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Journal articles on the topic 'Politeiai'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Polito, Marina. "Las “otras Politeiai” aristotélicas." Araucaria, no. 49 (2022): 394–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i49.20.

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Es posible que la Escuela de Aristóteles tuviera un modelo ‘amplio’ como punto de partida para redactar la Politeia de una ciudad (momento pre-griego, ktisis, lugares, topónimos, etnónimos, época heroica, arqueología, historia de la comunidad y/o instituciones, leyes y legisladores, antiguos reyes y tiranos, instituciones del siglo IV, monedas, syssitia y symposia, agogai, hábitos y costumbres, productos de la tierra, cultos, mitos, proverbios, poetas, episodios varios, mirabilia, elementos etnográficos). Las diferencias en el carácter y la estructura dependían de las características de cada comunidad y de la documentación disponible. Si bien a través de los excerpta y los fragmentos es evidente la presencia de una tendencia hacia un cierto tipo de estructura, no existía un modelo fijo (del que deriva la definición de ‘modelo atípico’ por la Athenaion Politeia) y su codificación es más bien una tendencia del análisis moderno. Palabras-clave: Politeiai aristótelicas, Athenaion Politeia, modelo, diferencias, comunidad.

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2

DIETZE-MAGER, Gertrud. "Die Politeiai des Aristoteles und ihre Beziehung zu den Nomima Barbarika." Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge, no. 2 (March 1, 2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v0i2.6715.

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Die Politeiai und die Nomima barbarika sind beides fragmentarische Werke des Aristoteles mit historischem Inhalt (die Dikaiomata, denen ein eigener Aufsatz gewidmet ist, sind ein drittes fragmentarisches Werk dieser Art). Es handelt sich um eine Sammlung von Verfassungen im Wesentlichen hellenischer Poleis und -bemerkenswerterweise- auch hellenischer ethne auf der einen, und eine Sammlung der Sitten barbarischer Völker auf der anderen Seite. Während aus den Politeiai in den Werken späterer Autoren hunderte von Fragmenten überliefert sind, besitzen wir nur eine Handvoll von Fragmenten aus den Nomima barbarika. Die Nachrichten über die Gesamtzahl der Politeiai liegen je nach Quelle weit auseinander und reichen von 158 bis 255. Der Aufsatz versucht eine Erklärung für diese bisher nicht untersuchte Tatsache anzubieten: es gibt Hinweise dahingehend, daß zu einem Zeitpunkt relativ bald nach dem Tod des Aristoteles eine gemeinsame Ausgabe der Politeiai und der Nomima barbarika in Umlauf war, während beide Sammlungen gleichzeitig auch getrennt zirkulierten. So wurden die Politeiai manchmal zusammengezählt mit den Nomima, was zu einer höheren Gesamtzahl, und im Laufe der Zeit zu einer Verwirrung hinsichtlich der beiden Sammlungen führte. Der Aufsatz beleuchtet auch die Frage nach Struktur und Inhalt der einzelnen Politeiai im Vergleich zu den Nomima barbarika.

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3

Sáseta Naranjo, Rafael Antonio. "¿Una politeia de los íberos en Éforo?" Hispania Antiqua, no. XLV (November 22, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ha.xlv.2021.1-19.

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El historiador del s.IV Éforo de Cime mantiene muchas similitudes con la escuela peripatética, tanto en sus concepciones geográficas como filosóficas. Diferentes fragmentos nos ponen en relación sus descripciones de pueblos con las llamadas Nómina Barbariká de la escuela de Aristóteles, donde, en paralelo a las politeiai o “constituciones” de ciudades helenas, se describían costumbres de naciones foráneas, en general revestidas de idealización y con una intención moralizante. Tomadas en cuenta estas consideraciones, este artículo analiza determinados testimonios que nos hacen formular la existencia de una politeia para los íberos en Éforo.

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4

Pezzoli, Federica. "Aristóteles y la politeia de los cartagineses." Araucaria, no. 49 (2022): 288–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i49.15.

