. Interventions to reduce suicide can be made at individual level and at level of the development of policies and strategies. The detection of the persons at risk of suicide and the management of the suicide attempt are two main strategies to prevent suicide. Both received recently an important support from WHO with its publication mhGAP Intervention Guide which was conceived to be used in non-specialized health-care settings by health-care providers working at first- and second-level facilities. It includes guidance on evidence-based interventions to make the diagnosis and manage a number of priority conditions, including suicide.Our review of the literature pointed to the necessity to develop additional research to determine:•the role of somatic disorders as precipitant factor;•the role on suicide of the pre-morbid personality, cognitive functioning, social support and recent and chronic stressing events;•the participation of normal and pathological ageing on the expression of the suicide behavior;•the biological markers of suicide in old age;•the potential impact on suicide rates of educational interventions for the general public and for caregivers.
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7

Mikus, Barbara, and Sergej Liashuk. "Logistikzentrum in Grodno, Belarus – ein Projekt und seine ökonomische Bewertung." Der Betriebswirt: Volume 52, Issue 2 52, no. 2 (June 30, 2011): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/dbw.52.2.17.

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Für Belarus wird das Logistiksystem ein Schlüsselelement bei der Erschließung des Transitpotentials des Landes. Logistikkosten, Effizienz der vorhandenen Logistikkonzepte und Logistikrisiko bestimmen die Investitionsattraktivität des Landes in hohem Maße. Daher verfolgt das Nationale Programm zur Entwicklung des Logistiksystems das Ziel des Aufbaus hocheffizienter Logistikzentren – um dies zu erreichen, wird auch eine veränderte räumliche Strukturierung der Logistik angestrebt, bei der die Grenzregionen des Landes zu attraktiven Logistikstandorten entwickelt und damit Anziehungspunkte für ausländische Unternehmen geschaffen und Impulse für den wirtschaftlichen Fortschritt in der Region gegeben werden. Im Rahmen dieser Bemühungen ist ein (Public Private Partnership-) Projekt zur Errichtung eines Logistikzentrums in der Region Grodno initiiert worden. Im Beitrag werden zunächst die dem Projekt zugrunde liegenden Aspekte – die Relevanz und Ausgangslage des belarussischen Logistiksystems, das nationale Förderprogramm und der Logistikstandort Grodno – charakterisiert, um dann das Projekt selbst und dessen wirtschaftliche Beurteilung mittels SWOTAnalyse und dynamischer Investitionsrechnung zu beschreiben. In Belarus a key element for the growth of transit trade will be the potentials of logistics. The attractiveness for investments in this country depends largely on costs, efficiency and risks of the logistical activities. Therefore the local politic aims at developing highly efficient logistic centers. In this article a (public private partnership-) project to build a logistic center in Grodno is described. For this purpose, the prevailing circumstances are characterized such as the relevance and current situation of the logistic system in Belarus, the national support programme and the location factors of Grodno. Another main focus lies on the project itself and its economic evaluation by means of a SWOT analysis as well as dynamical investment methods. Keywords: aufbau eines logistikzentrums in weißrussland
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De Quelyoe, Flora Yvonne, Elsyan Reinette Marlissa, and Sarlota Ratang. "Study of Community Participation in the Process of Villages Infrastructure Development on Program PNPM Mandiri in Jayapura Regency." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 7, no. 2 (July 6, 2016): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v7i2.1304.

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Community participation in each process of public policy making is an important issue as the mirror of principle of democracy in a country. It would be very precise when participation of community later became one of the principles that should be implemented by the government in an effort to realize good governance. The importance of participation and form of participation given a supporting factor for the success of the government program. The aim of Road Infrastructure development program is to increase local community welfare so they are able to access a wide range economy, social and politic activities. For example, in economic activity, the local producer can easily carry and sell their product to the local market when compared to the previous moment when road was damaged, especially during the rainy seasons. Therefore it is necessary participation of community to engage in solving the road infrastructure problem in their respective villages and districts. This research is located in Jayapura Regency, and using explanatory research with qualitative approach. The Techniques of data collection on this study is using questionnaire, distributed to 80 respondents. The result of this research shows that community participation community in the planning, implementation and evaluation is very good. Community participation on implementation phase of National Program of Community Empowerment (PNPM Mandiri) is really determined by the level community involvement in the planning stages. The important reasons related to community participation are: a) the engagement of community, either directly or indirectly, are able to create feel of belongings to all public asset that has been built with high cost. b) Through community participation, they know about the limitation of government resources (funds, manpower). c) Involvement of local society in those development stages could be a control tools to supervise all development financing in the level of village, district, and regency as well.
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9

Pattyn, Valérie, Bart De Peuter, and Marleen Brans. "Why do Ministers Ask for Policy Evaluation Studies? The Case of the Flemish Government." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 60, no. 4 (December 2019): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-019-00211-8.

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AbstractPolicy evaluations can be set up for multiple purposes including accountability, policy learning and policy planning. The question is, however, how these purposes square with politics itself. To date, there is little knowledge on how government ministers present the rationale of evaluations. This article is the first to provide a diachronic study of discourse about evaluation purposes and encompass a wide range of policy fields. We present an analysis of evaluation announcements in so-called ministerial policy notes issued between 1999 and 2019 by the Flemish government in Belgium. The research fine-tunes available evidence on catalysts for conducting evaluations. The Flemish public sector turns out to be a strong case where New Public Management brought policy evaluation onto the agenda, but this has not resulted in a prominent focus on accountability-oriented evaluations. We further show that policy fields display different evaluation cultures, albeit more in terms of the volume of evaluation demand than in terms of preferences for particular evaluation purposes.
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10

Komarovskaya, E. I., and О. V. Perelygyna. "Assay of Diphtheria Vaccine Potency by Intradermal Challenge Test." Epidemiology and Vaccinal Prevention 22, no. 4 (September 20, 2023): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31631/2073-3046-2023-22-4-12-23.

