Journal articles: 'Policy activism'

1

Boltho, Andrea. "Did policy activism work?" European Economic Review 33, no. 9 (December 1989): 1709–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0014-2921(89)90065-2.

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Pritchard, Sarah M. "Linking Research, Policy, and Activism." Reference Librarian 8, no. 20 (June 9, 1988): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j120v08n20_06.

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Ochs, Michael, and Patricia Samour. "Growing policy with grassroots activism." Journal of the American Dietetic Association 104, no. 12 (December 2004): 1786–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jada.2004.10.002.

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Burroughs, Michael. "On Ethics Institute Activism." Teaching Ethics 21, no. 2 (2021): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej2022325111.

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Social injustice and calls to activism take many forms, whether in environmental, medical, legal, political, or educational realms. In this article, I consider the role of activism in ethics institute initiatives. First, as a case study, I discuss an activist initiative for police reform led, in part, by the Kegley Institute of Ethics at California State University, Bakersfield. Specifically, I outline the formation of the Bakersfield Police Department—Community Collaborative (BPD-CC), created to review regional and national police policy and training recommendations and to solicit and formalize community-sourced recommendations for policing reform and building trust and greater partnership between the BPD and community. Second, I discuss outcomes and implications of this project and consider its significance for understanding activist roles available to the community engaged ethics institute more generally. In this discussion, I explore practical dimensions and ethical implications of activist approaches in the work of an ethics institute.

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Ramsay, Janet. "POLICY ACTIVISM ON A ‘WICKED ISSUE’." Australian Feminist Studies 22, no. 53 (July 2007): 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164640701364661.

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Auerbach, Alan J. "Implementing the New Fiscal Policy Activism." American Economic Review 99, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 543–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.99.2.543.

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Burke, John Francis. "Catholic Activism and American Foreign Policy." Review of Politics 69, no. 1 (January 22, 2007): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670507000460.

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Dymski, Gary A. "Economic Polarization and US Policy Activism." International Review of Applied Economics 10, no. 1 (January 1996): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02692179600000006.

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Luttrell-Rowland, Mikaela, Jessica Engebretson, and Puleng Segalo. "Shaping policy, sustaining peace: Intergenerational activism in the policy ecosystem." Agenda 35, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2021.1883926.

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Rootes, Christopher A. "The transformation of environmental activism: Activists, organizations and policy‐making." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 12, no. 2 (June 1999): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.1999.9968595.

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Conde, Marta. "From activism to science and from science to activism in environmental-health justice conflicts." Journal of Science Communication 14, no. 02 (June 11, 2015): C04. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.14020304.

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Knowledge is not static or unique. It can be exchanged between activists, academia and policy circles: from science to activism and from activism to science. Existing scientific knowledge is being used by activists to expose wrongdoings or improve practices and knowledge in environmental and health conflicts. Activists can either adopt scientific knowledge and data in their own argumentations or produce new scientific knowledge either by becoming scientists themselves or in co-operation with experts. Local and scientific knowledge is being combined to challenge government policies and the knowledge produced by corporate actors. Also explored is the figure of the expert-activist; with scientists becoming activists and vice versa, the boundaries between activists and scientists are increasingly blurry.

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Hines, Sally, and Ana Cristina Santos. "Trans* policy, politics and research: The UK and Portugal." Critical Social Policy 38, no. 1 (October 30, 2017): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317732880.

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This article explores law and social policy regarding trans* activism amongst trans* and non-binary social movements, and academic research addressing trans* in the UK and Portugal. In considering different possibilities for theorising gender diversity, this article positions a politics of difference and embodied citizenship as fruitful for synergising the issues under discussion. The authors consider recent law and policy shifts around gender recognition in each country and examine the gaps and the connections between policy developments, activism and research around trans*. Though each country has divergence in terms of the history of trans* activism and research, the article identifies significant similarities in the claims of activist groups in the UK and Portugal and the issues and questions under consideration in academic research on trans* and non-binary.

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Gillies, Donald. "Knowledge activism: bridging the research/policy divide." Critical Studies in Education 55, no. 3 (May 27, 2014): 272–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508487.2014.919942.