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Uno de los elementos del libro 2 de la Política de Aristóteles que más ha llamado la atención de los estudiosos de la obra ha sido el análisis de la politeia de Cartago, una comunidad política no griega. Teniendo en cuenta esta decisión aristotélica poco convencional, mi contribución se centrará en primer lugar sobre las razones que llevan al filósofo a incluir este régimen gracias al uso de la categoría conceptual de politeia: esa categoría, en efecto, le permite analizar los fenómenos políticos que presentan una serie de prerrequisitos, aunque no pertenezcan al mundo griego. En la segunda parte del artículo presentaré los criterios empleados por Aristóteles al fin de establecer si el régimen político cartaginiense funciona, mostrando que estos criterios provienen en su mayoría de los libros ‘empíricos’ (4-6) de la Política. Palabras-clave: libro II de la Política de Aristóteles, Cartago, politeia, bárbaros, régimen político mejor (ariste politeia), Politeiai aristotélicas.

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5

Freydberg, Bernard D. "Mythos and logos in platonic politeiai." History of European Ideas 16, no. 4-6 (January 1993): 607–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90195-v.

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6

Tober, Daniel. "Politeiai and Spartan Local History." Historia 59, no. 4 (2010): 412–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2010-0024.

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7

Irrera, Elena. "Amistad, ēthos e igualdad en la discusión aristotélica de las politeiai democráticas." Araucaria, no. 49 (2022): 352–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i49.18.

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Este artículo analiza el papel que tiene la atención hacia el ēthos de los ciudadanos en la creación y la conservación de los regímenes políticos por parte de una actividad legislativa virtuosa, haciendo especial hincapié en las formas de gobierno democráticas. Para desarrollar esta idea, me centraré en la idea de la “amistad política” (hē politikē philia), que Aristóteles examina en sus obras éticas en relación con la facultad de la actividad legislativa virtuosa de moldear los hábitos (individuales y relacionales) de los ciudadanos. El análisis de los diferentes tipos de regímenes democráticos mostrará que ellos carecen de una auténtica amistad política. Demostaré también que, aunque las medidas democráticas puedan mejorar y conservar los regímenes imperfectos, Aristóteles sigue manteniendo una opinión negativa hacia esas politeiai. Palabras-clave: régimen, democracia, amistad, ēthos, igualdad.

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8

Coumoundouros, Antonis. "Does Plato’s Account of Politeiai in Republic 8 Merit Our Attention?" Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 1 (2009): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000143.

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Several commentators since Aristotle have sought to convince us that Plato’s discussion of political constitutions or politeiai in Republic 8 is full of problems. In effect, such commentators argue that Plato’s account is not all that helpful in our efforts to understand political life. This paper argues that, despite several objections to Plato’s discussion of political constitutions in Republic 8, there is much that is helpful for thinking about political life. The following issues are taken up in an effort to clarify Plato’s account of regimes: the role of such an account in the main ethical argument of the dialogue (that justice is better than injustice); whether Plato’s discussion has both an a priori perspective and one based on experience; the analogy of the city and the soul and whether this holds together in Republic 8; Plato’s depiction of regime change in temporal/historical terms; and the fact that the account of political regimes seems incomplete because each regime is presented in the manner of a sketch.

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9

Poddighe, Elisabetta. "'Politeia' nella storiografia e nel pensiero storico greco tra V e IV secolo a.C.: la questione della continuità e del mutamento." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 37, no. 2 (October 9, 2019): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.65973.

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Nell’ambito della “grande” storiografia come della storiografia locale la riflessione sul tema della politeia è stata, fino ad Aristotele, prevalentemente svolta nel segno della continuità tra il passato della polis e il suo presente. Questo non significa che il tema della discontinuità costituzionale (metabole politeion) non abbia trovato spazio nell’opera degli storiografi, ma piuttosto che quel tema non è stato utilizzato per riflettere in un’ottica universale sui processi di cambiamento della storia sociale delle poleis. Questo sviluppo decisivo si deve alla ricerca storica aristotelica nella quale lo studio della politeia è messo al servizio di un modo nuovo di fare la storia della polis (civic historiography).