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Relevance. Modern identifying potency (immunogenicity) of diphtheria toxoid tests are based on determining immunized animals resistance for administration challenge toxin or evaluation of protective antibodies level in serum. In Russia to assess the potency of diphtheria toxoid (DT) the challenge lethal method has been used for more than 60 years, challenge is based on determination of potency via its possibility to defend immunized animals from lethal doses of diphtheria toxin. This method is used as «golden standard». Last decade European Union Regulatory politic is headed to reduce of using animals in pharmaceutical practice, "The Three Rs" approach. In frameworks of this approach alternative methods of evaluating immunogenicity DT were purposed, particularly, intradermal challenge method. Within this test the potency of diphtheria toxoid is evaluated by its possibility to protect immunized animals from intradermal administration of diphtheria toxin. In the production of a number of foreign vaccines intradermal challenge test is used for assessing potency.Aim. Comparative characteristics of methods of lethal challenge test and intradermal challenge tests to determine the potency of diphtheria toxoid in combined vaccines and toxoids made in Russia.Materials and methods. Materials of domestic and foreign manufacturers were used in the work: combined vaccines for diphtheria prevention, diphtheria toxins, reference-vaccine. The determination of the potency of diphtheria toxoid was carried out on guinea pigs by pharmacopoeias methods: lethal challenge test and intradermal challenge tests.Results. To assess the potency of diphtheria toxoid using, a technique was used in accordance with WHO recommendations; for this, guinea pigs similar in sensitivity to diphtheria toxin to Dunkin Hartley pigs were selected. The suitability of the diphtheria toxin used in Russia for determining the potency of diphtheria toxoid by the method of intradermal challenge test was assessed when evaluating the effectiveness of vaccines for the prevention of diphtheria. Comparative tests of the intradermal challenge tests and lethal challenge tests were carried out to determine the potency of diphtheria toxoid.Conclusions. The conducted studies have demonstrated the fundamental possibility of using the intradermal challenge tests to assess the potency of diphtheria toxoid. However, for a number of factors, such as the variability of results, the number of animals, etc., the intradermal challenge tests is inferior to the method of lethal challenge tests in assessing the potency of diphtheria vaccines in routine practice.
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Silva, Josivaldo Alves da, Airton Cardoso Cançado, and Miguel Pacífico Filho. "Políticas Públicas Estaduais de Cooperativismo no Tocantins: uma análise das ações da SEAGRO de 1988 a 2012." Desenvolvimento em Questão 15, no. 40 (August 11, 2017): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.21527/2237-6453.2017.40.140-174.

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<p><strong>RESUMO</strong>:</p> <p>O presente artigo tem como objetivo<strong> </strong>analisar as políticas públicas estaduais para o cooperativismo no do Estado Tocantins, estabelecidas pela Secretaria da Agricultura e Pecuária, no período entre 1º de janeiro de 1989 até aprovação da lei estadual do cooperativismo em 11 de Junho de 2012. A avaliação foi realizada por meio do desempenho qualitativo das políticas públicas estaduais de cooperativismo com base na percepção dos dirigentes cooperativistas e gestores públicos tocantinenses, utilizando os critérios de Eficiência, Eficácia, Efetividade e Impacto<em>.</em> O método empregado foi investigação documental e bibliográfica, além de um estudo de campo. A pesquisa é classificada como exploratória e descritiva e o instrumento utilizado foi o questionário com questões abertas, aplicado pessoalmente e por meio de comunicação eletrônica. Os principais resultados da investigação foram: o Programa Bacia Leiteira aconteceu no período de 1998 a 2004, a meta era constituir 25 cooperativas em 25 municípios com 35 associados e beneficiar 875 produtores rurais, atualmente 01 cooperativa oriunda dessa política está em operação e conta com 20 cooperados; e o Projeto de Criação de Cooperativas de Crédito Rural, que operou de 1999 a 2001, e teve como meta a constituição de 35 cooperativas para atender a 735 pequenos produtores rurais, desse montante foram constituídas 06 cooperativas e atualmente 03 estão em funcionamento.</p><p><strong>ABSTRACT </strong></p> <p>This article’s goal is to analyze the state public policies for the cooperativism in the State of Tocantins, established by the Secretary of Agriculture and Livestock, in the meantime between January 1<sup>st,</sup> 1989 and the approval of the state law of cooperativism in June 11<sup>th</sup>, 2012. The evaluation was performed by qualitative performance of state public policies of cooperativism based on the perception of the cooperative directors and public managers of Tocantins, using the criterion of Efficiency, Efficacy, Effectiveness and Impact. The method used was documentary and bibliographic investigation, and field study executed by historic study delimited in the States of Goiás and Tocantins. The research is classified as exploratory and descriptive and the tool used was a questionnaire with open questions, applied personally and by electronic communication. The main results of the investigation were: the “Milkmaid Basin Program” happened between 1998 and 2004, the goal was to constitute 25 cooperatives in 25 municipalities with 35 associates and to benefit 875 farmers, currently 01 cooperative coming from this politic is in operation and it counts with 20 cooperativists; and the Project of Creation of Cooperatives of Rural Credit that worked from 1999 to 2001, had as goal the constitution of 35 cooperatives and to serve 735 small farmers, 06 being constituted, currently 03 are working.</p>
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12

Breidahl, Karen N., Gunnar Gjelstrup, Hanne Foss Hansen, and Morten Balle Hansen. "Evaluation of Large-Scale Public-Sector Reforms." American Journal of Evaluation 38, no. 2 (August 8, 2016): 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1098214016660612.

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Research on the evaluation of large-scale public-sector reforms is rare. This article sets out to fill that gap in the evaluation literature and argues that it is of vital importance since the impact of such reforms is considerable and they change the context in which evaluations of other and more delimited policy areas take place. In our analysis, we apply four governance perspectives (rational-instrumental perspective, rational interest–based perspective, institutional-cultural perspective, and chaos perspective) in a comparative analysis of the evaluations of two large-scale public-sector reforms in Denmark and Norway. We compare the evaluation process (focus and purpose), the evaluators, and the organization of the evaluation, as well as the utilization of the evaluation results. The analysis uncovers several significant findings including how the initial organization of the evaluation shows strong impact on the utilization of the evaluation and how evaluators can approach the challenges of evaluating large-scale reforms.
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Ellenberger, Kate, and Lorna-Jane Richardson. "Reflecting on evaluation in public archaeology." AP: Online Journal in Public Archaeology 8, no. 1 (April 5, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.23914/ap.v8i1.141.

