Journal articles on the topic 'Police Victoria Psychological tests'

Objective. We previously reported on loneliness, depression, anxiety and stress of Australians living alone during the first COVID-19-related government enforced lockdown in Australia. At this time, those living alone were experiencing relatively low levels of emotional distress. Since then, one state, Victoria, underwent a second extended lockdown period and until now, it was unclear what impact this sequential lockdown might have had on the mental health and wellbeing of Victorian citizens. The current study aimed to add to the emerging literature on the lockdown experience in Australia by directly comparing the levels of anxiety, depression, stress, loneliness, and wellbeing between Victorians in the second extended lockdown and Australians in the first lockdown. Design. Data from our original study of 384 Australians was compared with cross-sectional surveys of 340 Victorians during the second lockdown period. Setting. An online survey was administered with people residing in Victoria self-selecting to complete the study. Outcome Measures. Participants were asked to complete the Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale (DASS-21), WHO-5 Wellbeing Scale, and the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) Loneliness Scale. They were also invited to offer their insights into how the second extended lockdown experience had differed from the first. Results. Independent samples t-tests revealed that Australians were significantly more depressed, anxious, stressed, and lonely, and experienced reduced psychological wellbeing in the second lockdown compared to the first however overall, the levels indicated mild psychological distress. Qualitative insights revealed impact on mental health and a feeling of increased restrictions during lockdown two. Conclusions. Participants demonstrated adaptation to the lockdowns, providing support for the measures the Australian government have adopted to physically protect Australians from COVID-19. Management of the negative psychological impact through attention to wellbeing practices is however recommended in light of the increase in mental health concerns and likely further lockdown periods.

The objective of this article is to present an issue of psychological support for drivers, including drivers of emergency vehicles in the Polish Police. The publication will include preliminary results of scientific research conducted among senior management in the Polish Police — Regional Police Commanders and their deputies. Furthermore, the outline of support system concerning drivers’ psychological tests created in Polish Police will be presented. The research described in this article has been financed from the funds allocated for the implementation of a research project of Police Academy in Szczytno “Development of a system supporting psychological tests for drivers in the Police” No. DOB-BIO7/20/01/2015. The project has been developed by a scientific-industry consortium and is financed from the funds of National Centre for Research and Development under the call for proposals no. 7/2015 for development and financing projects for defence and security of the state. The project aims to produce a system supporting psychological studies of police drivers, including drivers of emergency vehicles in the Police, in accordance with current legislation. The system will be implemented in a network technology that facilitates direct cooperation with the Police Data Transmission Network, which will provide the basis for the independence and security of acquiring and storing data. The system will enable testing without additional equipment apart from an appropriately configured computer set. It will be equipped with a device to calibrate the response time measurement methodology. The system will allow assessment of intellectual ability, psychomotor skills and personality using the objective, standardized and normalized tools of proven accuracy, with reliability above 0.7, on a group of police drivers.

We consider main aspects of intuition as a psychological phenomenon and its peculiarities in legal defending activity. The difficulty of the topic is noted according to intuition irrational nature. We study the historical aspect of intuitive human mind development from the earliest to the modern time and find differences in the information part of the world understanding. The reasons for formation of intuitive thinking of Internal Affairs Agencies workers in untypical situations are explained. The research has the scheme of conditions for intuition provocation, among which there are the problem situation, “hint” availability, fundamental understanding of the issue. In Russia the psychological service of Ministry of Internal Affairs investigates intuitive abilities of Internal Affairs Agencies workers. There are methods types of intuition study: experimental methods and action tests; surveys; instrumental methods showing priming; implicit learning; “illocal” intuition; psychophysiological methods. The essence of experimental methods, action-tests and instrumental methods are shown. The conclusions of necessity of to practically include developments obtained in the process of intuition thinking investigation of Internal Affairs Agencies are made. The peculiarities of intuition study within the framework of psychological researches. We consider the role of intuition in professional activity of Internal Affairs Agencies workers. We tried to create methodological tools of intuition study of police workers.

This study examined level of acute psychological distress and perceived social support in 64 victims of rape and the association with police case decisions and victims’ willingness to participate in the investigation. The results of independent-sample t tests revealed that victims’ unwillingness to participate in the investigation was significantly associated with a higher level of psychological distress in the acute phase following the assault. The results suggest that victims of rape who disengage with the police investigation may do so because of a high level of acute psychological distress. Clinical implications are discussed.