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10

Melville, Andrei, Boris Makarenko, Mikhail Ilyin, Rostislav Turovsky, Andrei Akhremenko, Fuad Aleskerov, and Olga Malinova. "Celebrating 100th Issue of Politeia: on Journal’s Past and Future." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 100, no. 1 (March 11, 2021): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-100-1-8-26.

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This work represents the views of the prominent Russian political scientists about the past and the future of Politeia. O.Gaman-Golutvina identifies several dimensions that together, from her point of view, define the face of Politeia and allow the journal to fulfill the mission of a development institution. A.Melville pays attention to the continuity and dynamics in the development of the journal and outlines a number of promising directions for its future. According to B.Makarenko, the main distinguishing feature of Politeia is that it has always been a community rather than just a journal. M.Ilyin draws attention to the meaning of the word πολιτεία, which became the title of the journal, suggesting that it is this title that turned into a compass that allowed the journal to simultaneously focus on political philosophy and sociology of politics. R.Turovsky views Politeia as a mirror of the contemporary Russian politics and its evolution rather than just one of the leading Political Science journals in Russia. According to A.Akhremenko, the key feature of Politeia that sets it apart from other journals is a sense of balance, an equilibrium at the intersection of methods, problems and meanings. F.Aleskerov talks about Politeia’s platform for publishing works on mathematical modeling in politics as one of the journal’s advantages and delineates several thematic blocks within this area, which, in his opinion, should appear on the pages of the journal. O.Malinova draws attention to Salmin Award, established in 2005 in memory of A.Salmin, the journal’s founder, considering this award one of the traditions that contributes to the development of the Russian professional community of political scientists.

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11

Poddighe, Elisabetta. "Politeia y el relato histórico de la polis en Aristóteles." Araucaria, no. 49 (2022): 266–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i49.14.

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La idea aristotélica de la politeia (régimen, constitución) como característica distintiva de la experiencia histórica de la polis constituye un aspecto clave de su estudio de la política. Parte de esta discusión tiene que ver con el intento de Aristóteles de establecer y definir las calidades de la politeia como el criterio más válido para elaborar un relato histórico de la ciudad. En la sección 1 tomo en consideración el papel de la politeia dentro del relato de la historia de la polis desde que esta última se aleja de la forma monárquica. En la sección 2 me ocupo del problema de la inteligibilidad de la politeia en el contexto de la ciudad entendida como “comunidad de interpretación”. Por último, en la sección 3 analizo la politeia como expresión de la unidad de la ciudad y discuto su condición de elemento unificador de las acciones (praxeis) que miran a un objetivo común. Aquí argumento la “calidad unificadora” de la politeia que destaca las conexiones causales que subyacen a las acciones vinculadas con la polis. Dentro del contexto de la politeia el relato histórico de la polis pone en relación acciones que fuera del marco de la politeia no aparecen tan vinculadas entre sí. Palabras-clave: inteligibilidad de la politeia, historia de la polis, justicia política, Aristóteles acerca de la unidad de la ciudad, reforma de Clístenes, Aristóteles acerca de la historia y la poesía.

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12

Sung-Chul Rhim. "Zenons Politeia." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 18, no. 2 (May 2016): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2016.18.2.123.

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13

Mulhern, J. J. "The Aristē Politeia and Aristotles Intended Audience in the Politica." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 24, no. 2 (2007): 284–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000118.

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While Aristotle adverts in the Politica to those who have declared themselves about the aristē or best politeia without qualification, he actually devotes much of his attention here to telling his intended audience how to establish and maintain the aristē politeia for each of the different places in which each of them is engaged, given the circumstances. In the face of this contrast in the Politica, scholars look to EN 1135a5 for clarification. According to the established interpretation of EN 1135a5, Aristotle means that there is only one politeia that is best by nature for every place. According to the alternative interpretation, Aristotle means that, for every place, there is only one politeia that is best by nature for it. In this paper it is argued that the alternative interpretation fits both works better than does the established interpretation.