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As heritage professionals, our community-facing projects are embedded in the politics of cultural heritage, and reverberate throughout the communities where we work. The only way to know if archaeological outreach and community engagement are working is to ask stakeholders. Yet undertaking formal evaluation is difficult, with differing expectations and definitions of success, depending on the requirements of funders, the willingness of the participants, and the needs of the practitioners. What do we mean when we discuss successful progress and outcomes for public engagement with archaeology, and how do we analyse these? Are we working towards assessments of our own satisfaction with work done, the satisfaction of the dominant political forms of cultural value, the formal procedures of our funding streams, or the experiential and educational needs of the non-professional with whom we engage?
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Eckhard, Steffen, and Vytautas Jankauskas. "Explaining the political use of evaluation in international organizations." Policy Sciences 53, no. 4 (August 28, 2020): 667–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11077-020-09402-2.

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Abstract Despite a growing literature on the politics of evaluation in international organizations (IOs) and beyond, little is known about whether political or administrative stakeholders indeed realize ex-ante political interests through evaluations. This is, however, especially important considering the booming business of evaluation and the proliferation of institutional assessments both in domestic and international politics. We argue that formally independent IO evaluation units informally orientate towards either member states or the IO administration, depending on who controls the unit’s budget, staff, and agenda resources. This should enable either actor to also use evaluation results along pre-defined strategic interests. Interview data gathered among evaluators, secretariat officials, and member state representatives of six IOs support the expected pattern, highlighting striking differences in the orientation of evaluation staff and evaluation use. Findings challenge the technocratic, apolitical image of evaluation, offering practical and theoretical implications for future research.
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Bion, Jean-Yves. "L’évaluation en France: à une forte prescription d’évaluation correspond un faible essor des pratiques." Canadian Journal of Program Evaluation 9, no. 2 (September 1994): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjpe.9.009.

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Abstract: Three factors have helped evaluation to develop in France: (1) contractual policies, which demand a partnership between several institutions, have been set up; (2) by organizing competence transfers, decentralization has given communities the major share of responsibility for implementing policies, something which had previously been done by the State; and, finally, (3) a public service reform policy has been set up within the State administration. The author, after giving a brief description of the various institutions that have been set up, analyzes the discrepancies noted between the interest sparked by the politico-theoretical debate preceding evaluation institutionalization and the paltriness of obtained results, characterized by the meager number of evaluations and the limited promotion of practices.
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Palfrey, Colin, and Paul Thomas. "Politics and policy evaluation." Public Policy and Administration 14, no. 4 (October 1999): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679901400405.

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Ratnasari, Eny. "Analisis Sentimen Kepala Daerah Terpilih Jelang dan Pasca Pelantikan Resmi Sebagai Pemimpin Daerah Terpilih pada Kontestasi Pemilihan Kepala Daerah 2020." DIALEKTIKA KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi dan Pembangunan Daerah 9, no. 1 (August 21, 2021): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.33592/dk.v9i1.1573.

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The participation of Bobby Nasution and Gibran Rakabuming Raka in the 2020 Regional Head Election contestation drew various reactions from the public. There are pros, some are cons. Researchers found that everything in accordance with Bobby Nasution and Gibran Rakabuming Raka will always be linked to the President Joko Widodo. President Joko Widodo is said to have built dynastic politics with the participation of his son-in-law and eldest son. After the contestation was over and it turned out that Bobby Nasution and Gibran Rakabuming Raka won in their respective constituencies, it further increased their conversation and news. Researchers monitored opinions before and after the official inauguration of Bobby Nasution as Mayor of Medan and Gibran Rakabuming Raka as Mayor of Surakarta. By using the netnography method, researchers conducted monitoring with the help of the Brand24 media monitoring tools from February 18 to February 27, 2021. The results showed that more of their news and opinions in the digital realm had positive sentiments. However, researchers also monitored “Politik Dinasti” keywords. The results show that negative sentiment is higher than positive sentiment. Opinions related to dynastic politics were dominated by public tweets about the election of Bobby and Gibran, not forgetting to link them to President Joko Widodo.This research on public opinion can be an evaluation for Bobby and Gibran's communication team in conducting political branding. The political communication strategy of Bobby and Gibran must be better maintained because their every move will always be associated with President Joko Widodo.
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McCausland, Ruth. "‘I’m sorry but I can’t take a photo of someone’s capacity being built’: Reflections on evaluation of Indigenous policy and programmes." Evaluation Journal of Australasia 19, no. 2 (June 2019): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035719x19848529.

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The Australian Government has recently increased resourcing for evaluation of Indigenous programmes following critical reports by the Australian National Audit Office and Productivity Commission around their failure to significantly reduce Indigenous disadvantage. Evaluation in Indigenous affairs has a long history, although not a consistent or coordinated one. While there is significant knowledge held by those with experience in commissioning and conducting evaluations for Indigenous programmes over a number of decades that could usefully inform current efforts, there has been little research focused on this area. This article outlines the findings of qualitative research about evaluation in Indigenous policy conducted with policymakers, senior public servants, programme managers, researchers and independent evaluation consultants that sought to privilege the voices and perspectives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. It outlines key themes derived from those interviews relating to the methods, parameters, politics and accountability around government-commissioned evaluation in Indigenous policy and programmes and concludes by canvassing ways that evaluation could better serve the interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
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Picciotto, Robert. "Evaluation: Discursive practice or communicative action?" Evaluation 23, no. 3 (July 2017): 312–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389017714384.

