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Darves-Bornoz, Derek Yves. "Corporate trade policy activism : network and organizational determinants /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1232425981&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-190). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Nulman, Eugene. "The policy impact of climate change activism in the UK." Thesis, University of Kent, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.655654.
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Abstract: Despite a growing body of literature on social movement outcomes, the field is underdeveloped and under theorised. The present analysis innovatively investigates the national policy outcomes of climate change activism in the UK in order to expand on recent advances in the literature. It takes on the challenge set by social movement scholars to increase the theoretical and empirical strength of outcomes research. It does so by incorporating a wide range of movement-related and contextual data using a mixed-method approach and a dual-sequential design, which allows for inductive and deductive exploration within a single study. The thesis analyses three campaigns across the span of 13 years, al lowing for comparison across cases and over time and for a deep investigation into individual cases. In addition, it explores the degree of success achieved throughout the policymaking process in each campaign, as well as drawing comparisons across cases with a diversity of resources, strategies, and tactics. The thesis attempts to explore the substance, context, and mechanisms entailed in the question: How do social movements matter?
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Di, Gregorio Monica. "Social movement networks, policy processes, and forest tenure activism in Indonesia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/215/.
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This thesis aims to answer the following question: How do environmental movement networks sustain collective action in order to influence forest tenure reforms in Indonesia? In doing so, it expressly relies on a relational approach to social movement studies that recognizes the interaction between the social structure and agency and the role of culture in shaping social movement networks. It relies on a mixed methods research design to study the forms and features of networks as well as the context, the meaning and the ongoing social processes that underlie environmental networks. The first paper provides a macro-level analysis of the changing political context and of the forces internal to the environmental movement that have led to reforms in forest tenure policies in the last decade in Indonesia. The second paper presents the research design of the thesis and discusses how specific theoretical approaches to social movement networks affect the choice of analytical methods and how relational approaches call for the use of mixed methods. The rest of the thesis analyzes meso-level features of inter-organizational networking among environmental movement organizations (EMOs) and between EMOs and state actors. The third paper examines the role communication networks among EMOs in coalition work and illustrates how environmental values and common discursive practices can be important coalescing forces. The fourth paper investigates the role of external institutionalization, contention and cooperation in relational forms of activism with state actors. It analyzes how the environmental movement, despite the use of moderate tactics, has avoided co-optation. The fifth paper investigates the contingency of political opportunities at the mesolevel. It suggests that at the inter-organizational level access to the state is dependent on the type of actors involved, their behavior and experiences, and the issue of contention, and it shows that EMOs can in part shape political opportunities
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Zantinge, Robert. "Shareholder activism: performing for publicity or actual policy change? : The influence of social and environmental shareholder activism on CSR performance." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-316396.
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Schnaith, Marisa Caitlin Weiss. "A Policy Window for Successful Social Activism: Abortion Reform in Mexico City." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240332556.
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Leza, Christina. "Divided Nations: Policy, Activism and Indigenous Identity on the U.S.-Mexico Border." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193815.
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This dissertation addresses native activism in response to United States and Mexico border enforcement policies on the U.S.-Mexico border among indigenous peoples whose communities are divided by the international line. Fieldwork for the dissertation was conducted in collaboration with an indigenous grassroots community organization with members in both the U.S. and Mexico who advocate for rights of border mobility among native border peoples. This work discusses the impacts of border enforcement policies on native community cultural maintenance, local interpretations and uses of international human rights tools, and the challenges faced by U.S.-Mexico border native activists in communicating their ideologies to a broader public. This work further addresses the complex identity construction of Native Americans with cultural ties to Mexico, and conflations of race and nationality that result in distinct forms of intra-community racism.
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Scott, David Malcolm Robert. "Minority activism : trends informing political participation across Australian communities." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41033/1/David_Scott_Thesis.pdf.
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In the late 1990’s, intense and vigorous debate surrounded the impact of minority communities on Australia’s mainstream society. The rise of far-right populism took the stage with the introduction to the political landscape of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation party, whilst John Howard’s Liberal-National Coalition Government took the fore on debate over immigration issues corresponding with an influx of irregular arrivals. In 2001, following the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America and subsequent attacks on western targets globally, many of these issues continued to be debated through the security posturing that followed. In recent years, much effort has been afforded to countering the threat of terrorism from home grown assailants. The Government has introduced stringent legislative responses whilst researchers have studied social movements and trends within Australian communities, particularly with respect to minorities. In 2008, the Scanlon Foundation, in association with Monash University and various government entities, released its findings into its survey approach to mapping social cohesion in Australia. It identified a number of spheres of exploration which it believed were essential to measuring cohesiveness of Australian communities generally including, economic, political and socio-cultural factors (Markus and Dharmalingam, 2008). This doctoral project report will explore the political sphere as identified in the Mapping Social Cohesion project and apply it to identified minority ethnic communities. The Scanlon Foundation project identified political participation as one of a number of true indicators of social cohesion. This project acknowledges that democracy in Australia is represented predominantly by two political entities representing a vast majority of constituents under a compulsory voting regime. This essay will identify the levels of political activism achieved by minority ethnic communities and access to democratic participation within the Australian political structure. It will define a ten year period from 1999 to 2009, identifying trends and issues within minority communities that have proactively and reactively promoted engagement in achieving a political voice, framed within a mainstream-dominated political system. It will research social movements and other influential factors over that period to enrich existing knowledge in relation to political participation rates across Australian communities.
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O'Donnell, Kathleen. "Responses in Policy and Practice to Radical Environmental Protest Targeting Key Parts of the Civil Infrastructure in Australia and the United Kingdom." Thesis, Griffith University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366947.
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In advanced liberal democracies, proportionately responding to radical environmental protest that targets lawful business operations including those considered key parts of the civil infrastructure (such as those essential services involved in energy production) is a “wicked problem” that poses ongoing challenges, not least in attempting to balance rights of protest and free speech against securing essential services. The policing of protest continues to be controversial.
Environmentalism and environmental activism is multi-faceted and diverse; it is no one thing and comes with a rich history. The repertoire of environmentally-motivated activism rests on a spectrum that spans lawful advocacy, protest and dissent through to violent acts of direct action protest (instrumental law breaking) considered prejudicial to the security of nation states and the safety of its communities and people. The scholarship focused on environmentalism, environmentally-motivated activism and environmentally- motivated protest is diverse and is situated in different bodies of literature including the social movement literature, political science, security and criminology. This reflects a broad philosophical and ideological base, a breadth of activism as well as different political, policy and policing responses to it across time and across jurisdictions. It is a sharply contested scholarship that evidences the conflicting and powerful narratives of (1) well-intentioned direct action protest against “corporate criminals” driven by genuine and deeply held environmental concerns, and (2) serious criminality that poses significant challenges to policymakers and police.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Arts, Education and Law
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Sundstrom, Krystal. "Rhizomatic Resistance: Teacher Activism and the Opt-Out Movement." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24223.
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High-stakes testing has grown in scope and impact in recent years, as accountability decisions regarding funding, school sanctions, and teacher evaluations often depend on standardized test results. The shift toward more stringent and punitive testing mandates has not gone unchallenged however, as pockets of resistance have emerged among teachers, parents, and scholars, and a growing "opt-out" movement has picked up steam nationwide. Teachers in particular have played a critical role in resistance to high-stakes testing, even while adhering to these same policies in their professional roles. This study examines resistance to standardized testing via the 'opt-out' movement organizing process. I specifically look at teachers' participation in organizing and resistance, and how positions as teachers and sometimes parents influence their participation. I frame the project with a post-structuralism lens, utilizing the Deleuzoguattarian concept of the rhizome to illustrate the complex and connected nature of teachers' involvement in this social movement.
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Jiménez, Botta Felix A. "Embracing Human Rights: Grassroots Solidarity Activism and Foreign Policy in Seventies West Germany." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108145.