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14

Shaw, Michael Marx. "Madness and Politeia." Philosophy Today 50, no. 9999 (2006): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday200650supplement2.

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15

Latorre Aliaga, María del Carmen, and Elvira Moreno Hernández. "Politelia." FMC - Formación Médica Continuada en Atención Primaria 17, no. 8 (October 2010): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1134-2072(10)70219-x.

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16

Link, Stefan. "Lukas Thommen, Lakedaimonion Politeia." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 115, no. 1 (August 1, 1998): 477–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1998.115.1.477.

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17

Nolte, Ernst. "Interview for magazine “Politeia”." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 44, no. 1 (2007): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2007-44-1-139-145.

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18

Schoenbohm, Susan. "The Meaning of Politeia." Philosophy in the Contemporary World 13, no. 2 (2006): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pcw200613215.

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19

Hickman, Larry A. "Techné and Politeia Revisited." Society for Philosophy and Technology Quarterly Electronic Journal 1, no. 3 (1996): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne199613/412.

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20

Duke, George. "Aristotle and Modern Constitutionalism." Ancient Philosophy Today 4, Supplement (December 2022): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anph.2022.0079.

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Any attempt to apply Aristotelian political categories to the principles of modern constitutionalism is undoubtedly at risk of anachronism. This paper acknowledges non-trivial differences between the Ancient Greek politeia, as theorised by Aristotle, and the modern constitution. It nonetheless argues that the central principles of the modern liberal constitution can be elucidated within the explanatory frame of the Aristotelian concept of the politeia as a political determination of institutional structures and competences oriented by an interpretation of the public good. The paper is divided in three sections. Section 1 outlines Aristotle’s account of the politeia. Section 2 considers some central principles of modern constitutionalism. Section 3 then examines these principles under an Aristotelian lens. The conclusion sketches a potential objection, implicit in the paper’s arguments, to a recent proposal for a ‘neo-Aristotelian’ normative constitutional theory.

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21

Iluk, Jan. "Jan Chryzostom objaśnia "Hymn o miłości" [1Kor 13] (In I Epistolam ad Corinthios hom. 33-34)." Vox Patrum 52, no. 1 (June 15, 2008): 291–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8057.

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In 1CorHom, edited in the autumn and winter of 392 and 393 AD, John Chrysostom found a natural opportunity to return to his numerous utterances on the role of love in the lives of people. Obviously, the opportunity was the 13“ chapter of this Letter - The Song of Love. Among his works, we will find a few more smali works which were created with the intention of outlining the Christian ideał of love. Many of the contemporary monographs which were devoted to the ancient understanding of Christian „love” have the phrase „Eros and Agape” in their titles. In contemporary languages, this arrangement extends between sex and love. Both in the times of the Church Fathers (the 4th century AD) and currently, the distance between sex and love is measured by feelings, States and actions which are morę or less refined and noble. The awareness of the existence of many stops over this distance leads to the conviction that our lives are a search for the road to Agape. As many people are looking not so much for a shortcut but for a shorter route, John Chrysostom, like other Church Fathers, declared: the shortest route, because it is the most appropriate for this aim, is to live according to the Christian virtues that have been accumulated by the Christian politeia. There are to be found the fewest torments and disenchantments, although there are sacrifices. Evangelical politeia, the chosen and those who have been brought there will find love) - as a State of existence. In the earthly dimension, however, love appears as a causative force only in the circle of the Christian politeia. Obviously, just as in the heavenly politeia, the Christian politeia on earth is an open circle for everyone. As Chrysostom’s listeners and readers were not only Christians (in the multi-cultural East of the Roman Empire), and as the background of the principles presented in the homilies was the everyday life and customs of the Romans of the time, the ideał - dyam] - was placed by him in the context of diverse imperfections in the rangę and form of the feelings exhibited, which up to this day we still also cali love. It is true that love has morę than one name. By introducing the motif of love - into deliberations on the subject of the Christian politeia, John Chrysostom finds and indicates to the faithful the central force that shaped the ancient Church. This motif fills in the vision of the Heavenly Kingdom, explains to Christians the sense of life that is appropriate to them in the Roman community and explains the principles of organised life within the boundaries of the Church. It can come as no surprise that the result of such a narrative was Chrysostonfs conviction that love is „rationed”: Jews, pagans, Hellenes and heretics were deprived of it. In Chrysostonfs imagination, the Christian politeia has an earthly and a heavenly dimension. In the heavenly politeia, also called by him Chrisfs, the Lord’s or the