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Bone, Melissa, Gary Potter, and Axel Klein. "Introduction: cultivation, medication, activism and cannabis policy." Drugs and Alcohol Today 18, no. 2 (June 4, 2018): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dat-03-2018-0014.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to introduce the special issue on Illicit Cannabis Cultivation in a Time of Policy Change. Design/methodology/approach The paper reviews some of the different adaptations made by cannabis growers in countries where cannabis has not been legalised. Findings Cannabis growers are adjusting to different legal settings by focusing on home production. Participation in cultivation is a crime, but can also be activism: an effort to change the law. Medical use of cannabis is a particularly important driver here. Having to break the law to alleviate symptoms and treat illnesses provides both a greater sense of urgency and a level of sympathy not usually granted to illicit drug users. Practical implications Grass-roots advocacy may drive policy change. Originality/value This is an original assessment of current state of knowledge on cannabis cultivation in countries where cannabis cultivation remains restricted.

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LIPIŃSKA, ANNA, MORTEN SPANGE, and MISA TANAKA. "International Spillover Effects and Monetary Policy Activism." Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 43, no. 8 (November 28, 2011): 1735–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1538-4616.2011.00466.x.

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Giuranno, Michele G. "The Logic of Party Coalitions with Political Activism." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 29, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569211x15665367493715.

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Abstract This paper considers an electoral equilibrium between two party coalitions. Each coalition is composed of two factions called activists and opportunists. Activists are interested in announcing a policy as close as possible to their ideal policy and are ready to contribute with vital electoral resources to die one’s own party coalition. Opportunists are interested only in winning elections and need the activists’ contributions to enhance their party valence. Thus, the two factions of each coalition negotiate on both policy platform and activists' contributions. Results show that, in equilibrium, the marginal rates of substitution between policy position and activists’ contributions must be the same for the two negotiating factions inside party coalitions. Furthermore, greater activism inside parties leads to policy divergence.

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Clark, Wayne, Usman Khan, and Peter McLaverty. "Reformulating activism, reformulating the activist." Policy & Politics 30, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557302760590314.

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Last, Alfandika, and Ufuoma Akpojivi. "Towards media democracy: An examination of media policy reform activism and its impact on Zimbabwean media policy reform process." Journal of African Media Studies 14, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 403–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00085_1.

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In Zimbabwe, media activists have used several strategies to prise open the media space. The emergence of media policy reform activism (MPRA) in the last decade of the twentieth century in Zimbabwe has transformed media policies in several ways. However, the strategies of activism and the extent to which these strategies have influenced media policy transformation have not been adequately researched. Thus, using in-depth interviews with some MPRA under the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe (MAZ), the government, other media policy stakeholders and documentary analysis, this study examines the strategies used to impact media policy reforms and the extent to which the strategies have influenced the policy reform process. The study established that media reform activists in Zimbabwe use numerous strategies to open media systems. Nonetheless, there is a standoff between MAZ and the state over several issues which include but are not limited to the source of funding and ideologies.

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Laes, Tuulikki, and Patrick Schmidt. "Activism within music education: working towards inclusion and policy change in the Finnish music school context." British Journal of Music Education 33, no. 1 (January 11, 2016): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051715000224.

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This study examines how interactions between policy, institutions and individuals that reinforce inclusive music education can be framed from an activist standpoint. Resonaari, one among many music schools in Finland, provides an illustrative case of rather uncommonly inclusive practices among students with special educational needs. By exploring this case, contextualised within the Finnish music school system, we identify the challenges and opportunities for activism on micro, meso and macro levels. On the basis of our analysis, we argue that Resonaari's teachers are proactive because, within an inclusive teaching and learning structure, they act in anticipation of future needs and policy changes, engaging in what we call teacher activism. We claim that this type of activism is key for inclusive practices and policy disposition in music education.

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Naughton, Barry. "China's Economic Policy Today: The New State Activism." Eurasian Geography and Economics 52, no. 3 (May 2011): 313–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1539-7216.52.3.313.

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Manoilo, Andrei. "Conflict in Syria and Russian foreign policy activism." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2020): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.02.06.

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Trautmann, Alain. "On activism of European researchers about science policy." Journal of Science Communication 14, no. 02 (June 11, 2015): C05. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.14020305.

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The organization and functioning of research have radically changed over the last 10 or 20 years, as a result of a determined political action. The activism of some scientists, during this period, has failed to significantly alter this trend. So far. Today, New Public Management is triumphant. It has been implemented by a category of former scientists who have become administrators, evaluators, organizers. As a result, the prime role of scientific publications is no longer to exchange scientific information but to allow a measure of scientific production, and to rank the principal investigators. Now, the massive use of numerical tools (impact factors, h index), allows policy makers and their collaborators to evaluate publications without reading them. In addition, researchers are told to work in a budgetarily stable system (or even a decreasing one), with internal dynamics that should make it increase exponentially. This has led to the development of precarious jobs. One day, this bubble will explode.