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Public trust in expert analysis is at all-time low. Vivid claims unconstrained by fact checking dominate public policy. In this operating environment is evaluation obsolete? To help rebut this proposition, this article examines the relationship between information, knowledge, and politics through two contrasting philosophical lenses. First, Michel Foucault’s discursive practice model: rather than pursuing truth, power is intent to capture evaluation, shape knowledge and engage in linguistic opportunism to enhance its authority to monitor, sanction and punish. Jurgen Habermas’ communicative action approach is the antidote to this state of affairs: it challenges the power structure, celebrates democratic deliberation, promotes evaluation independence and highlights ethical concerns and the public interest.
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Delahais, Thomas, and Clément Lacouette-Fougère. "Try again. Fail again. Fail better. Analysis of the contribution of 65 evaluations to the modernisation of public action in France." Evaluation 25, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389018823237.

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« Modernisation of Public Action » (MAP) was an initiative to make evaluation the main instrument of reform for public policies at State level in France: 80 evaluations were launched between 2012 and 2017. MAP is the late child of both « evaluation à la française » (a 1990s attempt to make evaluation a way to reinvent democracy) and RGPP (a policy review aimed at cost-cutting under President Sarkozy). We explain how this strange combination set the expectations for the MAP. We undertook a metaevaluation to assess the quality of the evaluations, which put a very high emphasis on use, but were initially lacking some basic features such as evaluation questions or an intervention logic. However they improved over time. Finally, using contribution analysis and Process Tracing, we subject 8 evaluation processes to 10 empirical tests to assess their use. We show the diversity of impact pathways leading to reform (or lack thereof), some of which are unexpected, stressing the importance of context and attitude of stakeholders in the impacts that can be expected.
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Fitria, Nurul Jannah Lailatul, and Renny Candradewi Puspitarini. "Workshop Bedah Buku “Kajian Kebijakan Politik Internasional: Metode, Teori dan Kasus” di Universitas Panca Marga." Jurnal Dharma Bhakti Ekuitas 7, no. 2 (March 10, 2023): 100–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.52250/p3m.v7i2.632.

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Community service activities are carried out for 2019 batch students of the Public Administration Study Program, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Panca Marga University. This activity is based on the results of observations on partners regarding the urgency of understanding international political policy studies. The method of implementing community service consists of seven stages summarized in pre-activity, during activities, and post-activity. Pre-activities carried out in-depth observations and coordination with competent resource persons as well as authors of International Political Policy Studies books. During the activity, partners were presented with material through power points and interactive communication during material delivery and question and answer sessions. After the activity, partners are still monitored by uploading videos on YouTube accounts and conducting evaluation questions to partners to find out partners' understanding of the workshop material. The advantages of the Book Review Workshop "International Political Policy Studies: Methods, Theories and Case Studies" is to pay attention to the needs of partners related to the lack of understanding of international political policy. So that students, especially students of the FISIP Public Administration Study Program who will or have taken international political policy courses, can analyze this material appropriately. Community service activities aim to provide understanding, knowledge, insight, and additional new perspectives to 2019 students of the FISIP Public Administration study program at Panca Marga University about the importance and urgency of understanding international political policy in terms of definition, scope, system, and others. Keywords: Explanation, International, Study, Policy; Political. Abstrak Kegiatan pengabdian masyarakat dilaksanakan pada mahasiswa angkatan 2019 Prodi Administrasi Publik Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Panca Marga. Kegiatan ini didasari hasil observasi pada mitra terkait urgensi pemahaman kajian kebijakan politik internasional. Metode pelaksanaan pengabdian masyarakat terdiri dari tujuh tahap yang dirangkum pada pra-kegiatan, saat kegiatan, dan pasca kegiatan. Pra-kegiatan dilakukan observasi mendalam dan koordinasi dengan narasumber yang berkompeten sekaligus penulis buku Kajian Kebijakan Politik Internasional. Saat kegiatan, mitra dipaparkan materi melalui power point dan komunikasi interaktif saat penyampaian materi dan sesi tanya jawab. Pasca kegiatan, mitra tetap dipantau dengan melakukan unggahan video pada akun youtube dan mengadakan pertanyaan evaluasi pada mitra untuk mengetahui pemahaman mitra pada materi workshop. Keunggulan Workshop Bedah Buku “Kajian Kebijakan Politik Internasional: Metode, Teori dan Studi Kasus” adalah memperhatikan kebutuhan mitra terkait kurangnya pemahaman kebijakan politik internasional. Sehingga mahasiswa khususnya mahasiswa Prodi Administrasi Publik FISIP yang akan atau telah menempuh mata kuliah kebijakan politik internasional dapat menganalisis materi ini dengan tepat. Kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat bertujuan memberikan pemahaman, ilmu, wawasan, dan tambahan sudut pandang baru kepada mahasiswa angkatan 2019 prodi Administrasi Publik FISIP di Universitas Panca Marga tentang pentingnya dan urgensi memahami kebijakan politik internasional dari segi definisi, ruang lingkup, sistem, dan lainnya. Kata kunci: Eksplanasi, Internasional, Kajian, Kebijakan, Politik.
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Owen, Alan, and Richard Mohr. "COMMENTARY: POLITICS AND PITFALLS IN EVALUATION." Community Health Studies 10, no. 1 (February 12, 2010): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-6405.1986.tb00085.x.

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Karakoç, Ekrem, and Birol Başkan. "Religion in Politics." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 12 (August 23, 2012): 1510–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414012453027.

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This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward politics. The literature suggests that modernization may weaken traditional bonds with religious adherence and the state can assume an important role in this endeavor through mass education, industrialization, and other factors. However, this explanation is incomplete in light of the resurgence of religious movements. This study argues that economic inequality increases the positive evaluation of the role of religion in politics through its effect on religiosity and participation in religious organizations. Employing a multilevel analysis on 40 countries, this study demonstrates that inequality decreases attitudes toward support for two dimensions of public secularization: the secularization of public office holders and the influence of religious leaders in politics. Simultaneously, the effect of modernization on these attitudes varies. The results also suggest that although inequality diminishes secular attitudes of all socioeconomic groups, its effect is nonlinear, with a greater effect on the poor.
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TAYLOR, DAVID. "Governing Through Evidence: Participation and Power in Policy Evaluation." Journal of Social Policy 34, no. 4 (October 2005): 601–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279405009177.