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Thesis advisor: Devin O. PendasThis dissertation shifts our understanding of 1970s human rights activism from a minimalist politics of salvation to a maximalist commitment to kindred spirits. Scholars see the 1970s as the time when the internationalist dreams of the 1960s disappeared to be supplanted by the salvation of a few over the transformation of the root causes of society's ills. By contrast, this dissertation examines West German activism on behalf of Latin Americans chaffing under military rule in the 1970s as a campaign of international political solidarity by different means. Faced with an environment hostile to transnational solidarity at home and abroad, West Germans of varying political doctrines and Christian confessions, as well as exiles from Latin America, embraced a common language of human rights as they pursued their political agendas. Its neutralist and humanitarian overtones made "human rights" discourses appealing to activists with diverging political goals. This dissertation reinterprets human rights activism as a continuation of internationalist commitments at a time when the foundations for transnational solidarity eroded. Grassroots embrace of human rights occurred during a tense state of securitization provoked by left-wing terrorism in West Germany. With the West German state increasingly unwilling to stand up for human rights on the international stage, especially for leftist victims, or accept them as refugees, grassroots solidarity activists were compelled to embrace a discourse that the state would accept. The Chilean and Argentinean cases--the most prominent instances of state-perpetrated abuses in 1970s Latin America--prompted leftists, left liberals, trade unionists, and Christians to advocate for the admission of political refugees and the imposition of economic embargoes and sanctions. Chilean and Argentinean exiles advocated for political change in their countries, but were forced to utilize human rights rhetoric to escape the stigma accorded to left-wing politics. Conservatives embraced human rights argumentation against the military regime in Chile when the wave of repression reached their political partners of the Christian Democratic Party in Chile. Lacking similar partners in Argentina, West German Christian Democracy did not demonstrate interest in conditions there. The West German government responded to grassroots advocacy with a minimalist vision for human rights protection that emphasized private negotiations on behalf of select individuals, which was abhorrent to many grassroots activists. The embrace of human rights by grassroots activists occurred in a highly contested process of political defeats and realignments. It was not a turn to a new utopia. Drawing on research in state and civil society repositories in Europe and the Americas, as well as oral interviews, this dissertation offers a window into transnational political activism between West Germany and Latin America in the 1970s. It shows how activists from the left and the right, as well as government officials, arrived at different definitions of human rights and diverging strategies for protecting them
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
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Knoblauch, William M. "Selling the Second Cold War: Antinuclear Cultural Activism and Reagan Era Foreign Policy." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1330967967.
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Korsant, Clate. "Environmentalisms in practice : from national policy to grassroots activism in Costa Rica's Osa Peninsula." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2018. http://research.gold.ac.uk/22952/.
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This thesis examines the characteristics of Costa Rican environmentalism, focusing on biodiversity conservation in the Osa Peninsula. Relatively remote and long inaccessible, the Osa Peninsula is seen as a frontier region and the most renowned biodiversity hotspot of one of the world’s most relatively biodiverse nations. Given the shift towards community-based initiatives, I explain how individuals have come to care for and interact with their surroundings, the interrelations of differing regimes of value, and tensions inherent to the politics of land use. Conservationist practice in the Osa Peninsula represents a messy, conflict-ridden, contentious, and ambiguous phenomenon, entangled with Costa Rica’s history of elite domination over the extraction and use of resources, indoctrination and the influence of external interests, and global agendas. This in-depth ethnographic study of the different manifestations of environmentalism in the Osa Peninsula, including government policies, environmental education, grass roots activism, volunteering, and ecotourism, reveal environmentalism to be more complex than the static monolithic entity previously depicted. This ethnography illuminates the relationship between power and place, and the importance of global and historic processes that inform the politics of conservationism. Altogether I identify five factors shaping these various forms of environmentalism: conservation as sincere efforts and good intentions to sustain ecosystems and non-human life, socio-economic concerns for making a living, the adoption of environmental movements as tools of capitalist expansion, imperialism, and reference to Costa Rican nationalism and senses of place. In identifying these five factors and exploring them ethnographically in one regional context, this study thus makes an important contribution to the understanding of environmentalism as inherently multi-faceted.
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Wong, Wai Man Natalie. "Beyond NIMBY : the emergence of environmental activism and policy change in two Chinese cities." Thesis, University of York, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11924/.
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The present research article focuses on public participation in the environmental policy-making process in post-Mao China. It is a well-known fact that public administration in socialist China is highly centralised, and that public policies are initiated at the center and then locally administered under the one-party rule. In this monist political system, main stakeholders in the policy process are mainly Chinese Communist Party cadres, together with the ‘authorised’ groups of societies; so far participation from autonomous interest groups and society has been limited at best. In general, the ‘western model’ of civil society, which is characterised by a plurality of interest groups participating in public policymaking, implementation and evaluation, has – so far – been absent in China. This study aims to use environmental protection as a platform to examine the transformations that have been taking place in the environmental policy process and use it as a piece of references to revisit the current academic literature on China. Specifically this article will compare two anti-incinerator protests in Guangzhou (Canton) and Beijing, to illustrate the dynamics surrounding the emergence of public participation in China’s environmental policy process. This study plans to analyse why Guangzhou and Beijing Municipal governments have had different responses and attitudes to address citizens’ grievances. Furthermore, the research will dwell on the establishment up of a Public Consultative and Supervision Committee for Urban Waste Management in Guangzhou City, a public consultative mechanism on waste management, which certainly represents a major novelty and a breakthrough for the policy making process of China. This research project demonstrates how policy adjustment is not determined solely by protests’ outcomes but is also greatly affected by the response of local governments and the development of civil society. Consequently, the discussion is expected to give a new interpretation on environmental management of China.
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Choppala, Sheela M. "Seattle's late 1960's free clinic movement : exploration of social activism as a change strategy for health care and the ways in which individuals engaged in activism /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7370.
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Briskman, Linda 1947. "Aboriginal activism and the stolen generations : the story of SNAICC." Monash University, National Centre for Australian Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9293.
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Mason, Michael Richard. "The politics of wilderness preservation : environmental activism and natural areas policy in British Columbia, Canada." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261503.
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Roberts, Cheryl. "Reconstruction of South African sport: from sports activism to post-apartheid policy planning and implementation." National and Olympic Sports Congress, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73426.
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The six papers which appear in this publication were delivered at a consultative conference of the National and Olympic Sports Congress which was held in Johannesburg from 1-3 November 1991. There is no doubt that this conference on development could not have been held at a more critical juncture in South Africa's history, particularly at a time when the country stands on the threshold of an era which is expected to usher in a non-racial, democratic society. Given the legacy of apartheid, development and preparation have become priorities for the National and Olympic Sports Congress. It was against the background of the inequalities and future projections for transformation of the sports network which brought delegates together from across South Africa and from all codes of sport and co-ordinating regional councils. A central theme of the papers is that the reconstruction of South African sport demands a national programme, one that would ensure progress towards an equitable sports structure but also one that would set realistic goals without raising expectations that are unlikely to be realised. A central challenge of the conference was the search for a suitable combination of high performance sport and mass participation. The gender question in sport also came under the spotlight. Sport's male-dominated, hierarchical and sexist structure was mandated for urgent review. Conference was told that black women have very few opportunities to participate in sport unlike white sportswomen and sports people overall. Five resolutions, aimed at transforming the present state of South African sport, were adopted at the conference. After exhaustive discussions delegates identified the broad themes to be: national development and planning, national sports policy, building one sports federation, sponsorship, rural areas, affirmative action and empowerment. Conference noted the absence of a co-ordinated national sports policy, the heavy commercialisation of sport together with the lack of vision and planning for the future of sport. In this regard it was resolved to intiate the acceptance and development of a national sports policy which would emphasise development, national identity and patriotism, democracy, accountability, non-racialism and non-sexism. If the conference deliberations are to be seriously implemented then the apartheid sports network will undergo structural changes which will develop the historically disadvantaged and unleash the suppressed talents of millions of people who are trapped in an unequal and resourceless system.