Young men are overrepresented among people detained in police custody in Victoria, Australia, a closed institution that has mostly escaped public scrutiny. Our study sheds light on this underexamined place from the perspective of 28 marginalized young men (aged 19–24) detained there prior to adult prison. Drawing on Bacchi’s “What’s the problem represented to be?” approach and the subdiscipline of carceral geography, we disrupt the assumed purpose of police custody as a place to simply detain people while awaiting court and/or transfer to prison. We illustrate how police custody, although ostensibly for ensuring the safety and protection of the community, privileges that of some over others, with detrimental effects for marginalized groups. We highlight how harsh, degrading, hostile environments intersected with lived experiences and exacerbated psychological, social, and physical health harms; made possible young men’s constitution as dirty, violent, and subhuman; and worked to legitimize breaches of human rights.

The purpose of this research was to examine possible relations between basic personality traits and cognitive abilities and basic physical functions in a sample of female candidates studying at Academy of Criminalistic and Police Studies (ACPS) in Belgrade. Literature review has shown that this problem has not been sufficiently studied, so it would benefit to gain a deeper insight into understanding of psychophysical functioning. Further contribution would include a better understanding of the nature of mind-body influence. In pragmatic sense, this work should help improve professional orientation and selection tasks in Police education and different profiles of police forces in Serbia. Samples of 267 female candidates studying at ACPS, aged 18 to 19 were given different personality and cognitive tests. Basic motoric space was covered by seven representative tests. The data was subjected to correlational analysis. There were few small statistically significant correlation coefficients. Further analysis by canonical correlations analysis has not given statistically significant canonical correlations. There were most significant correlations between contraction and stretching test and psychological characteristics. Those findings lead authors to conclude that this very physical trait in a sample of women is sensitive to psychological influence in case of professional selection.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the instruments used in the screening process, with particular attention given to supporting research validation. Psychological screening is a well-established process used in the selection of employees across public safety industries, particularly in police settings. Screening in and screening out are both possible, with screening out being the most commonly used method. Little attention, however, has been given to evaluating the comparative validities of the instruments used. Design/methodology/approach – This review investigates literature supporting the use of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), the California Personality Inventory (CPI), the Inwald Personality Inventory (IPI), the Australian Institute of Forensic Psychology's test battery (AIFP), and some other less researched tests. Research supporting the validity of each test is discussed. Findings – It was found that no test possesses unequivocal research support, although the CPI and AIFP tests show promise. Most formal research into the validity of the instruments lacks appropriate experimental structure and is therefore less powerful as “evidence” of the utility of the instrument(s). Practical implications – This research raises the notion that many current screening practices are likely to be adding minimal value to the selection process by way of using instruments that are not “cut out” for the job. This has implications for policy and practice at the recruitment stage of police employment. Originality/value – This research provides a critical overview of the instruments and their validity studies rather than examining the general process of psychological screening. As such, it is useful to those working in selection who are facing the choice of psychological instrument. Possibilities for future research are presented, and development opportunities for a best practice instrument are discussed.

The successful prevention of juvenile delinquency and recidivism lies in the formation of psychological and pedagogical knowledge in the socio-pedagogical rehabilitation of individuals placed under the preventive supervision by the police. To assess the level of formation of students' knowledge about socio-pedagogical rehabilitation, the authors developed a series of tests “Monitoring the level of students’ knowledge about the implementation of socio-pedagogical rehabilitation activities of the citizens under supervision”, consisted of 40 questions and divided into three sections: regulatory, methodological and psychological-pedagogical. The tests were offered to 56 students of the Ural Law Institute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, Ekaterinburg. The article presents the results of the methodological section of the test.

Young men (aged 18–24) represent a quarter of all episodes of police custody detention for adult males in Victoria, Australia. Despite this, little is known about their experience. Using Bacchi’s Foucauldian-influenced “What’s the problem represented to be?” approach and data from interviews with 28 young men with histories of injecting drug use who were detained in police custody prior to adult prison, we aim to address this gap in the literature. We highlight how dividing practices of discrimination made possible their subjectification as “dangerous violent Others” and how unruly behaviour and self-harm were simultaneous mechanisms for voicing their despair and frustration, for gaining power in a place in which they had very little control and for resisting dominant truths imposed upon them as worthless subjects. It is such positioning we argue, that allowed the forfeiting of their rights to basic health care, fair treatment and respect, and at the same time produced and exacerbated a range of psychological, physical and social harms. Our analysis raises important questions about police custody, notably its role in the production of inequality and further marginalisation of vulnerable groups.