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This article considers different approaches to policy evaluation within recent writings on governance and evaluation research. Governance theorists locate evaluation within a new ‘mode of regulation’ aimed at managing a ‘dispersed state at arms length’. The strength of this approach is that it places policy evaluation within an explicitly political framework. However, the governance perspective focuses on evaluation as a state-centred activity and tends to underplay its contested nature. Within the evaluation research literature, on the other hand, attempts to deal with the ‘politics of evaluation’ tend to focus on evaluation as a research practice. This misses the discursive construction of evaluation as a political project. While some approaches within the evaluation literature stress the ‘democratising’ role of ‘stakeholder participation’, they are set within a democratic pluralist model of politics, which frequently fails to deal with underlying power relations within which the clash of competing stakeholder interests takes place. This article challenges these constructions. It draws on the strengths of both approaches to propose a critical ‘politics of evaluation’ based on service user control. It suggests some practical strategies drawn from a review of recent evaluation research.
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Badas, Alex, and Katelyn E. Stauffer. "Michelle Obama as a Political Symbol: Race, Gender, and Public Opinion toward the First Lady." Politics & Gender 15, no. 03 (January 10, 2019): 431–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000922.

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AbstractPopular commentary surrounding Michelle Obama focuses on the symbolic importance of her tenure as the nation's first African American first lady. Despite these assertions, relatively few studies have examined public opinion toward Michelle Obama and the extent to which race and gender influenced public evaluations of her. Even fewer studies have examined how the intersection of race and gender influenced political attitudes toward Michelle Obama and her ability to serve as a meaningful political symbol. Using public opinion polls from 2008 to 2017 and data from the Black Women in America survey, we examine public opinion toward Michelle Obama as a function of respondents’ race, gender, and the intersection between the two. We find that African Americans were generally more favorable toward Michelle Obama than white Americans, with minimal differences between men and women. Although white women were no more likely than white men to view Michelle Obama favorably, we find that they were more likely to have information on Michelle Obama's “Let's Move” initiative. Most importantly, we find that Michelle Obama served as a unique political symbol for African American women and that her presence in politics significantly increased black women's evaluation of their race-gender group.
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Nagel, Stuart. "EVALUATING PUBLIC POLICY EVALUATION." Policy Studies Journal 16, no. 2 (December 1987): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.1987.tb00776.x.

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Etalong, Thomas Alama, Francis Okechukwu Chikeleze, and Afam Onyeka Chukwunyelum. "Evaluation of the Use of the Performance Appraisal and Reward System in Improving Employee Performance: A Survey of Selected Public Sector Organizations." International Journal of Management Technology 9, no. 1 (January 15, 2022): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijmt.2013/vo9n1pp4853.

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To fulfil their fundamental obligations, public sector organisations are required to offer the population high-quality services. To carry out these duties, these organisations must have a qualified workforce (personnel). As a result, the workforce of the organisation needs to be sufficiently motivated to maintain pace with the organisational goal. This is accomplished through performance evaluation, which assesses the performance to ensure that employees are keeping up with their tasks and the reward system, which serves to maintain employee motivation. This study's main goal is to investigate how performance evaluation and reward systems are used to improve employee performance. Using both primary and secondary sources, data were collected. The findings indicate that organisations under evaluation use performance appraisal and reward systems before, during, and after staff transfers and deployments both inside and outside of MDAs. This management tool is one of the key determining variables in such transfers and deployments. When workers stray from their job descriptions, the company uses it as a deterrent. The outcome also shows that one of the challenges in implementing performance evaluation and reward systems is politics. The report recommends that the performance evaluation and reward system be based on merit and free of politics in its conclusion.
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Lee, Jukyung. "Public Policy Preferences and Political Distrust in Korea-Japan Relations." East and West Studies 36, no. 1 (March 20, 2024): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2024.36.1.33.

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This study aims to identify the complex political structure of South Korea-Japan relations and domestic politics, focusing on the gap between government policy responses and public policy preferences. It presents an analytical framework using political system theory, and also uses data from public opinion polls conducted by the East Asian Institute (EAI) and Genron NPO from 2013 to 2023, a period of dynamics in Korea-Japan relations characterised by confrontation and improvement. The results are as follows. First, there is a gap between Korean attitudes towards Japan and government policies. And neither the conservative nor the liberal governments are dominated by policy performance. Second, Japanese attitudes towards Korea are indifferent and distrustful of politics, and the government’s performance evaluation is also unclear. Third, political trust is low in both Japan and Korea, and there is distrust of each other’s policies. In short, the mechanism of bilateral confrontation is a structural result of the synergistic effects of domestic distrust of the political process and distrust of the other country.
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McHugh, Neil, Olga Biosca, and Cam Donaldson. "From wealth to health: Evaluating microfinance as a complex intervention." Evaluation 23, no. 2 (April 2017): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389017697622.

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Innovative interventions that address the social determinants of health are required to help reduce persistent health inequalities. We argue that microcredit can act in this way and develop a conceptual framework from which to examine this. In seeking to evaluate microcredit this way we then examine how randomized controlled trials, currently considered as the ‘gold standard’ in impact evaluations of microcredit, compare with developments in thinking about study design in public health. This leads us to challenge the notion of trials as the apparent gold standard for microcredit evaluations and contend that the pursuit of trial-based evidence alone may be hampering the production of relevant evidence on microcredit’s public health (and other wider) impacts. In doing so, we introduce new insights into the global debate on microfinance impact evaluation, related to ethical issues in staging randomized controlled trials, and propose innovations on complementary methods for use in the evaluation of complex interventions.
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Skolits, Gary J., and Judith A. Boser. "Using an Evaluation Hotline to Promote Stakeholder Involvement." American Journal of Evaluation 29, no. 1 (March 2008): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1098214007312777.

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This article addresses the design and application of a hotline to promote broader community-wide participation in a public school evaluation. Evaluations of community resources such as public schools present evaluators with challenges from the perspective of promoting stakeholder involvement. Although many evaluation stakeholders are readily identifiable, there are potentially many unknown and hard-to-reach community leaders and residents who may want to participate in the evaluation. An evaluation hotline offers a mechanism for potentially identifying and reaching some of these interested community stakeholders and enabling their participation. This article introduces an evaluation hotline design and implementation, along with perceived hotline strengths and weaknesses observed in its use.
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Sung, Minkyu. "Crimes against Community: The Therapeutic Politics of South Korea’s COVID-19 Public Health Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 20, no. 4 (December 16, 2022): 434–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v20i4.15916.