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Leap, Shannon J. "Roots Versus Wells: Grassroots Activism Against Fracking in New York and California." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/64.
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The reliance upon and depletion of fossil fuels as an energy source puts pressure on individuals, communities, energy companies, and policy-makers. Hydraulic fracturing – known colloquially as fracking – as a method of drilling for oil and natural gas temporarily alleviates this pressure since it allows for the extraction previously inaccessible fossil fuels in shale rock deposits deep beneath the Earth’s surface. This has resulted in a nationwide “fracking boom,” which has come with its share of economic benefits. However, the process of fracking can be detrimental to human and environmental health. In reaction to the increasing development of this practice, many communities across the country are mobilizing against fracking. This thesis will focus on the grassroots activism against fracking in New York, where fracking was banned in December 2014, and in California, which is largely slated as the next frontier for the expansion of fracking and thus battleground for the fight against fracking. Using grassroots academic literature, media coverage of fracking and activism in each state, and interviews from organizers working in each state, this thesis will examine the motivations, frameworks, strategies, and tactics used in each grassroots campaign in order to offer lessons in successes and opportunities for improvement within these anti-fracking efforts and others across the country.
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Ramsay, Janet Kay. "The Making of Domestic Violence Policy by the Australian Commonwealth Government and the Government of the State of New South Wales between 1970 and 1985: An Analytical Narrative of Feminist Policy Activism." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/724.
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This thesis is a study of the processes by which domestic violence, as framed by Australian feminists from the early 1970s, was inserted into the policy agenda of governments, and developed into a comprehensive body of policy. The thesis covers the period between 1970 and 1985. Acknowledging the federal nature of the Australian polity, it examines these processes that unfolded within both the Australian Commonwealth government and the government of New South Wales. The thesis provides a political history of domestic violence policy making in the identified period. It shows that policy responses to women escaping violent partners included both immediate measures (such as protection and justice strategies) and more long-term measures to attempt to secure the conditions for women's financial, legal and personal autonomy. The elements found to have been most significant in shaping the development of such policies were the roles and identities of the participant players, including the driving role of the women suffering partner violence; the lack of contest in the early stages of policy achievement with established professionals in related fields; the uniquely 'hybrid' role and positioning of refuge feminists; and the degree of integration and continuity which characterised the domestic violence policy process. The thesis also investigates the relationship between domestic violence policy making and the broader women's policy enterprise. It demonstrates the care with which those involved avoided the dangers of sensationalism and tokenism while striving for an appropriate policy response. The thesis pays particular attention to the circumstances in which feminists in the early 1970s experienced their 'discovery' of domestic violence. It demonstrates the significance of social and economic circumstances in shaping the political options of feminists in the thesis period and those preceding it, and the extent to which policy possibilities are shaped by representations of the nature and functions of policy itself. Finally, the thesis investigates the relationship between the strategic processes undertaken and the policy outcomes produced, finding that policies achieved in the thesis period complemented and in some ways transcended accepted policy practice in the relevant period.
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Ramsay, Janet Kay. "The Making of Domestic Violence Policy by the Australian Commonwealth Government and the Government of the State of New South Wales between 1970 and 1985: An Analytical Narrative of Feminist Policy Activism." University of Sydney. Discipline of Government and International Relations, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/724.
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This thesis is a study of the processes by which domestic violence, as framed by Australian feminists from the early 1970s, was inserted into the policy agenda of governments, and developed into a comprehensive body of policy. The thesis covers the period between 1970 and 1985. Acknowledging the federal nature of the Australian polity, it examines these processes that unfolded within both the Australian Commonwealth government and the government of New South Wales. The thesis provides a political history of domestic violence policy making in the identified period. It shows that policy responses to women escaping violent partners included both immediate measures (such as protection and justice strategies) and more long-term measures to attempt to secure the conditions for women�s financial, legal and personal autonomy. The elements found to have been most significant in shaping the development of such policies were the roles and identities of the participant players, including the driving role of the women suffering partner violence; the lack of contest in the early stages of policy achievement with established professionals in related fields; the uniquely �hybrid� role and positioning of refuge feminists; and the degree of integration and continuity which characterised the domestic violence policy process. The thesis also investigates the relationship between domestic violence policy making and the broader women�s policy enterprise. It demonstrates the care with which those involved avoided the dangers of sensationalism and tokenism while striving for an appropriate policy response. The thesis pays particular attention to the circumstances in which feminists in the early 1970s experienced their �discovery� of domestic violence. It demonstrates the significance of social and economic circumstances in shaping the political options of feminists in the thesis period and those preceding it, and the extent to which policy possibilities are shaped by representations of the nature and functions of policy itself. Finally, the thesis investigates the relationship between the strategic processes undertaken and the policy outcomes produced, finding that policies achieved in the thesis period complemented and in some ways transcended accepted policy practice in the relevant period.
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Settle, Margaret Doyle. "Predictors of NICU Nurse Activism: Response to Ethical Dilemmas." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1817.
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Thesis advisor: Pamela J. GraceNurses working in newborn intensive care units (NICU) report experiencing ethical dilemmas related to treatment decisions for infants in their care. The opportunity for nurses to contribute to the formulation of treatment plans for these infants is increasing, but often nurses are required to implement treatment plans with which they may not agree. This causes conflict for the nurse and has been shown to have implications for the nurse and, ultimately, nursing and healthcare practice. Not taking action to resolve the perceived dilemma is especially problematic on several counts (Raines, 1996). Nurse Activism, the outcome variable, is defined as the range of likely actions nurses may take to resolve ethical dilemmas in practice (Penticuff & Walden, 1987). This cross-sectional study investigated the range of likely actions that nurses would take in response to a hypothetical ethical dilemma. The web-based survey was completed by 224 NICU nurses from seven Massachusetts hospitals. Subjects responded to the Nurses Ethical Involvement Survey (Penticuff & Walden, 1987) and demographic questions. Hierarchical multiple regression analysis found that NICU nurses with greater concern for the ethical aspects of clinical practice (p = .001) and an increased perception of their ability to influence ethical decision-making (p = .018) were more likely to exhibit nurse activism to resolve an ethical dilemma and these findings explained just 8.5 percent of the variance. Future research is necessary to determine other factors contributing to, and inhibiting the actions of, nurses to resolve ethical dilemmas encountered in the NICU
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Connell School of Nursing
Discipline: Nursing
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Fanning, Bryan Joseph. "Community activism, land use planning and the local state : a case study of the London Borough of Haringey." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286198.
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Sealey-Higgins, Leon Ayo. "The politics of climate change in the Caribbean : a sociological investigation into policy responses, public engagement and activism." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6499/.
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Debate abounds over whether or not the lack of adequate political action on climate change can be explained by reference to a ‘post-democratic’ and ‘postpolitical’ consensus. While there has been scholarship that looks at neoliberalism and environmental concerns in the Caribbean, a region commonly represented as being particularly vulnerable to climate change, there is little that explores responses to climate change there sociologically, and in terms of debate around the post-political consensus. This thesis, therefore, constitutes an ethnographic investigation into the politics of responses to climate change, concentrating on representations of public engagement, activism and policy responses, in three case-study sites in different contexts, all relevant to the Caribbean region as a whole. These are: 1) the regional context, focusing on climate change policies and responses in the Caribbean; 2) the international context, exploring policy-making, public engagement and social movement activism at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change 16th Conference of Parties in Cancún, Mexico; and 3) the national context, examining the relationships between community engagement around conservation, development and the governance of protected areas, and climate change in Belize. The contributions of the thesis are as follows. Firstly the research details the specific dynamics of tendencies towards neoliberal development, and hence depoliticisation, in responses to climate change in each of the case-study contexts. Nevertheless, the theory of the post-political is elaborated on where it is shown that these tendencies can be better understood with reference to the legacies of colonialism in the region, and the forms of development established and enforced in their wake. Hence, secondly, the research considers depoliticisation processes in the post-colonial contexts of the Caribbean, indicating that pressures towards neoliberal development shape responses to climate change there. Thirdly, the study adds texture to existing discussions by moving beyond overly monolithic theoretical accounts of post-politics, via a nuanced engagement with ethnographic data, to highlight the ambivalent dimensions of people’s accounts, and the pragmatic actions they take in response. An evaluation of the latter reveals challenges to tendencies towards depoliticisation, as well as some of the tensions involved in trying to implement depoliticized responses. Finally, I demonstrate that different responses toclimate change imply contrasting models of society, and human action. The data points towards there being an affinity between post-political and individualised, or ‘unsociological’ accounts of climate change.