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22

Sousa, Ricardo Alexandre Santos. "Editorial." Politeia - História e Sociedade 19, no. 1 (July 22, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/politeia.v19i1.7073.

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23

Stegman, Casey. "Remembering Atlantis." Political Theory 45, no. 2 (August 3, 2016): 240–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715594661.

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There has been much scholarly disagreement concerning Plato’s participation in the mid-fourth century debates over Athens’s ancestral constitution ( patrios politeia). This disunity stems from contrasting views about the relationship between philosophy and Athenian politics in Plato’s writings. Recently, several political theorists have reoriented our general understanding about Plato’s complex involvement with Athenian politics. However, these discussions do not discuss Plato’s specific relationship with patrios politeia. In order to bridge this gap, I turn to two dialogues within the later Platonic corpus: Timaeus and Critias. By examining the Atlantis myth that spans both dialogues, I discuss how Plato uses the story both to comment on and critique the democratic Athenian constitution. At the same time, however, Plato also advances a unique veneration of democracy by asserting that it is the politeia of the gods. In this way, I argue that Timaeus-Critias contributes a valuable new perspective in the ongoing debate regarding the relationship between Plato’s philosophy and democracy.

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24

Rocher, Laura Sancho. "Athenaion Politeia 34, 3, about Oligarchs, Democrats and Moderates in the Late Fifth Century Bc." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 24, no. 2 (2007): 298–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000119.

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The prevailing historiographic reconstruction of the political struggle in Athens during the last years of the fifth century originates from the discovery of the text of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia [Ath.]. According to this reconstruction, three political options and three political programmes were in effect. These were, on the one hand, traditional democracy and opposing oligarchy; on the other, a new third way, that of ‘the moderates’, who under the leading of Theramenes represents a solution to the stasis. The political program of themoderates is supposed to include the following fundamental items: a return to an ancient constitution (patrios politeia), the reduction of the number of citizens and their political rights, the sovereignty of law, and the recuperation of accord (homonoia) between citizens. This paper tries to highlight the weakness of this interpretation by analysing the difficulties in grasping from the sources this whole program and their adscription to a leader and to a distinctive political group. The misinterpretation was already implicit in the author of the Athenian Constitution, perhaps a disciple of Aristotle. He wrote influenced by the Aristotelian political theory and thereby he interpreted all that he had read about Theramenes, the Five Thousand and the patrios politeia as if the Aristotelian ideals of the mesotes (as a virtue) and of mese politeia (as the best possible constitution) were actually proposed and temporally achieved in Athens by the efforts of Theramenes and his supporters.

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25

Ludlam, Ivor. "Thrasymachus in Plato’s Politeia I." Maynooth Philosophical Papers 6 (2011): 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mpp201164.

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26

Lévy, Edmond. "Politeia et politeuma chez Polybe." Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 15, no. 1 (1990): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.1990.2003.

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27

NOTOMI, Noburu. "Recent Studies of Plato's Politeia." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 16, no. 1 (2011): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.16.1_14.

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28

Schramm, Michael. "Neuplatonische politische Philosophie in der Rede Περὶ βασιλείας des Synesios von Kyrene." Elenchos 38, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2017): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2017-0008.