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This essay argues that the success of South Korea’s COVID-19 responses—called “K-Quarantine”—is symptomatic of the country’s liberal politics in crisis. The therapeutic politics of K-Quarantine is enacted by an amalgam of moral guilt and legal liabilities for damages to the community, framing the COVID-stricken public as potential criminals against community. In this political context characterized by potential guilt, the public feel culpable if they resist the overshadowing power of public security. This essay offers a critique of the public security rhetoric, examining the case of an LGBTQ South Korean charged on violations of the Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act amid the outbreak of the pandemic in 2020. A critical evaluation of invasive and punitive measures found in the case demonstrates that the K-Quarantine strategy contradicts its own underlying liberal ideal of the autonomous subject because its public health deliberation reproduces a guilt mandate by constructing a perpetrator/victim binary.
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KAGOTANI, KOJI. "National Security Environments, Patriotism, and Japanese Public Opinion." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000401.

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AbstractThis study examines Japanese reactions to neighboring countries’ behavior by addressing possible micro-motives, such as patriotism, the rational demand for national defense, and retrospective policy evaluation. This theoretical development leads to distinctive hypotheses from different motivations and directly tests them using macro-data (not survey data). This research will apply this framework to Japanese politics and will show that foreign threats stimulate patriotism in the public mind and enhance political support for national leaders. It will also demonstrate that the Japanese public has no optimistic view of the new prime minister and that the honeymoon effect in previous research may be confounded with the patriotic effect because the new leader is less experienced and is often challenged by foreign countries.
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Davis, Aeron. "Evaluating Communication in the British Parliamentary Public Sphere." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 11, no. 2 (May 2009): 280–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00344.x.

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This article begins with a re-evaluation of political communication research based on Habermas' original theory of the public sphere. It presents Habermas' alternative framework for assessing communication in contemporary ‘actually existing democracies’. The model is then tested with a case study of the UK parliamentary public sphere based on 95 semi-structured interviews with political actors (politicians, journalists and officials). It concludes that parliament today operates rather better, according to public sphere norms, than the public sphere described in Habermas' accounts of 18th and 19th-century England. Such a finding, on its own, is clearly at odds with public perception. The research accordingly offers two explanations for this disparity and the (perceived) crisis of political legitimacy in UK politics.
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BRETTSCHNEIDER, COREY. "The Politics of the Personal: A Liberal Approach." American Political Science Review 101, no. 1 (February 2007): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070104.

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Feminist thinkers have long criticized liberal theory's public/private distinction for perpetuating indifference to injustices within the family. Thinkers such as Susan Okin have extended this criticism in evaluating the theory of political liberalism, suggesting that this theory's reliance on a public conception of citizenship renders it indifferent to the way in which the internal politics of the family can undermine equality. However, I argue in this article that the feminist concern to ensure equality within the domestic sphere can in fact be incorporated into a reconstructed account of political liberalism. Central to mystrong public reconstructionis the principle ofpublicly justifiable privacy, according to which the public/private distinction itself must be formulated with reference to the values of free and equal citizenship. On my account, the public values of citizenship should figure prominently in evaluations of family life. This reformulation of the public/private distinction answers feminist critics who suggest that political liberalism fails to offer a politics of the personal.
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Brock, T. C. "Public Relations for Evaluation." American Journal of Evaluation 7, no. 1 (February 1, 1986): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/109821408600700104.

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Chapaval-Pimentel, Pedro, Davi Pereira Lago, and Vitor Matheus-Beira Machado. "A produção científica em Relações Públicas e Política: uma análise bibliométrica / Scientific production on Public Relations and Politics: a bibliometric analysis." Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas 9, no. 18 (December 18, 2019): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/revrrpp.v9i18.611.

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Compreender o campo acadêmico implica responsabilidades e produz resultado naquilo que é reconhecido como saber científico. Logo, este artigo tem como objetivo examinar a produção acadêmica dos estudos que trabalham a política e as relações públicas em conjunto. Para cumprir com este objetivo, foi realizada uma análise bibliométrica de abordagem quantitativa em 2.291 artigos e revisões publicadas entre os anos de 1937 e 2019 em periódicos indexados na base de dados Scopus. Este esforço justifica-se, pois ainda que técnicas e práticas de relações públicas existam há milênios, o campo teórico ainda exige debates necessários a fim diagnosticar os seus fundamentos e apontar caminhos para produzir material inovador que gere contribuições ao desenvolvimento da sociedade. O método aplicado envolveu a análise de citações, co-autoria e co-ocorrência de palavras. Os resultados encontrados indicam que o número de publicações segue uma tendência crescente e demonstram amadurecimento no estudo dos temas em questão. Trabalhos que lidam com relações públicas e política tratam de questões multidisciplinares e não se limitam à área da Comunicação.Palavras-chave: Relações Públicas, Política, Bibliometria, ScopusAbstract Life in society is a natural imperative as human beings are not supposed nor allowed to live in isolation from their pairs. Relations of power emerge once societies are constituted by constellations of interests. Public relations arises, thus, in the necessity of conciliating and promoting different interests among publics. Specifically, by dealing with politics, the public relations provide the logics and tools needed for a complex and uncertain environment. It also helps to turn the public opinion favourable to the accomplishment of different agents’ goals. Although public relations techniques and practices have existed for millennia, the theoretical field still needs debates to diagnose and comprehend its foundations. Scholars also urge for more researches in order to suggest directions to produce innovative knowledge that effectively contributes to the development of society. The authors believe that public relations is the field of knowledge that when better understood and operationalized can promote it for its ability to deal with distinct interests among publics. In this sense, not only the (in)congruencescongruencies between public relations and politics have impacted agents doing politics, but also required a better comprehension and understanding about the state of the knowledge. Given this, the paper aims to answer the following research question: how scientific production that deals with public relations and politics in conjunction is characterised? Methodologically, the article takes the premise that the publication of academic papers is the most used and valued instrument by researchers who want to publicize the results of their investigations. It is also understood that it is the way for a specific field to lay its foundations and become both recognised and established among a community of scholars. To assess the academic production that deals both with politics and public relations, a quantitative approach was carried out in 2,291 articles and reviews published between 1937 and 2019 in journals indexed in the Scopus database, extending the analysis made by previous scientific reviews. The bibliometrics analysis encompassed the evaluation of citations, co-authorship and co-occurrence of words. Four stages of research were identified in the paper (1937-1982; 1983-1996; 1997-2004; 2005-up-to-date) and the results indicate that the number of publications follows a growing trend presenting maturity in the study of both themes conjoint. Broadly, researches deal with multidisciplinary issues and are not limited to the field of Communication, encompassing streams of research in the following areas: Humans Sciences, Arts and Humanities, Health, Natural and Medical Sciences. The most referenced papers deal with confidence and risk in democracies, network analysis, public opinion and media, and relationship management. It was also found a humanistic approach to organisations’ management and a more pragmatist approach regarding the profession. The results also bring differences in comparison to previous researches that had established two schools of thought; the American pragmatist and the French critical schools. This article points to two schools of thinking regarding public relations and politics, which may be established in the United States and the United Kingdom. However, the paper does not claim that the effort presented is closed to new insights but asks for qualitative researches to have a deeper understanding of the quantitative analysis employed here.Keywords: Public Relations, Politics, Bibliometry, Scopus
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Azhar, Khairil, Putrawan Yuliandri, H. Hartanto, and Jerry Indrawan. "A Model for Developing Political Training Curriculum for Political Parties in Indonesia." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 15, no. 2 (November 24, 2024): 161–79. https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.15.2.2024.161-179.