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Foehringer, Merchant Emma. "Radical Housewife Activism: Subverting the Toxic Public/Private Binary." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/101.
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Since the 1960s, the modern environmental movement, though generally liberal in nature, has historically excluded a variety of serious and influential groups. This thesis concentrates on the movement of working-class housewives who emerged into popular American consciousness in the seventies and eighties with their increasingly radical campaigns against toxic contamination in their respective communities. These women represent a group who exhibited the convergence of cultural influences where domesticity and environmentalism met in the middle of American society, and the increasing focus on public health in the environmental movement framed the fight undertaken by women who identified as “housewives.” These women, in their use of both traditional female stereotypes as well as radical influences from other social movements, synthesized their own unique type of activism, which has had a profound influence on the environmental movement and public health in the United States, especially in its relation to environmental justice.
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Shanahan, Mark. "Eisenhower's parallel track : reassessing President Eisenhower's activism through an analysis of the development of the first US space policy." Thesis, Brunel University, 2014. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/10737.
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Historians of the early space age have established a norm whereby President Eisenhower's actions are judged solely as a response to the launch of the Sputnik satellite, and are indicative of a passive, negative presidency. His low-key actions are seen merely as a prelude to the US triumph in space in the 1960s. This study presents an alternative view showing that Eisenhower’s space policy was not a reaction to the heavily-propagandised Soviet satellite launches, or even the effect they caused in the US political and military elites, but the continuation of a strategic track. In so doing, it also contributes to the reassessment of the wider Eisenhower presidency. Having assessed the development of three intersecting discourses: Eisenhower as president; the genesis of the US space programme; and developments in Cold War US reconnaissance, this thesis charts Eisenhower’s influence both on the ICBM and reconnaissance programmes and his support for a non-military approach to the International Geophysical Year. These actions provided the basis for his space policy for the remainder of his presidency. The following chapters show that Sputnik had no impact on the policies already in place and highlight Eisenhower’s pragmatic activism in enabling the implementation of these policies by a carefully-chosen group of expert ‘helping hands’. This study delivers a new interpretation of Eisenhower’s actions. It argues that he was operating on a parallel track that started with the Castle H-bomb tests; developed through the CIA's reconnaissance efforts and was distilled in the Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958. This set a policy for US involvement in outer space that matched Eisenhower’s desire for a balanced budget and fundamental belief in maintaining peace. By challenging the orthodox view, this paper shows that President Eisenhower’s space policy actions were strategic steps that provided a logical next step for both civilian and military space programmes at the completion of the International Geophysical Year.
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Evans, Brodie Lee. "Animal cruelty, discourse, and power: A study of problematisations in the live export policy debates." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/122417/1/Brodie_Evans_Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis explores the human-focused problems that are an inevitable, but often overlooked, aspect of animal cruelty policy debates. Focusing on policy debates over the treatment of animals in the wake of the live export debate, it analyses how these debates produce competing definitions of what 'animal cruelty' is and how it should be responded to legally and politically. The thesis argues that understandings of 'animal cruelty' are often tied to human-focused problems, and any response to animal cruelty must meaningfully engage with these human-focused problems simultaneously if an adequate solution to animal cruelty is to be achieved.
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Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
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Jennings, Audra R. "With Minds Fixed on the Horrors of War: Liberalism and Disability Activism, 1940–1960." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1217350845.
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Laughlin, Kathleen Anne. "Backstage activism: The policy initiatives of the Women's Bureau of the U.S. Department of Labor in the postwar era, 1945-1970 /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1334763728.
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Ramsay, Janet. "The making of domestic violence policy by the Australian Commonwealth Government and the Government of the State of New South Wales between 1970 and 1985 an analytical narrative of feminist policy activism /." Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/724.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.Title from title screen (viewed 21 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 2005; thesis submitted 2004. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Parson, Sean Michael 1981. "An ungovernable force? Food Not Bombs, homeless activism and politics in San Francisco, 1988--1995." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11179.
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x, 200 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This study examines the interaction between two anarchist support groups for the homeless, Food Not Bombs and Homes Not Jails, and the city of San Francisco between 1988 and 1995. Food Not Bombs provides free meals in public spaces and protests government and corporate policies that harm the poor and homeless. Homes Not Jails is a sister group of Food Not Bombs that opens up unused houses and government buildings to provide housing for homeless residents. During the period 1988-1995, two mayors, progressive Art Agnos (1988-1991) and conservative Frank Jordan (1992-1995), mass-arrested members of Food Not Bombs for distributing food in city parks without a permit, handing out over 1,000 arrest and citations to members of the group in that eight year period. While squatting would seem to be a graver offense than distributing free food, Homes Not Jails was treated far more leniently by city officials during the Jordan administrations. I trace the difference in treatment of the two groups to the fact that Food Not Bombs engages in anarchist direct action in public space, while Homes Not Jails does so in private residences. The public nature of Food Not Bombs made them a visible threat to order to both Agnos and Jordan and one they had to confront and stop. While both mayoral administrations persecuted Food Not Bombs, they treated the organization in different ways, which derived from different conceptions of the cause of homelessness. Agnos saw homelessness as a result of structural inequalities and economic conditions and viewed state welfare programs as the only way to address the problem. In response to Food Not Bombs he tried to incorporate them into the broader charity apparatus of the state, and when that failed he used the police to force them into "negotiated management" with the city Jordan saw homelessness as a criminal and public safety problem and wanted to use the police to clean and reclaim the city for wealthier residents and tourists. Jordan saw Food Not Bombs as a threat to public order and tried to use his police force to exclude the group from public space.
Committee in charge: Gerald Berk, Chairperson, Political Science; Joseph Lowndes, Member, Political Science; Deborah Baumgold, Member, Political Science; Michael Dreiling, Outside Member, Sociology
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Friedman, Gail. "Remembering Del-Aware: Community Activism and Eco-Politics in Bucks County, Pennsylvania in the Age of Reagan." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/396215.
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HistoryM.A.
This thesis tells the previously untold story of how environmental activists in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, in the 1980s waged a nearly decade-long and ultimately losing battle against a plan to pump water from the free-flowing Delaware River. As a case study of grassroots community activism during the presidential administration of Ronald Reagan, the struggle known locally as “Dump the Pump” and spearheaded by a nonprofit organization called Del-AWARE supports and provides a regional take on recent scholarship that has illuminated the vibrant underlying dynamics of local civic engagement occurring amid the overshadowing political conservatism of the Reagan years. Also a case study in public history, this thesis demonstrates how collective historical memory fueled not only Del-AWARE’s protracted struggle, but its enduring legacy in public policy and community life. It concludes with suggestions for preserving the history of Del-AWARE before it is lost forever.
Temple University--Theses
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Thomas, Christopher D. "An Education Revolution: Student Protests, Teacher Strikes, and the Future of Education Policy." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1586280009153337.
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Kensicki, Linda Jean. "Media construction of an elitist environmental movement new frontiers for second level agenda setting and political activism /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3034551.
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Souza, Junior Arthur Bezerra de. "O ativismo judicial no supremo tribunal federal na garantia do direito à saude." Universidade Nove de Julho, 2013. http://bibliotecadigital.uninove.br/handle/tede/1222.