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Abstract This paper argues that Synesios’ De regno is a mirror for princes and a splendid example of Neoplatonic political philosophy. It is based on Plato’s Politeia and its model of philosopher-kingship. Synesios makes his audience compare the current political reality with the ideal of the philosopher-kings, who are the image of the transcendent god in the political realm. In doing so he recommends political virtue in general, especially phronesis and sophrosyne. Particularly he argues for reforming the recruitment of military and civil officials with reference to Plato’s concept of friendship in the Politeia.

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29

Bates, Clifford Angell. "The centrality of politeia for Aristotle’s Politics: Part II – the marginalization of Aristotle’s politeia in modern political thought." Social Science Information 53, no. 4 (June 17, 2014): 500–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018414532040.

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Political theorists today are addressing issues of global concern confronting state systems and in so doing are often forced to confront the concept of Homo sapiens as a ‘political animal’. This article continues the presentation of Aristotle’s treatment of politeia (initiated in ‘The centrality of politeia for Aristotle’s Politics: Aristotle’s continuing significance for social and political science’, in this journal) as the concept allowing us to understand the nature and workings of human political community in a way that lets us see how the fundamentally social nature of human beings manifests itself. I look at how Aristotle’s politeia became marginalized as a useful means to understand the shape and direction of human community. While the state has become the new frame for the human political community, the concept of the state rests on the fundamental a-social assumptions of early modern thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, etc., whose model of how the state emerges denies the fundamental social character of man and instead insists that political action consists merely of the rational calculations of willing agents for common utility and society. In doing so the model renders politics and political actions as merely another form of economics.

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30

Prescendi, Francesca. "Maternità e politeismi." Kernos, no. 32 (December 1, 2019): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.3229.

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31

Pezzoli, Federica, and Elisabetta Poddighe. "POLITEIA IN ARISTOTLE’S POLITICAL THEORY AND HISTORICAL RESEARCH." Araucaria, no. 49 (2022): 240–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i49.12.

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32

Papanikos, Gregory T. "The Bright Future of Democracy is in Education." ATHENS JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 9, no. 2 (January 4, 2022): 353–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/aje.9-2-10.

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Does democracy have a bright future? This brief paper addresses this question and argues, that, thanks to Prometheus, political “animals” can build a better-managed corral for their common living which includes a better provision of education for all “animals.” A historical analysis of the long past may be used to discern what lies ahead. Democracy requires education and virtue, or to put it in one word, it requires pedagogy. The higher the level of pedagogy, the closer a politeia would come to an ideal democracy. Sometimes democracy is confused with equality in everything. Political “animals” are not equal, and political systems which treat people with different abilities equally have no future. An ideal society should discriminate according to levels of education obtained and the acquisition of material wealth. If the politeia is ideal, then each citizen has the same opportunity to become more educated and wealthier. In this free competition of being educated and the acquisition of individually made material wealth, ideal societies can flourish as Hesiod postulated in the 8th Century BCE and become stable despite Polybius’ predictions in the 2nd-1st Century BCE of the inevitable historical cyclicality of political systems. Keywords: education, pedagogy, democracy, oligarchy, monarchy, ochlocracy, tyranny, ideal politeia, Polybius

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33

Hagen, Charles T. "The Composition of Aristotle’s Athenaion Politeia." Ancient Philosophy 15, no. 1 (1995): 263–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199515158.

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34

Georgantzas, Nicholas C. "Politeia: a high-technology human system." Human Systems Management 34, no. 2 (May 27, 2015): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/hsm-150828.

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변상출. "Plato’s Politeia from the Marxist Perspective." MARXISM 21 14, no. 4 (November 2017): 258–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.14.4.201711.010.

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Wallace, Robert W., and John J. Keaney. "The Composition of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia." American Journal of Philology 115, no. 4 (1994): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295490.

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Reynolds, Joyce. "The politeia of Plarasa and Aphrodisias." Revue des Études Anciennes 87, no. 1 (1985): 213–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.1985.4203.

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Slings, S. R. "CRITICAL NOTES ON PLATO'S POLITEIA, VII." Mnemosyne 54, no. 4 (2001): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685250152902946.