Background Psychological and psychiatric support of work activity of law enforcement officers is an inalienable component of the effective and professional operation of the system of internal affairs bodies. Improvement of this work is impossible without increasing the effectiveness of the psychological selection of candidates for work. Method Methods of research were "Freiburg personality inventory" (FPI) - Option «B», «Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory» – MMPI. The study group included 158 respondents: 79,1 % (125 people) of men and 20,9% (33 people) of women. To analyze the results obtained, we used the methods of descriptive statistics, frequency analysis, and Kendell rank correlation. Results Particular attention should be paid to the fact that while comparing the scales of the diagnostic scales of the FPI and MMPI technique, it would be logical to expect the presence of correlations between the scales similar in their diagnostic orientation to such correlation links neither within the male or female gender it was not found (τ-b ≤0,17;p ≥0,06). This unexpected fact, as well as the lack of systematic and gender-wide universality of the revealed correlation links between the indicators of the FPI and MMPI methods, point to a rather serious content heterogeneity of these psychological tests. Conclusion The results of the analysis do not provide an opportunity to justify the FPI test for wide use in practical activities for the professional selection of law enforcement officers.

The psychology and psychiatry of interrogation, confession and testimony have recently become the subjects of considerable theoretical analysis, research and professional interest (Gudjonsson, 1992). A case study is reported involving a defendant whose testimony under police interrogation incriminated himself and 13 other defendants in a murder trial. Issues of intellectual impairment, memory impairment, confabulation and suggestibility were addressed in voir dire proceedings, and are described in this paper. The case also demonstrates the importance of psychological tests being administered by suitably qualified personnel.

The purpose of this study was to find the effects of an eight-week psycho-yogic training intervention on theselected psychological parameters of female police recruits. Materials and methods. Initially, the study involved 200 FPR. Out of the 200 participants, 100 participants werescreened using the lie score of the revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaire. Participants were then further divided intotwo groups (i.e., experimental and control) using the stratified random sampling method based on the lie score. Thepsychological variables selected for the study were aggression (physical aggression, verbal aggression, hostility, andanger), emotional intelligence (self-awareness, managing emotions, self-motivation, empathy, and social skill), anxiety, perceived stress, satisfaction with life, and self-esteem. Tests were conducted pre-training and post-training after eightweeks. Results. The Friedman’s two-way analysis of variance revealed significant difference in verbal aggression (p = 0.016), hostility (p = 0.017), managing emotions (p = 0.004), self-motivation (p = 0.004), empathy (p = 0.017), social skill (p= 0.015), anxiety (p = <0.001), perceived stress (p = <0.001), satisfaction with life (p = 0.022), and self-esteem (p = <0.001). Further post-hoc analysis test – Kruskal Wallis revealed that the experimental group improved significantly from pre- to post-test in managing emotions (p = 0.005, d = 0.61, Δ% = 9), self-motivation (p = 0.027, d = 0.57, Δ% = 8.8), social skill (p = 0.002, d= 0.59, Δ% = 10.2), satisfaction with life (p = 0.036, d = 0.5, Δ% = 11.7), and self-esteem (p = <0.001, d = 0.94, Δ% = 17.6). In addition, the experimental group had reduced anxiety (p = <0.001, d = 1.27, Δ% = 59.3) and perceived stress (p = <0.001, d = 1.32, Δ% = 41.7) from pre- to post-testing. On the other hand, the control group showed significant deterioration in physical aggression (p = 0.018, d = 0.58, Δ% = 19.9), verbal aggression (p = 0.017, d = 0.57, Δ% = 17), andhostility (p = 0.013, d = 0.54, Δ% = 17.8). Conclusion. The study findings suggest psycho-yogic training of eight weeks duration to be an effective strategyor method to improve the psychological parameters of female police recruits.

Metacognition about face recognition has been much discussed in the psychological literature. In particular, the use of self-report to identify people with prosopagnosia (“face blindness”) has contentiously been debated. However, no study to date has specifically assessed metacognition at the top end of the spectrum. If people with exceptionally proficient face recognition skills (“super-recognizers,” SRs) have greater insight into their abilities, self-report instruments may offer an efficient means of reducing candidate lists in SR screening programs. Here, we developed a “super-recognizer questionnaire” (SRQ), calibrated using a top-end civilian sample (Experiment 1). We examined its effectiveness in identifying SRs in pools of police (Experiment 2) and civilian (Experiment 3) participants, using objective face memory and matching tests. Moderate effect sizes in both samples suggest limited insight into face memory and target-present face matching ability, whereas the only predictor of target-absent matching performance across all samples was the number of years that an officer had been in the police force. Because the SRQ and single-item ratings showed little sensitivity in discriminating SRs from typical perceivers in police officers and civilians, we recommend against the use of self-report instruments in SR screening programs.