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Lubell, Mark, Arnold Vedlitz, Sammy Zahran, and Letitia T. Alston. "Collective Action, Environmental Activism, and Air Quality Policy." Political Research Quarterly 59, no. 1 (March 2006): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290605900113.

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Beasley, Myron M., and Patricia M. Hager. "Intervention, Instigation, Interruption: Art, Activism, and Social Policy." Journal of Poverty 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10875549.2014.866397.

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Padayachee, Vishnu, and John Sender. "Vella Pillay: Revolutionary Activism and Economic Policy Analysis." Journal of Southern African Studies 44, no. 1 (November 30, 2017): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2018.1405644.

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Perry‐Kessaris, Amanda. "Legal Design for Practice, Activism, Policy, and Research." Journal of Law and Society 46, no. 2 (May 20, 2019): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jols.12154.

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Chalmers, Malcolm. "The new activism: UK defence policy since 1997." New Economy 9, no. 4 (December 2002): 206–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0041.00272.

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McCulloch, A. "The Politics of the Environment: Ideas, Activism, Policy." Political Geography 22, no. 8 (November 2003): 926–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(02)00080-x.

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Lockman, Zachary. "British Policy Toward Egyptian Labour Activism, 1882–1936." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 3 (August 1988): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800053629.

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In May 1896 Lord Cromer, the British Agent and Consul-General in Egypt and that country's de facto ruler, received a “very numerously signed petition” from the coalheavers of Port Said. These workers, most of them migrants from Upper Egypt, were employed through labor contractors by several English and other foreign-owned companies to carry coal onto ships transiting the Suez Canal. The coalheavers complained of ill-treatment by the contractors (shuyuūkh), who “buy and sell us like slaves”, stealing part of their wages and forcing them to buy all they needed at stores owned by the contractors. Cromer acknowledged receipt of the petition in a letter to the coaling companies, commenting that the workers “seem to have some real grievances, notably in connection with the truck system”. Suggesting that the employers seek to avoid a strike, he expressed the opinion that the government “should deal with a strike at Port Said on the same lines as a strike in England, that is to say, that they should preserve order and not interfere to any serious extent between employers and labourers.”

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Vergari, Sandra. "The Limits of Federal Activism in Education Policy." Educational Policy 26, no. 1 (November 28, 2011): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904811425910.

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Collitt, Samuel, and Benjamin Highton. "The Policy Polarization of Party Activists in the United States." American Politics Research 49, no. 4 (April 4, 2021): 386–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211004442.

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This article investigates how a key stratum of the partisan elite—party activists—have been positioned across time and policy issues. We examine the extent to which activists have polarized symmetrically or asymmetrically and find that only on the issue of abortion has one party’s activists (Republicans) polarized notably more than the other’s. The article also analyzes party activist proximity to the mass public’s policy preferences and finds that Democrats are consistently closer to the public on economic issues, and Republicans are consistently closer on a subset of non-economic issues. Our findings suggest the need for more nuanced theories of party activism and polarization along with providing a useful lens through which to view party electoral competition.

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Buyantueva, Radzhana. "LGBT Russians and Political Environment for Activism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.3.119.

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This article examines the impact of external and internal state policies on Russian LGBT activism. Drawing on the political opportunity structure (POS) framework, it focuses on the analysis of two factors (the level of state repression on LGBT people and the direction of state foreign policy) and their impact on LGBT activism. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s goal for closer relations with the West facilitated the decrease of pressure on LGBT people. That created positive conditions for LGBT activism. Since the late 1990s, however, Russia’s direction in foreign policy has become more assertive. That has facilitated the increase in state repression on LGBT people and activists. Such negative changes in POS have posed challenges for LGBT activism complicating its further development.