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The 1988 Federal Constitution contemplates a large list of fundamental rights and guarantees, being named “Citizen Constitution “. Social rights have its own chapter and the right to health constitutes a right of all and a duty of the state and society. When dealing with the right to health within the constitutional framework, enables the constitutional text that any violation or restriction of this right is enjoyed by the judiciary. This is the legalization of politics. Accordingly, we analyze the role played by the judiciary ones, mostly, the Supreme Court in the realization of the right to health , in light of their recent decisions requiring the Government to the formulation and implementation of public policies in health care . This is the phenomenon called judicial activism. In this context , we examine accurately the extent to which the judiciary , especially the Supreme Court is entitled to enter the merits of the public policy of the State to give greater effectiveness to the right to health . Similarly examines whether this new stance adopted by the Supreme Court does not violate the separation of powers constitutionally guaranteed.
A Constituição Federal de 1988, contempla um amplo rol de direitos e garantias fundamentais, sendo denominada de “Constituição Cidadã”. Os direitos sociais possuem um capítulo próprio e o direito à saúde, constitui-se um direito de todos e um dever do Estado e da sociedade. Ao tratar do direito à saúde no âmbito constitucional, possibilita o Texto Constitucional que eventual violação ou restrição a esse direito seja apreciada pelo Poder Judiciário. Trata-se da judicialização da política. Nesse sentido, analisa-se o papel desempenhado pelo Poder Judiciário, precipuamente, do Supremo Tribunal Federal na efetivação do direito à saúde, tendo em vista suas recentes decisões que exigem do Poder Público a formulação e concretização de políticas públicas na área da saúde. Trata-se do fenômeno denominado de ativismo judicial. Nesse contexto, examina-se com acuidade em que medida o Poder Judiciário, especialmente, o Supremo Tribunal Federal tem legitimidade para adentrar no mérito das políticas públicas do Estado para dar maior efetividade ao direito à saúde. De igual modo, analisa-se se essa nova postura adotada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal não violaria a separação dos poderes constitucionalmente assegurada.
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Hong, Byulrim Pyollim. "Young people's experience of a democratic deficit in citizenship education in formal and informal settings in Scotland." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16169.
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This thesis enquires into the kinds of citizenship taught and learned in formal and informal settings of citizenship education in Scotland. There has been a ‘perceived’ crisis in democratic citizenry in the UK and elsewhere across the world since the 1990s and this has brought about renewed interests in citizenship education whereby young people are a specifically targeted group. Yet, citizenship education is a fundamentally contested domain where conflicting and contrasting ideologies co-exist and the Scottish version of ‘education for global citizenship’ is an archetypal example of this. By exploring similarities and differences between accounts of ‘what adult practitioners do’ and ‘what young people learn’ in each setting, the thesis emphasises tensions and challenges of citizenship education and their implications for the wider debates about the complex relationship between citizenship, democracy and education. The thesis deploys a synthesised theoretical framework for differentiating and analysing the types of education and learning that are legitimate points of reference in citizenship education for democratic life. It distinguishes between approaches to education for citizenship that focuses on membership of the community (relationships and service work in communities), formal political participation (political literacy in terms of institutions, processes and procedures) entrepreneurial citizenship (employability skills and economic participation) and social and political activism (the commitment and capacity to think critically and act collectively to realise the inherent goals of democracy). These different approaches entail a broad ideological mix of civic republicanism, liberalism and neoliberalism which informs citizenship education. The increasing emphasis on economic participation in educational contexts resonates with what can be termed as a neoliberal version of ‘responsiblised citizenship’ that promotes an individualised and depoliticised conception of citizenship by equipping young people with knowledge, skills and experiences to get on and get into the labour market through their own individual efforts rather than being concerned with the collective needs and interests of young people. Formal education and, to some extent informal community education, tend to overlook the de facto issues, experiences and contributions of young people as engaged citizens and the need to focus on the commitment and capacity to think critically and act collectively in order to realise the inherent goals of democracy as an unfinished project. Consequently, the experience of citizenship education is one young people often feel marginal to or marginalised from. This thesis challenges the dominant assumption of ‘disengaged youth’ to focus instead on the democratic deficit at the heart of citizenship teaching and learning. Along with the ‘invited’ spaces of citizenship education, in both formal and informal settings, the goal of democracy should include the ‘invented’ spaces of citizenship learning which reflects the lived experience, concerns and aspirations of young people.
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Hendriks, Carolyn Maree, and C. M. Hendriks@uva nl. "Public Deliberation and Interest Organisations: a Study of Responses to Lay Citizen Engagement in Public Policy." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20050921.103047.
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This thesis empirically examines how lobby groups and activists respond to innovative forms of public participation. The study centres on processes that foster a particular kind
of deliberative governance including citizens’ juries, consensus conferences and planning cells. These deliberative designs bring together a panel of randomly selected lay citizens
to deliberate on a specific policy issue for a few days, with the aim of providing decision makers with a set of recommendations. While policy makers worldwide are attracted to these novel participatory processes, little consideration has been given to how well they work alongside more adversarial and interest-based politics. This doctoral research project examines this interface by studying what these processes mean to different kinds of policy actors such as corporations, advocacy groups, government agencies, experts
and professionals. These entities are collectively referred to in this thesis as ‘interest organisations’ because in some way they are seeking a specific policy outcome from the
state – even government-based groups.¶
The empirical research in this thesis is based on comparative case studies of four deliberative design projects in Australia and Germany. The Australian cases include a citizens’ jury on waste management legislation and a consensus conference on gene
technology in the food chain. The German case studies include a planning cells project on consumer protection in Bavaria, and a national consensus conference on genetic diagnostics. Together the cases capture a diversity of complex and contested policy
issues facing post-industrialised societies. In each case study, I examine how relevant interest organisations responded to the deliberative forum, and then interpret these responses in view of the context and features of the case.¶
The picture emerging from the in-depth case studies is that interest organisations respond to deliberative designs in a variety of ways. Some choose to participate actively,
others passively decline, and a few resort to strategic tactics to undermine citizens’ deliberations. The empirical research reveals that though responses are variable, most
interest organisations are challenged by several features of the deliberative design model including: 1) that deliberators are citizens with no knowledge or association with the
issue; 2) that experts and interest representatives are required to present their arguments before a citizens’ panel; and 3) that policy discussions occur under deliberative conditions which can expose the illegitimate use of power.¶
Despite these challenges, the paradox is that many interest organisations do decide to engage in lay citizen deliberations. The empirical research indicates that groups and experts value deliberative designs if they present an opportunity for public relations, customer feedback, or advocacy. Moreover, the research finds that when policy actors
intensively engage with ‘ordinary’ citizens, their technocratic and elite ideas about public participation can shift in a more inclusive and deliberative direction.¶
The thesis finds that, on the whole, weaker interest organisations are more willing to engage with lay citizens than stronger organisations because they welcome the chance to influence public debate and decision makers. It appears that powerful groups will only
engage in a deliberative forum under certain policy conditions, for example, when the dominant policy paradigm is unstable and contested, when public discussion on the issue is emerging, when policy networks are interdependent and heterogeneous, and when the broader social and political system supports public accountability, consensus and
deliberation. Given that these kinds of policy conditions do not always exist, I conclude that tensions between interest organisations and deliberative governance will be common. In order to create more cooperative and productive interfaces, I recommend
that interest organisations be better supported and integrated into citizens’ deliberations, and that steps be taken to safeguard forums from strategic attempts to undermine their
legitimacy.¶
The thesis also sends out three key messages to democratic theorists. First, the empirical research shows that different kinds of groups and actors in civil society vary in their
willingness and capacity to participate to public deliberation. Second, the deliberative design model demonstrates that partisan actors, such as interest organisations, will engage in public deliberation when they can participate as strategic deliberators. In this role
partisans are not expected to relinquish their agendas, but present them as testimonies before a group of deliberators. Third, the empirical research in this thesis should bring
home to theorists that deliberative forums are closely linked to the discursive context within which they operate.