From its inception, psychology has sought recognition as a science, but, unfortunately, this is not happening, especially in the clinical arena. It is all too often referred to as “junk science.” Eloquent arguments are constantly made defending psychology as different because it is dealing with unknowns, such as the mind and the soul. However, the fact remains that psychology is not progressing well, with extremely poor treatment efficacy rates and with its tenacious clinging to psychological tests that are repeatedly shown to be unreliable and invalid. Thus, psychology is not policing itself. However, change and reformation may be forced on it because the federal courts and 33 state courts have based new laws for more rigorous standards for trial testimony, and it appears that the new laws are aimed at cleansing the courts of “junk science,” namely, psychological testimony. This article reviews the changes that thus far few psychologists, lawyers, or even judges know about. However, slowly the new laws will permeate the courts and perhaps exert a strong influence for psychology to adapt.

Background: Chronic exposure to occupational stress may lead to negative health consequences. Creating less stressful work environments and making employees physically and psychologically more resilient against stress are therefore two major public health concerns. This study examined whether cardiorespiratory fitness moderated the association between occupational stress, cardiovascular risk, and mental health. Methods: Stress was assessed via the Effort-Reward Imbalance and Job Demand-Control models in 201 police officers (36% women, Mage = 38.6 years). Higher levels of blood pressure, blood lipids, blood sugar, and unfavorable body composition were considered as cardiovascular risk factors. Burnout, insomnia and overall psychological distress were used as mental health indicators. Cardiorespiratory fitness was assessed with a submaximal bicycle test. Results: High cardiorespiratory fitness levels were associated with a reduced cardiometabolic risk, whereas high stress levels were associated with better mental health. Among participants who perceived a high Effort-Reward Imbalance, those with high fitness levels showed lower overall cardiovascular risk scores than their colleagues with low fitness levels. Conclusions: Work health programs for police officers should consider the early screening of burnout, sleep disturbances, and overall mental wellbeing. To increase cardiovascular health, including fitness tests in routine health checks and promoting physical activity to further increase cardiorespiratory fitness appears worthwhile.

Mobbing has been recognized as a psychosocial risk to the mental health of employees, but also as an organizational problem that has been the object of attention among scholars in sociological, psychological, medical, and criminologist sciences. This study is the preparatory phase of the implementation of The Negative Acts Questionnaire-Revised (NAQ-R, Einarsen, Hoel and Notelaers, 2009)which tests for exposure to harassment in the workplace. The main aim of the study was to determine whether the instruments are applicable to the sample of Croatian employees, by means of testing the factor structure and internal reliability of the said questionnaire. The sample encompassed 209 police officers of both genders in the Split-Dalmatia Police District, and the data were acquired by means of a survey. We used descriptive statistics to show the characteristics of the sample and to analyse the findings, and we tested the factor structure by utilizing principal factor analysis, relying on the Kaiser-Guttman criterion. We tested the internal reliability of the sample with the Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient. The results suggest that there is a two-factor structure in the questionnaire, with the first factor referring to harassment aimed at the employee’s personality, and the second factor referring to harassment that is aimed at the employee’s work. Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient shows a high level of reliability (α = 0.959).

The COVID-19 pandemic had a tremendous impact on psychological burdens and may lead to suicide acts. Suicide is a global mental health problem that happens all over the world. This study was conducted to evaluate the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on the suicide rates and estimate the category of male-female suicides. This study analyzed suicide data from the Gunungkidul Resort Police from April 2018 to April 2021. Gunungkidul Regency is one area in Indonesia with a high suicide rate. From that time of period, there were about 97 suicide cases as the sample of this study. This article estimated the suicide trend using time series forecasting and Chi-square tests to find potential differences before and after the outbreak. Chi-square analysis showed that there was no difference in the pattern of suicide before and since the COVID-19 pandemic (𝝌2 = 12.05; p > 0.05), as well as the male rates (𝝌2 = 20.17; p > 0.05). However, suicide among females has increased since the outbreak (𝝌2 = 23.43; p < 0.05), especially among the elderly. This article recommended providing a support system, strengthening social networks, and widening the access of women and the elderly to health and psychological services during the pandemic.