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Basu, Suchandra, and Nirupama Devaraj. "Does activism matter? The case of environmental policy in the US states." International Journal of Social Economics 41, no. 10 (October 7, 2014): 923–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-07-2013-0160.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of activism in determining the identity of the “green” median voter and the influence of the green voter on environmental regulatory stringency in the US states. Design/methodology/approach – Regulatory stringency is measured using output weighted abatement spending and an industry concentration adjusted index of state environmental compliance costs for the period 1989-1994. Activism measures include environmental initiatives, median support for pollution standards and voter ideology. Fixed-effects panel methodology is used in empirical estimation. Findings – The authors find that activism increases stringency in regulating overall as well as media-specific pollution. The results particularly highlight the nuances of different approaches to activism and their varied impact across pollution media. Research limitations/implications – A drawback of the empirical estimation is the lack of continuous historical abatement spending data. A longer panel with alternative stringency measure(s) would add explanatory power to activism, especially since some activism measures capture slow-changing institutional factors. Social implications – The study identifies the conditions under which activism can have the most impact on a society's environmental outcomes since pollution varies in damages, hence abatement costs, across pollution media. Originality/value – The paper adds to the existing literature by incorporating three alternative measures of environmental activism to systematically investigate its impact on environmental stringency within a fixed-effects regression design. It also promotes a deeper understanding of the efficacy of the activism process by deconstructing policy stringency across pollution media to show that activism and its impacts are more nuanced than previously studied.

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Welton, Anjalé D., and Tiffany Octavia Harris. "Youth of Color Social Movements for Racial Justice: The Politics of Interrogating the School-to-Prison Pipeline." Educational Policy 36, no. 1 (December 3, 2021): 57–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08959048211059728.

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Youth social movements for racial justice, especially against police violence, are on the rise. And this broader policy landscape is reflective of how youth are addressing racism in policing in their local context. Therefore, by drawing upon scholarship related to Black Radicalism, activism, and social movements, this study examines how youth of color activists are fighting against the overpolicing of their schools and communities in two specific contexts: Wake County, North Carolina and Chicago, Illinois. This study demonstrates how context shapes youth of color social movement building, that youth are strategic in how they employ activism, and ultimately adults can either impede or help advance youth’s demands for justice.

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Avigur-Eshel, Amit, and Izhak Berkovich. "Using Facebook differently in two education policy protests." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2017): 596–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-06-2017-0029.

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Purpose Scholars have identified various uses of Facebook by activists and social movements in political activism and beyond. They overlooked, however, the possibility that social movements may take advantage of certain capabilities provided by social media platforms, while neglecting others, thereby creating differences in patterns of use between movements. The purpose of this paper is to investigate these differences and to assess the role of the lived experience of activists and supporters in shaping them. Design/methodology/approach This study compared two protests in Israel with respect to activists’ use of social media, the class profile of participants and the leadership’s demands and their resonance among various social groups. Each case was analyzed by combining thematic and quantitative analysis of online data from Facebook pages and of offline data from various sources. Findings The two protests exhibited distinctively different patterns of use of the capabilities provided by Facebook. These differences are associated with the lived experience of protest participants and of the individuals the movement leadership sought to mobilize. Originality/value This study is the first to show that successful public policy protests can exhibit distinctive use patterns of social media for political activism. It also identifies lived experience as an important factor in shaping these patterns.

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Talman, Sam. "Millennial’s Political Activism." Pitt Political Review 11, no. 1 (October 13, 2017): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2014.53.

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Political activity is a telling behavior about a generation, influencing how policy makers in the U.S. do their jobs and how budgets are set. A generation without any political activity risks missing out on benefits from activity, while an active generation may help shape the institutions and traditions in a political culture. There are significant challenges to measuring individual political activity, and the question isn’t simply “how politically active are you?” A tool traditionally used to address this challenge is a seven- point scale based on the correlation between an individual’s party identification and political activism. This measurement allows polltakers to label themselves as strong or weak for either major party, independent leaning Republican/Democrat or truly independent. For a deeper look, scholars can gauge political activism by examining a number of sub-levels of activism, rather than relying simply on a seven-point scale. Social identity has become an important way to measure levels of partisanship and interest amongst the citizenry.

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ELLISON, MARTIN, LUCIO SARNO, and JOUKO VILMUNEN. "CAUTION OR ACTIVISM? MONETARY POLICY STRATEGIES IN AN OPEN ECONOMY." Macroeconomic Dynamics 11, no. 4 (August 15, 2007): 519–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s136510050706021x.

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We examine optimal policy in an open-economy model with uncertainty and learning, where monetary policy actions affect the economy through the real exchange rate channel. Our results show that the degree of caution or activism in optimal policy depends on whether central banks are in coordinated or uncoordinated equilibrium. If central banks coordinate their policy actions then activism is optimal. In contrast, if there is no coordination, caution prevails. In the latter case caution is optimal because it helps central banks to avoid exposing themselves to manipulative actions by other central banks.