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This paper presents a model for developing a political training curriculum within the context of a political party in Indonesia. It underscores the importance of incorporating institutional values, system enhancement, autonomy in decision-making, and public interaction within the party. As stipulated in Indonesia’s constitution, there are two possible focuses depending on the subjects of such training either the party's administrators and cadres or the general public or community. The paper highlights the need for different teaching strategies and content, depending on the target audience, and emphasizes the necessity for both formative and summative evaluations to ensure the curriculum's ongoing relevance and effectiveness. Ultimately, it provides a blueprint for political parties to create effective, relevant political education programs, tailored to their unique objectives and the needs of their constituents.
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Raffaghelli, Juliana Elisa, Emilia Restiglian, Paola Zoroaster, and Maria Valentini. "Wisdom of the Masses? Users and Educators Contrasting Perspectives on the Data Privacy and Safety of Early Years’ Apps." REICE. Revista Iberoamericana sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación 22, no. 2 (April 7, 2024): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/reice2024.22.2.006.

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A key focus is assessing children's apps, emphasising informational clarity, safety, and data ethics. The present study employs a structured database for app evaluation, by categorising 30 apps into edutainment, education, instruction, and training based on various criteria, including educational value and user ratings. Moreover, a comparative evaluation between the public ratings and the educator's evaluation was carried out. The findings underscore the challenges in app evaluation due to the proliferation of unregulated and untested applications. It highlights the discrepancies between public app evaluations and those conducted by experienced educators, pointing out the difficulties in obtaining relevant information for accurate app assessment. The study also addresses the aesthetic appeal of apps and how they influence parental choices, often overshadowing concerns about user security and privacy. In conclusion, the study calls for heightened parental awareness in selecting apps for their children. It stresses the importance of considering learning value, educational value, information clarity, security, and ethical data use.
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Nioche, Jean-Pierre, and Robert Poinsard. "Public Policy Evaluation in France." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 5, no. 1 (1985): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3323413.

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Nioche, Jean-Pierre, and Robert Poinsard. "Public policy evaluation in France." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.4050050104.

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Engel, Niklas. "Corruption and the Public Sphere in Late Republican Rome." Cultural History 13, no. 1 (April 2024): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2024.0294.

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This article deals with the of whether contemporary concepts of corruption can be usefully applied to the study of Roman society in the late republican period. First , it shows that specific problems arise if we equate modern semantics of ‘private’ and ‘public’ with the dichotomy between ‘privatus’ and ‘publicus’ in the sources. These areas were interconnected and, thus, the Romans did not identify overlaps between the two spheres as deviant in itself. Nevertheless, the article next argues that the Romans did identify illegitimate interferences between the spheres; the identifier was the question of whose interest actors represented. The article concludes by showing that the evaluation of corruption phenomena was subject to the dominant paradigm of social stratification. It explains why these individual evaluations sometimes appear as contradictory to the modern observer, even though they follow the internal logic of Roman society.
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Kim, Eun Bin, and Jinhwan Oh. "The impact of foreign public evaluations of the US Presidents on the favorability toward the country." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 3 (May 13, 2021): 241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211013658.

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This study examines how international publics’ evaluations of US Presidents affect the favorability of their views of the US. More specifically, it investigates the impact of the US Presidents George W. Bush, Barak Obama and Donald Trump on attitudes toward the US in 32 nations. It analyzes the data from Pew Research Center’s Global Indicators Database on opinions of the US and confidence in the US President from 2002 to 2018. The analysis reveals a significant relationship between confidence in the US Presidents and favorable attitudes toward the US among foreign publics. The paper further discusses the implications of global evaluations of US Presidents for US public diplomacy.
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Jann, Werner. "Ladner, Andreas & Sager, Fritz (Eds.) (2022). Handbook on the Politics of Public Administration. Edward Elgar Publishing. 428 Seiten. ISBN-978–1839109430." dms – der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management 16, no. 2-2023 (January 16, 2024): 555–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/dms.v16i2.13.