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Hadji, Mutambuli James. "An evaluation of the government communication and information system's communication strategy: a case study of the 16 days of activism campaign in Soshanguve." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1004900.
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United Nation's (UN) millennium development goal number three is aimed at eliminating gender inequality and empowering women. Gender-based violence is recognised as a global public health and human rights problem that leads to high rates of morbidity and mortality, including sexually transmitted infections, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, substance dependence and suicide. In responding to this international public health and human rights concern, the South African government has adopted numerous public health communication strategies to highlight the plight of women and children. One of the campaigns that are conducted in South Africa is the 16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children (16 Days of Activism Campaign). This campaign was introduced in 1999 but the literature review reveals that to date, no studies have focused on its evaluation. As such, the purpose of this study is to evaluate the 16 Days of Activism Campaign with special reference to the Soshanguve community in Gauteng province. This study builds on two theories, namely the excellence theory and the diffusion of innovation theory. Mixed research methods (also called triangulation) was used whereby in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives from the Government Communication and Information System and the Department of Women, Children and People with Disability to establish the promotion strategies used in the campaign and the methods used to assess the effectiveness of the campaign. Furthermore, a self-administered questionnaire survey was conducted within the Soshanguve community to evaluate the promotion strategies and assess the impact of the campaign.This study revealed a high level of reliance on the television, radio and newspapers in the communication strategies. Both government departments acknowledged that they do not have a tool to evaluate the effectiveness of the campaign from the receivers‟ perspective. The Soshanguve community felt that in essence the campaign is relevant but not on time. The residents viewed the study as an important part of creating awareness about the campaign and they believed the campaign helped them to know what to do when faced with gender-based violence so that they can assist those who are affected by it.
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Norman, Spencer A. "THE TEA PARTY VERSUS PLANNING: A STUDY OF TEA PARTY ACTIVISM AND ITS IMPACT ON LOCAL GOVERNMENT PLANNING." VCU Scholars Compass, 2017. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5029.
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The Tea Party movement’s effect on local and regional planning in Virginia has received little study. This work identifies how conservative political activism has impacted planning in the Commonwealth and how planners have responded. The study relies on a qualitative approach involving 22 semi-structured interviews with activists, planners, and citizens, as well as textual analyses of planning documents, local and regional news reports, and Tea Party social media. The resultant findings show that Tea Party activism is rooted in deep seated ideals about private property rights and individualism. It also reveals that planning processes that increased the amount of public input had the effect of mitigating the impact of activism. The study concludes by suggesting that strategies based in the communicative style of planning offer an effective way to overcome such opposition while enhancing the many benefits of having significant citizen input in the planning process.
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Couper, Amy. "Understanding perceptions of human-wildlife conflict and policy responses: An examination of the Western Australia shark hazard mitigation drum line program 2013-2014." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2020. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/204256/1/Amy_Couper_Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis examines stakeholder perceptions of shark bite events and policy responses by using a Western Australian shark hazard mitigation policy as a case study. It determined that stakeholder groups use different techniques to create social problems that can influence policy outcomes and that there is a disconnect between policy and scientific evidence regarding cases of human-wildlife conflict.
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Maunder, Paul Alan. "For example Rachel Corrie: the role of theatre in, and as, an activist project." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Theatre and Film Studies, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/982.
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Rachel Corrie was a young American woman who died at the age of twenty-three in Gaza in 2003. She was killed when an Israeli Occupation Force bulldozer ran over her while she was defending a Palestinian house from demolition. Her martyr's death, combined with the force of her descriptions of her experiences as an activist in Palestine, not only provoked response from other activists; it became material for a number of theatrical projects, among them productions by the Royal Court Theatre in London, Bread and Puppet Theatre in the US, and in a production I recently wrote and directed here in New Zealand. This thesis considers the example of Rachel Corrie's activism in Palestine and the theatrical performances it engendered in order to examine the role of theatre in and as an activist project. The theatre is an important component of the ongoing movement for social change. It assembles temporary communities and it portrays issues in ways that are both accessible and open to debate. But theatricality is just as often a key component of activist actions outside the theatre building: in street performances and demonstrations, and also in the way some activists can be seen to pursue their political objectives on a daily basis. Finally, the theatre is a material act of production which can challenge the dominant model of production and thus has the potential to be become an activist project as itself. As a result of my analyses of this material, I hope to provide a framework of understanding both for myself and others, of the likely role of theatre in and as an activist project, and this understanding will be of assistance in the cultural task of shifting beliefs in the movement for social change. The key theorists used in this thesis are Walter Benjamin and Raymond Williams.
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Thoreson, Ryan R. "The politics of brokerage and transnational advocacy for LGBT human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7882b813-7e5a-45a6-9058-9ea6974adffa.
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In this project, I look at the work of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) and the role that brokers at the organization play in constructing, promoting, and institutionalizing a body of LGBT human rights. While a great deal is being written about the diffusion of LGBT politics and human rights discourses from the Global North, there are few ethnographic analyses of who is doing the exporting, how, and toward what ends. Based on a year of fieldwork in IGLHRC’s New York and Cape Town offices, I look at the history of IGLHRC, the interactions among brokers and how these shape their daily work, how brokers understand their mandate and the hybridity that it so often requires, and how partnership with groups in the Global South, the production, verification, and circulation of information, and the possibilities and constraints of the formal human rights arena all shape the work that brokers do. Ultimately, I conclude that human rights advocacy must be understood holistically if it is to be understood at all. Such advocacy always necessarily involves a degree of theoretical elaboration, promotion, and codification by human rights defenders and NGOs, and focusing exclusively on one or another of these aspects paints a skewed portrait of what it means to work within a human rights framework. Drawing from the anthropology of sexuality, queer theory, literature on brokerage, and interdisciplinary studies of transnational advocacy networks, this project aims to deepen understandings of how LGBT NGOs and the brokers that animate them regularly engage in the construction, promotion, and institutionalization of particular understandings of sexuality and the claims that can be made by sexual subjects globally.
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Silva, Tamires Barbosa Rossi [UNESP]. "Experiências multissituadas: entre cursinhos trans e ativismos: quais narrativas, que cidadania é essa?" Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152038.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Este trabalho traz em seu corpo, discussões teóricas e etnográficas sobre o universo das políticas educacionais, educação não formal e seus desdobramentos e implicações no campo da militância e do ativismo político de pessoas trans. Situo o contexto das políticas públicas educacionais destinadas às pessoas trans e o movimento de travestis e transexuais, tal análise num plano institucional é confrontada com as experiências da etnografia multissituada, que são analisadas pela teoria queer e outros aportes pósestruturalistas. Abordo como o espaço de política e reinvindicação tem sido constituído em Uberaba, quanto as pautas de gênero e sexualidade, embora nem sempre a resistência política seja reconhecida. Também registro a rotina de espaços educativos alternativos, os “Cursinhos trans”, que através de suas ações constituem um espaço político para as pessoas trans, que garantem novas formas de existência e concebem outros modos de acesso a cidadania. Assim, ao abordar experiências políticas que se constroem para além de um plano institucionalizado, seja através do “fazer política” ou dos cursinhos, opero alguns deslocamentos sobre o que é fazer política e de como se tecem as negociações e os enfrentamentos. Esse é um trabalho sobre resistência, sobre vidas abjetas, que têm sido excluídas e de como essas vidas têm resistido e inventado ao seu próprio modo possibilidades de respirar e de inspirar.