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Adae, Eric Kwame. "Weightier Matters." Janus Head 19, no. 1 (2021): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jh20211914.

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Trendwatchers have spotted some seismic shifts in relations between business and politics. Particularly, Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) are increasingly weighing in on greater good issues. Although a global phenomenon, current CEO activism scholarship reflects a Western focus; an ideological bias for modernist perspectives; a preponderance of White male CEO voices, and the relative elision of female activist CEOs. While, generally, no empirically-based typology of the sociopolitical issues that matter to activist CEOs exists, the specific range of causes of particular concern to non-Western CEO activists is neatly absent. This paper addresses all of these concerns, offering an inquiry into the emerging CEO activism phenomenon in the Ghanaian non-Western sociocultural milieu. Data collection entailed three separate rounds of fieldwork that saw long interviews with a corps of 24 self-identified informants, featuring an even split of men and women activist CEOs. The hermeneutic phenomenological theme-based approach guided data analysis. Following extant brand activism models, a typology of six clusters of CEO activism issues is offered that highlights the weightier matters of sociocultural activism, environmental activism, business/workplace activism, political activism, legal activism, and economic activism. Sociocultural issues include Ghana’s fight against COVID-19, where activist CEOs pooled resources to construct and equip a new multimillion dollar 100-bed infectious diseases hospital facility, embarked on risk communication campaigns, donated critical health supplies, funded the screening and testing of employees, provided food and essential supplies to vulnerable groups, and called out the government for lapses in the management of this health crisis. Besides internationalizing CEO activism studies for the strategic communications, leadership, business ethics and responsible management fields, the results suggest the need to consider the perspectives of CEO activists in non- Western societies. This paper contributes mainly to current discussions in CEO activism (aka corporate social advocacy) and brand activism. It contributes to other theoretical and conceptual streams, including covenantal notions of public relations, Caritas, Ubuntu Philosophy, Africapitalism, and postmodern values in strategic communication. This paper contributes to the upper echelon perspective; insider activism; sustainability transitions; and current discussions concerning how to address issues of diversity, equity, inclusivity, and social justice in the public relations literature. Policy implications are laid out, and areas for future research are indicated.

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Jupp, Eleanor. "Home space, gender and activism: The visible and the invisible in austere times." Critical Social Policy 37, no. 3 (February 1, 2017): 348–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317693219.

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This article argues for the centrality of the home in understanding both the impacts of ‘austerity’ in the UK and potential activist responses. The article focuses on gendered forms of activism, particularly among low-income women. Empirical material is drawn from research with women in different contexts, a network of migrant women in London and a group of community activists in Stoke-on-Trent, in order to identify three particular registers of home-based and, by extension, community activism, including notions of ‘the everyday’, ‘the inbetween’ and experiences of trauma. There is also a brief discussion of housing activism in contemporary London in order to explore how such analysis might be applied to other forms of organising. There is a call for more sustained consideration of these often hidden forms of activism from researchers in understanding, as well as intervening in, the dynamics of contemporary social policy and governance.

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Tanner, Christine A. "On Grassroots Activism and Health Policy: A Case Study." Journal of Nursing Education 39, no. 4 (April 2000): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.3928/0148-4834-20000401-03.

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Pedersen, Rasmus Brun. "Danish foreign policy activism: Differences in kind or degree?" Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712444863.

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Smyth, John. "Policy activism: an animating idea with/for young people." Journal of Educational Administration and History 44, no. 3 (August 2012): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220620.2012.683396.

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Grigoriadis, Ioannis N. "Turkey’s foreign policy activism: vision continuity and reality checks." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 14, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2014.903599.

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Kalinowski, Thomas, and Vladimir Hlasny. "Can a comparative capitalism approach explain fiscal policy activism?" Journal of Post Keynesian Economics 40, no. 3 (June 14, 2017): 376–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01603477.2016.1273068.

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Edquist, Kristin. "EU social-policy governance: advocating activism or servicing states?" Journal of European Public Policy 13, no. 4 (June 2006): 500–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600693879.

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Draper, Heather, Greg Moorlock, Wendy Rogers, and Jackie Leach Scully. "Bioethics and activism." Bioethics 33, no. 8 (September 18, 2019): 853–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bioe.12680.