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Cürsgen, Dirk. "Triplizität als Strukturprinzip in Platons Politeia." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 12 (December 31, 2007): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.12.12cur.

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Slings, S. R. "Critical Notes On Plato's Politeia, I." Mnemosyne 41, no. 3-4 (1988): 276–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852588x00561.

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Slings, S. R. "Critical Notes on Plato's Politeia, V." Mnemosyne 52, no. 4 (1999): 385–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852599323283540.

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Müller, Christel. "La (dé)construction de la politeia." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 69, no. 03 (September 2014): 753–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ahs.2014.0132.

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RésuméL’article propose de revenir sur la notion de citoyenneté(politeia)dans le monde grec, en confrontant une conception traditionnelle fondée notamment sur la lecture d’Aristote, qui définit la citoyenneté en termes de participation politique, au témoignage des nombreux décrets gravés à l’époque hellénistique octroyant aux étrangers bienfaiteurs des privilèges légaux (comme le droit de propriété, de commercer, de contracter un mariage légitime, d’être exempté de certains impôts…). Si la tripartition statutaire classique (citoyens, étrangers résidents et esclaves) reste assurément valable durant l’époque hellénistique et constitue l’« infrastructure » des sociétés civiques, le système de privilèges mis en place par les cités pour honorer des étrangers méritants aboutit à créer une « concaténation de positions toutes différentes » qui, sans remettre en cause la hiérarchie des statuts juridiques, introduit de la fluidité sociale dans un monde inter-connecté, bien éloigné de l’idéal platonicien et aristotélicien de la cité autarcique.

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OKI (SUGA), Mai. "Poetry and Myth in Plato's Politeia." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 65, no. 1 (2014): 1_269–1_289. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.1_269.

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Thorp, Thomas. "Little Stones: Sovereignty in Plato's Politeia." Studies in Practical Philosophy 5, no. 1 (2005): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/studpracphil2005514.

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Miranda Filho, Mario. "Politeia e virtude no republicanismo clássico." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 38 (December 1996): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64451996000200004.

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Štromas, Aleksandras, and Kamil Pecela. "Poezja i politeja." Politeja 17, no. 2(65) (April 30, 2020): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.65.23.

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Mark, Gloria, Wolfgang Prinz, and Volker Wulf. "The POLITeam project." ACM SIGGROUP Bulletin 18, no. 3 (December 1997): 64–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/270832.270848.

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Drączkowski, Franciszek. "Kościół jako państwo (polis) w nauce Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego." Vox Patrum 32 (December 15, 1997): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7651.

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Dans ses ecrits, Clement d’Alexandrie definit souvent l’Eglise en tant qu’etat, en utilisant les termes polis et politeia. Cet etat, possćdant son etre reel sur la terre, se rejouit de la pleine souverainete.

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Santos Junior, Luiz Ayrton, Walberto Monteiro Neiva Eulálio Filho, and Antônio Marques de Medeiros Neto. "Polimastia e politelia: imagem." Revista Brasileira de Mastologia 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 24–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/z201600010006rbm.

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Contogeorgis, Georges. "De la démocratie. Questions de concepts et de méthode." Revista Estudos do Século XX, no. 17 (December 27, 2018): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_17_1.

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Por ignorância, mas também partindo de uma perspetiva profundamente oligárquica, a modernidade procurou desde o início classificar o seu sistema político entre as democracias, afirmando ter realizado um milagre: que a monarquia simplesmente eletiva seja ao mesmo tempo um sistema representativo e democrático, apesar de não ser nem uma coisa nem outra e que, em todo o caso, estes dois sistemas são incompatíveis entre si. Na democracia, o sistema político pertence à sociedade dos cidadãos, que passa a ser deste modo uma instituição constitutiva da politeia, um demos. Ao mesmo tempo, a sociedade dos cidadãos possui toda a competência política, governa-se a si própria. Nos antípodas, actualmente, o sistema político é detido pelo Estado em geral, incluindo a soberania política. Na democracia, a sociedade é um demos; hoje ela é apenas uma característica (extra-politeia).

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