This work brings in its body, theoretical and ethnographic discussions about the universe of educational policies, non-formal education and its consequences and implications in the field of militancy and political activism of transpeople. I situate the context of public educational policies for transpeople and the transvestite and transsexual movement, such analysis of an institutional level and confronted with as multi-situational experiences and interpretations, which are analyzed by queer theory and other poststructuralist contributions. I relate how the space of politics and claim have been constituted in Uberaba, as well as the gender and sexuality guidelines, although it is not a recognized political policy. On the other hand, "Trans Cursinhos", which through their actions constitute a political space for transpeople, which guarantee new forms of existence and conceptualize other modes of accessing to citizenship. Thus, when addressing political experiences which are built beyond an institutionalized plan, through "doing politics" or the courses, I operate a few shifts about what is doing politics and how they weave themselves into negotiations and confrontations. This is a work about endurance, about abject lives, which have been excluded and how these lives have been resisted and invented in their own way of breathing and inspiration possibilities
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Wojahn, Daniel. "Språkaktivism : Diskussioner om feministiska språkförändringar i Sverige från 1960-talet till 2015." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för nordiska språk, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-251351.
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Målet med språkaktivism är att förändra samhället genom att förändra språket. Språkaktivism bedrivs ”underifrån” i syfte att utmana och på lång sikt upphäva diskriminerande samhällsstrukturer. I den här avhandlingen undersöks diskussioner om feministisk språkaktivism som förts i Sverige från 1960-talet till 2015. Under denna period har kvinnorörelsen, homo- och bisexuella, trans*aktivister och queera personer skapat en mängd nya ord för att ifrågasätta och förändra rådande normer kring kön och sexualitet; ombudskvinna, hen, hoan, h@n, kvinniskor, intergender, cisperson och pansexuell är bara några av dem. Aktivistiska språkförändringar ger upphov till re_aktioner av olika slag. Dessa är inte sällan uttryck för ett försvar av rådande sociala och samhälleliga könsnormer. När det till exempel gäller det omdiskuterade pronomenet hen så är det inte kombinationen av bokstäverna h, e och n i sig som upprör, utan det är de normkritiska intentionerna bakom bruket av ordet som skapar debatt. Att vissa grupper aktivt förändrar språket och att andra re_agerar så starkt på dessa förändringar visar att språket tillskrivs betydelse för upprätthållandet av samhälleliga normer och maktstrukturer. I avhandlingen analyseras, utifrån en diskursanalytisk ansats, diskussioner om feministisk språkförändring som har förts i tre kontexter: inom aktivistiska grupper, i kommentarsfält på nätet och inom den institutionaliserade språkvården. Avhandlingens centrala forskningsintresse är inriktat på relationen mellan språk och kön och relationen mellan språkförändringar och förändringar i den utomspråkliga, sociala världen och hur dessa relationer förstås i de tre kontexterna.The aim of this thesis is to analyze discussions on feminist language change focusing on the period 1960–2015. The data comprises discussions from three different contexts: feminist communities, public forums for discussion on the internet and official language organizations. The analyzed data from the feminist communities consists of a range of different sources of text, for example newspapers, magazines, novels from the women’s movement, lesbian poetry, queer and trans*activist blogs, biographies, comics and plays, to name but a few. In addition to this two focus group discussions were conducted with five teenaged and five adult activists, each with a queer and/or trans*activist background. The data for the analyses of the discussions in public internet forums consists of 1 865 negative reactions to feminists’ language interventions. For the analyses of the reactions from the official language organizations, data was culled from 16 handbooks with language recommendations from the Language Council of Sweden and the Swedish Academy. My central research interest is how the actors in these three contexts understand and describe the relation between language and gender, and between strategic language change and changes in the social, non-linguistic world. Furthermore I investigate in which forms of gender-related discrimination the language changes are supposed to intervene. I adopt a critical discourse analytic and interdisciplinary approach that combines linguistic theories and methods with those from Gender Studies. The results show that Swedish language activists from the 1960s to the 1990s focused on linguistic interventions aimed at challenging patriarchal norms. In the 1980s homosexual activists, especially lesbian activists, began to intervene in heteronormative concepts. Until around the middle of the 1990s feminists acted from a binary concept of gender. From then on, queer and trans*activists have tried to challenge the idea of two, stable and natural gender categories. Language activists have seen language as performative and a tool for constructing reality. Even those who react negatively in forums on the internet to feminist language change assume that language has performative effects on the conceptualization of gender. The official language organizations, on the other hand, describe language in their recommendations mostly as something unpolitical that reflects rather than constructs society.
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Grady-Benson, Jessica. "Fossil Fuel Divestment: The Power and Promise of a Student Movement for Climate Justice." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/55.
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In the face of dire threats posed by anthropogenic climate change, a growing international Movement for Fossil Fuel Divestment has emerged to challenge the political and economic power of the fossil fuel industry. Building off a history of college and university divestment campaigns, students are spearheading the movement to rid their institutions’ endowments of investments in the top 200 companies with the largest reserves of coal, oil, and natural gas. Highlighting perspectives from within the movement and drawing from literature in social movement theory and Climate Justice, I explore three crucial components of the student Fossil Fuel Divestment Movement: Climate Justice, perceptions of risk, and potential political impacts. I argue that Fossil Fuel Divestment is a powerful component of the broader Climate Movement because it is mobilizing and radicalizing a new generation of activists to fight the climate crisis, challenging the dominant paradigm of individualized climate action, and is significantly influencing the public discourse on climate change. In seeking to further illuminate the power of this movement, I explore the possibilities and limitations of divestment as a tactic for Climate Justice and offer recommendations for moving forward.
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Blubaugh, Hannah Patrice. ""Self-Determination without Termination:" The National Congress of American Indians and Defining Self-Determination Policy during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1533051153006372.
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Marchiori, Antonio Carlos. "Jurisdição constitucional brasileira: entre a (in)distinção do direito e da política e o papel hermenêutico dos direitos fundamentais." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2018. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/7628.
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Essa tese é resultado de uma pesquisa que trata do fenômeno da judicialização da Política, no contexto da constitucionalização do Direito, notadamente no Brasil. A expansão global do poder judicial a partir de meados do século XX tem-se tornado problema recorrente da teoria democrática contemporânea em todo o mundo ocidental e, tardiamente, no Brasil. Sob qual justificativa juízes não eleitos podem interferir diretamente nas atribuições constitucionais conferidas aos poderes representativos? É assim que a questão costuma ser formulada pela tradição. Essa tendência à ampliação das fronteiras do Direito sobre a Política gerou reações diversas. Alguns a consideram uma patologia da vida social moderna, apontando graves déficits democráticos provocados pela interferência dos juízes em questões políticas. Outros, ao contrário, defendem a ideia de que o Poder Judiciário exerce uma função de representação social e política, não dos eleitores propriamente, mas da memória coletiva, que consiste em manter e dar vida aos valores fundamentais da Democracia, regulando o processo de ajuste contínuo da Constituição tomada como contrato social. A tese investiga uma saída alternativa para esse dilema, oferecida pelo enfrentamento do problema da interpretação do Direito. Busca demonstrar que o papel hermenêutico dos direitos fundamentais, na contemporaneidade, atua como fator de limitação da discricionariedade judicial e do ativismo judicial dela decorrente. Propõe que Política e Direito mantêm entre si uma relação de complementariedade, alertando para os riscos tanto da politização do Direito, quanto da sua despolitização. O impeachment foi escolhido como caso de estudo por ser a face mais visível da investigação sobre a (in) distinção entre Direito e Política, o que será feito tanto na perspectiva da hermenêutica filosófica, quanto da teoria funcional-sistêmica
This thesis is the result of a research that deals with the phenomenon of the judicialization of Politics, in the context of the constitutionalization of Law, notably in Brazil. The global expansion of the judiciary since the mid-twentieth century has become a recurring problem of contemporary democratic theory throughout the Western world and, belatedly, in Brazil. Under what justification can non-elected judges interfere directly with the constitutional attributions conferred on the representative powers? This is how the question is usually formulated by tradition. This tendency to expand the borders of Law on Politics has generated diverse reactions. Some consider it pathology of modern social life, pointing to serious democratic deficits caused by the interference of judges on political issues. Others, on the contrary, defend the idea that the Judiciary exerts a function of social and political representation, not of the voters properly, but of the collective memory, which consists in maintaining and giving life to the fundamental values of Democracy, regulating the adjustment process of the Constitution taken as a social contract. The thesis investigates an alternative solution to this dilemma, offered by facing the problem of interpretation of Law. It seeks to demonstrate that the hermeneutic role of fundamental rights, at the present time, acts as a limiting factor for judicial discretion and judicial activism resulting from it. It proposes that Politics and Law maintain a relation of complementarity among themselves, alerting to the risks of both the politicization of the Law and its (des)politicization. Impeachment was chosen as a case study because it is the most visible aspect of the research on the (in) distinction between Law and Politics, which will be done both from the perspective of philosophical hermeneutics and from the functional-systemic theory
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Polezze, Rogério Volpatti. "Políticas públicas para minorias sexuais: características e perspectivas no direito brasileiro." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6807.