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The relationship between politics and administration is a classic theme of public administration, while it has been rather ignored in political science. The handbook provides an excellent overview of their interdependencies. It is useful both as a reference to inform oneself quickly and reliably about their relationship in all kinds of fields (and countries, from the US over Russia, China, Japan to Mexico etc.) but it should be particularly valuable as a supplementary textbook, especially in the wake of the (New) Public Management fashion, which often thrived on simple, not to say naive, ideas of the separation of politics and administration. Whether one is interested in e. g. bureaucracy, decentralization, new public governance, administrative reform, implementation, evaluation, regulation, administrative law, international administration, evidence-based policy making, performance management, staffing, accountability or digitalization, one finds short, concise contributions that clarify the political dimensions in these areas, which otherwise are often treated rather technocratically.
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Eliadi, Dafyar. "POLITICS IN PUBLIC SERVICES OF TANGERANG CITY GOVERNMENT DOMESTIC WASTEWATER MANAGEMENT." JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) 8, no. 1 (March 6, 2023): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jwp.v8i1.42704.

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Tangerang City is the most populous city in Banten Province, it has the potential to cause environmental problems. One of the problems in Tangerang City is the management of domestic wastewater. This study aims to analyze the politics in public services of Tangerang City Government for Domestic Wastewater Management. This study used a qualitative method with descriptive analysis, where the data sources consisted of primary and secondary data. Primary data were obtained from interviews and observations and secondary data was obtained from documents issued by the Tangerang City Government. The results of this study indicate that the Tangerang City Government has assigned several agencies, such as the Regional Planning Agency, the Health Office, and the Department of Housing, Settlement, and Land, to respond to political demands from the community in managing domestic wastewater. In public service politics, the Tangerang City Government not only provides facilities and formulates service management, but also makes democratic local regulations and opens up space for the community to provide input and evaluation. In addition, this study finds that local regulations do not regulate substantive issues as institutions that bind domestic wastewater management in Tangerang City. The Tangerang City Government realizes that meeting the needs of the community is a political responsibility that must be fulfilled.
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Fiore, Mauricio, and Paulo Pereira. "The Politics of Evaluating Cannabis Regulation in Uruguay." Novos Estudos - CEBRAP 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25091/s01013300202100010005.

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Evaluation of the impacts of recent cannabis regulation policies includes important political dimensions and should not be reduced either to binary verdicts of success versus failure, or to a unidimensional assessment criteria. Based on the Uruguayan case, the article discusses the complexity of evaluating the results of cannabis regulation, assessing, among other aspects, the political dynamics surrounding implementation. In the case presented, the predominance of concerns about crime and public security was a decisive factor.
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Brsakoska, Jana. "Public space transformation in the case of “Skopje 2014″." Urbana - Urban Affairs & Public Policy XXII, no. 2021 (November 30, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47785/urbana.4.2021.

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The politics of the post-socialist era, during the transitional period in the Republic of North Macedonia, left dark marks in the city morphology and deeply influenced urban planning. This paper explores the most notable example of this particular trend - the project named “Skopje 2014”. The paper analyses the project’s underlying feature, which can be described as an attempt to recast a national profile, affecting public space and built heritage, without any awareness of the gap between nationalistic theory and the desperate economic realities. In hindsight, the paper argues that, unfortunately, this project was brought to life without any public participation or by taking into consideration the expert-based evaluation. Therefore, many new buildings were built and much more covered in new architectural styles, which led to uncontrolled city growth and a vague makeover of the city.
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47

Yasir, Hafiz Syed Muhammad, Arshad Ali Khan, and Amina Khalid. "Political Resistance on Social Media: An Evaluation of Figurative Language." Global Political Review VII, no. II (June 30, 2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-ii).04.

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The use of resistance against 'power' is prevalent in the politics on social media, which is practised in different forms like pictures, and comments showing anger or hate. So, this study highlights the linguistic specifications of language’s use in political resistance on social media by underlining figurative language. The study follows the theoretical base of Foucault’s studies (1977) and(1982) by pinning the concept of 'resistance'. For this purpose,Facebook’s public group named as PTI TIGERS was selected(because of the high number of group members) to take the data.Data was narrowed down to the specific content. Through the use of figurative speech, different focused aspects and intentions of political resistance show the semantic complexity of using resistance-based figurative expressions by the public.
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48

Mcdermott, Monika L., and David R. Jones. "Do Public Evaluations Of Congress Matter?" American Politics Research 31, no. 2 (March 2003): 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x02250291.

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49

Brown, J. Larry, Stanley N. Gershoff, and John T. Cook. "The Politics of Hunger: When Science and Ideology Clash." International Journal of Health Services 22, no. 2 (April 1992): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/19gx-b4g7-9wxb-2y6q.

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In recent years the WIC program, a federal nutrition program for poor mothers and babies, has become a major playing field for ideological forces hoping to shape public opinion and Congressional action on matters of domestic social policy. WIC's highly positive benefits have been distorted, research results from its scientific evaluation altered by high-level federal officials, and its public support undermined by an academic spokesman with ties to the White House and a stated desire to kill the program. While strong bipartisan support on Capitol Hill makes it likely that WIC will survive and even grow, distortion of its record provides insight into how ideological forces contaminate the well of reasoned discourse for their preconceived ends.
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50

SeTin, SeTin, Roy Sembel, Yvonne Augustine Sudibyo, and Ari Purwanti. "The Roles of Organizational Politics and Procedural Fairness in the Relationship between Performance Evaluation Systems and Budget Gaming Behavior." Gadjah Mada International Journal of Business 24, no. 3 (October 6, 2022): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/gamaijb.46605.

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This study investigates the relationship between performance evaluation systems and budget gaming behavior. Specifically, it examines the mediating role of organizational politics and procedural fairness. Data collection was conducted by a questionnaire survey of managers of go-public manufacturing companies in Indonesia. Based on a sample of 128 responses, the partial least squares results indicate that general political behavior, the politics of pay and promotion policies, and procedural fairness significantly mediate the non-financial measures and budget gaming relationship. In contrast, the results indicate that the mediating effects of organizational politics and procedural fairness on the relationship between relative performance measures and budget gaming behavior are generally insignificant. This study supports the goal setting theory and the organizational justice theory, and contributes to the management control system literature by recognizing the importance of performance evaluation systems, the importance of understanding political behavior and the perception of fairness to overcome budget gaming behavior. This study provides assurance that organizations can reduce budget gaming behavior through using non-financial measures or incentives.
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