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Kaliber, Alper. "The post-cold war regionalisms of Turkish foreign policy." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x131spk28.

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This study argues that the post-Cold War changes in Turkish foreign and security policy (FSP) can best be understood as the regionalization of strategic and security outlook in Turkey. Here regionalization refers to two interrelated processes: first, the process whereby security interest definitions and threat perceptions in Turkey have gained an increasingly regional character, and second the process whereby Turkey has increasingly defined itself as an activist regional power. Yet, the current study takes issue with the widespread assumption that regionalist activism of Turkish FSP can only be appropriated to the recent Justice and Development Party governments. Rather, it argues that the regionalist activism observed in the 2000s should be conceived as the second regionalist turn in Turkish FSP. The first wave of regionalization began soon after the end of the Cold War and developed in parallel to the rise of the 'region' as a new unit of security in global politics. This study compares and contrasts these two regionalist eras with a view to exploring the post-Cold War regionalization of FSP in Turkey.

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Suisheng, Zhao. "Chinese Foreign Policy under Hu Jintao:The Struggle between Low-Profile Policy and Diplomatic Activism." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 5, no. 4 (2010): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119110x531840.

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AbstractThis article explores a controversial issue of Chinese foreign policy: whether the Hu leadership has abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s taoguang yanghui policy — hiding one’s capabilities and biding one’s time — and reoriented Chinese foreign policy towards a more assertive, if not more aggressive, direction. This is controversial because while China in public still insists that it follows the taoguang yanghui policy established by Deng in the early 1990s; Chinese diplomacy has become increasingly active and assertive since Hu came to power, particularly since the 2008-2009 global economic crisis. This article argues that as a rising power, an active foreign policy has become a necessity rather than a luxury for China. This diplomatic activism marks a certain departure from the taoguang yanghui policy, but the Hu leadership is still juggling China’s taoguang yanghui policy with its emerging role as a global power. One defining tension in China’s foreign policy agenda is to find a balance between expanding China’s international influence and taking more international responsibility on the one hand and continuing to play down its pretence of being a global power and avoiding confrontation with the United States on the other.

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Richardson, Brooke, Alana Powell, Lisa Johnston, and Rachel Langford. "Reconceptualizing Activism through a Feminist Care Ethics in the Ontario (Canada) Early Childhood Education Context: Enacting Caring Activism." Social Sciences 12, no. 2 (February 10, 2023): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12020089.

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While early childhood education (ECE) in Ontario has always had a vibrant social activist community, it is characterized by tensions within and between individuals and institutions at the minor (childcare centres, post-secondary ECE programs) and major (mainstream media, public policy) levels. ECE activism is further complicated by the fact that it often feels impossible/unsustainable within our existing patriarchal, neoliberal political structure. In this paper we, four ECE activists and leaders, turn to feminist care ethics (FCE) to reflect on our own activism experiences and imagine a different way of doing and sustaining activism in ECE. We insist that activism be understood as a relational process that bridges major and minor spaces (and everything in between) in a way that cares about, for, and with all those involved. We enthusiastically invite other to join us on this journey, exploring and navigating the beautiful awkwardness, discomfort, tension, and possibilities in caring for and with each other in major and minor political spaces.

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Vredenburg, Jessica, Sommer Kapitan, Amanda Spry, and Joya A. Kemper. "Brands Taking a Stand: Authentic Brand Activism or Woke Washing?" Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 39, no. 4 (August 14, 2020): 444–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743915620947359.

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In today’s marketplace, consumers want brands to take a stand on sociopolitical issues. When brands match activist messaging, purpose, and values with prosocial corporate practice, they engage in authentic brand activism, creating the most potential for social change and the largest gains in brand equity. In contrast, brands that detach their activist messaging from their purpose, values, and practice are enacting inauthentic brand activism through the practice of “woke washing,” potentially misleading consumers with their claims, damaging both their brand equity and potential for social change. First, the authors draw on theory to inform a typology of brand activism to determine how, and when, a brand engaging with a sociopolitical cause can be viewed as authentic. Second, a theory-driven framework identifies moderate, optimal incongruence between brand and cause as a boundary condition, showing how brand activists may strengthen outcomes in an increasingly crowded marketplace. Third, the authors explore important policy and practice implications for current and aspiring brand activists, from specific brand-level standards in marketing efforts to third-party certifications and public sector partnerships.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Policy activism'

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