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Previous issue date: 2015-08-07The dissertation proposes to analyze the configuration of so-called sexual minorities, discussing concepts and reasons to understand them as vulnerable groups. It provides an overview about human rights, emphasizing the fundamental rights. Also their evolution through history, especially after the Second World War. It highlights the position taken by the principles, so striking in the post-positivist stage right. It notes that, although there is controversy, both the broad inclusion of principles in the latest Constitutions as the movement of said neoconstitutionalism or postpositivism indicate the valuation of axiological load on the right, completing and enriching the old positivist view. It seeks to trace the characteristics of public policy, promoted on behalf of sexual minorities, performing brief analysis of the profile that presents difficulties (limitations) and draw prospects for the near future, as well as alternatives to answer more satisfactorily the target population of the study. It makes a comparison with examples that succeeded in European States with regard to the apparent greater range of the Brazilian Judiciary's role in defining and provocation (the initiative) public policy under study. Thus, making highlighting the characteristics of Brazil, in particular due to its overly analytical and rich constitution in axiological charge (and principles), it focused to explain the reasons why Brazil shows its judicial function as markedly Postpositivist, enforcing fundamental rights and own content of principles adopted in the Constitution; even on behalf the component groups of so-called sexual minorities and against established majority in the National Parliament
A dissertação propõe-se a analisar a configuração das minorias sexuais, discutindo conceitos e as razões de entendê-las como grupos vulneráveis. A pesquisa traça uma análise geral acerca dos direitos humanos, destacando os fundamentais, sua evolução ao longo da história, em especial, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Põe em relevo a posição assumida pelos princípios, tão marcantes no estágio pós-positivista do direito. Observa que, embora haja controvérsia, tanto a inclusão ampla de princípios nas Constituições mais recentes quanto o movimento do neoconstitucionalismo ou do pós-positivismo indicam a valorização da carga axiológica no direito, completando e enriquecendo a antiga visão positivista. O estudo procura traçar as características das políticas públicas, promovidas em benefício das minorias sexuais, realizando uma breve análise do perfil que se apresenta, suas dificuldades (limitações), além de traçar perspectivas para futuro próximo e alternativas para atender mais satisfatoriamente a população-alvo deste estudo. A pesquisa faz um comparativo com exemplos que sucederam em Estados europeus no que se refere à aparente maior amplitude do papel do Poder Judiciário brasileiro na definição e provocação (da iniciativa) das políticas públicas em estudo. Assim, realçando características próprias do Brasil, em especial, em função de sua Constituição demasiadamente analítica e rica em carga axiológica (e princípios), tentou-se explicar os motivos pelos quais o Brasil mostra sua função jurisdicional tão marcantemente pós-positivista, fazendo valer direitos fundamentais e conteúdo próprio de princípios adotados na Constituição; inclusive, próprios dos grupos componentes das minorias sexuais e na contramão da maioria estabelecida no Parlamento nacional
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Antunes, Karoline da Cunha. "Democratização, liberalização econômica e processo desisório em política externa: um estudo de caso sobre o papel do congresso mexicano nas legislaturas de 1994 a 2006." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-07052010-113420/.
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O presente trabalho analisa o papel desempenhado pelo Congresso Mexicano em temas de política externa no período de 1994-2006 (LVI a LIX Legislaturas), correspondente aos mandatos de Ernesto Zedillo e Vicente Fox, à luz dos processos de liberalização econômica e política experimentados pelo país nas últimas décadas. Adotando como referencial os indicadores nível de atividade e nível de divergência, a hipótese formulada é que, durante o período estudado, o Congresso mexicano apresentou um elevado grau de ativismo, mas sua assertividade foi baixa. Nos momentos de maior confronto com o Executivo, o Congresso demonstrou uma reduzida capacidade institucional de impor suas preferências. As limitações dos congressistas para atuar no domínio da política externa estariam relacionadas a fatores estruturais, como os custos de rejeição de um tratado internacional, e conjunturais, a exemplo da dificuldade de construir consensos no interior das Casas Legislativas a respeito de qual seria o papel do Congresso nesta seara.This work analyses the role of Mexican Congress in foreign policy issues during the period of 1994-2006 (LVI-LIX Legislature), corresponding to the presidencies of Ernesto Zedillo and Vicente Fox, based on the processes of economic and political liberalization faced by the country in the last decades. Taking into account indicating levels of activity on foreign policy issues and disagreement over foreign policy, the hypothesis formulated is that, during the period studied, the Mexican Congress has shown a high level of activism, however its assertiveness was low. In the moments of confrontation with Executive, the Congress has shown little institutional capacity to impose its preferences. The congressmen limitations to act in the realm of foreign policy could be related to structural factors, such as the costs of an international treaty´s rejection, or conjunctural, such as the difficult of constructing consensus in the Upper and Low chambers about what Congress´s role in foreign affairs issues should be.
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Silvério, Ana Margarida Mendes. "Tax policy and entrepreneurial activity." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12614.
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Mestrado em FinançasEsta dissertação analisa o impacto da política dos benefícios fiscais para as regiões do interior em Portugal. Mais especificamente, avaliamos o efeito desta mudança de política na entrada de novas empresas e em duas características regionais sócio-demográficas: taxa de natalidade e taxa de divórcio. Estudos anteriores sugerem que a redução de impostos aumenta a rendibilidade das empresas e, portanto, a entrada de novas empresas. Também sugerem que em períodos de prosperidade económica, as condições de vida melhoram e a taxa de divórcio aumenta, enquanto que não há evidências conclusivas sobre a relação exata entre o rendimento e a natalidade. Para testar estas hipóteses, usámos uma base de dados empregador-empregado (QP - "Quadros de Pessoal") para avaliar as empresas estabelecidas entre o período de 1997 e 2007. Os dados regionais sócio-demográficos foram recolhidos do INE ("Instituto Nacional de Estatística"). Contrariamente ao esperado, a introdução da política reduz a entrada de novas empresas, assim como a taxa de natalidade e de divórcio. Obtemos resultados semelhantes usando uma variável instrumental. O efeito negativo na entrada de empresas persiste mesmo quando dividimos a nossa amostra nas diferentes fases da introdução da política. Estes resultados não são consistentes nas amostras restritas (concelhos vizinhos).
This study analyzes the impact of the tax benefits for inland regions in Portugal. More specifically, we evaluate the effect of this policy change on firm entry and on two regional socio-demographic characteristics: child birth and divorce rate. Previous studies suggest that reducing taxes increases the level of profit opportunities and, thus, the entry of new firms. They also find that in periods of economic prosperity, life conditions improve and the divorce rate increases, while there is no conclusive evidence about the exact relationship between income and child birth. To test these predictions, we use a matched employer-employee dataset (QP - "Quadros de Pessoal") to estimate firms entry between the period 1997 and 2007. Regional socio-demographic data come from Statistics Portugal (INE - "Instituto Nacional de Estatística"). Contrary to our expectations, we find that the introduction of the policy reduce firm entry, as well as the child birth and divorce rate. We obtain similar results using an instrumental variable. The negative effect on firm entry persists even when we divide our sample into the different stages of the policy introduction. These results are not consistent in restricted samples (nearby counties).