Despite an increase in research relating to racial disparities in policing—particularly in the area of deadly force—there have been comparatively few attempts to theorize which factors predict disparate policing. We fill this gap by combining routine activity theory from criminology with situationist approaches to discrimination from social psychology. We propose that disparate policing is most likely to occur when officers who are vulnerable to situational risk factors for bias encounter citizens who are members of vulnerable out-groups. We argue that situational risk factors for bias and aggression among police provoke feelings of threat and motivate self-protection and/or feelings of disgust and out-group derogation. We present social psychological laboratory research and, where available, field research specific to policing as a way of exploring and bolstering the proposed framework. This work supports an agenda for future scientific research that may assist practitioners in identifying likely opportunities for reform even as we await further field research that tests these hypothesized parameters.

Nationally, Aboriginal people experience high levels of psychological distress, primarily due to trauma from colonisation. In Victoria, Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisations (ACCHOs) provide many services to support mental health. The aim of the present study was to improve understanding about Victorian Aboriginal people and mental health service patterns. We located four mental health administrative datasets to analyse descriptively, including Practice Health Atlas, Alcohol and Other Drug Treatment Service (AODTS), Kids Helpline and Close The Gap Pharmaceutical Scheme data. A large proportion of the local Aboriginal population (70%) were regular ACCHO clients; of these, 21% had a mental health diagnosis and, of these, 23% had a Medicare Mental Health Care Plan (MHCP). There were higher rates of Medicare MHCP completion rates where general practitioners (GPs) had mental health training and the local Area Mental Health Service had a Koori Mental Health Liaison Officer. There was an over-representation of AODTS episodes, and referrals for these episodes were more likely to come through community, corrections and justice services than for non-Aboriginal people. Aboriginal episodes were less likely to have been referred by a GP or police and less likely to have been referrals to community-based or home-based treatment. There was an over-representation of Victorian Aboriginal calls to Kids Helpline, and these were frequently for suicide and self-harm reasons. We recommend primary care mental health programs include quality audits, GP training, non-pharmaceutical options and partnerships. Access to appropriate AODTS is needed, particularly given links to high incarcerations rates. To ensure access to mental health services, improved understanding of mental health service participation and outcomes, including suicide prevention services for young people, is needed.

Highly public anti-Black violence in the United States may cause widely experienced distress for Black Americans. This study identifies 49 publicized incidents of racial violence and quantifies national interest based on Google searches; incidents include police killings of Black individuals, decisions not to indict or convict the officer involved, and hate crime murders. Weekly time series of population mental health are produced for 2012 through 2017 using two sources: 1) Google Trends as national search volume for psychological distress terms and 2) the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) as average poor mental health days in the past 30 d among Black respondents (mean weekly sample size of 696). Autoregressive moving average (ARMA) models accounted for autocorrelation, monthly unemployment, season and year effects, 52-wk lags, news-related searches for suicide (for Google Trends), and depression prevalence and percent female (for BRFSS). National search interest varied more than 100-fold between racial violence incidents. Black BRFSS respondents reported 0.26 more poor mental health days during weeks with two or more racial incidents relative to none, and 0.13 more days with each log10 increase in national interest. Estimates were robust to sensitivity tests, including controlling for monthly number of Black homicide victims and weekly search interest in riots. As expected, racial incidents did not predict average poor mental health days among White BRFSS respondents. Results with national psychological distress from Google Trends were mixed but generally unsupportive of hypotheses. Reducing anti-Black violence may benefit Black Americans’ mental health nationally.

ObjectivesTo describe the characteristics of deaths reported to the Coroners Court of Victoria (CCOV) during Victoria’s last heatwave (14–17 January 2014) and subsequent 4 days (18–21 January) using medicolegal data obtained from both the police investigation report and the pathologist’s report.Design, setting and participantsA single-jurisdiction population-based retrospective analysis of consecutive heat-related deaths (HRDs) reported to the CCOV between 14 and 21 January 2014 with a historical comparison group.Main outcome measuresDescriptive statistics were used to summarise case demographics, causes of death and the types of investigations performed. The cases from 2014 were subgrouped into HRD and non-HRD.ResultsOf the 222 cases during the study period in 2014, 94 (42.3%) were HRDs and 128 (57.7%) were non-HRDs. HRDs were significantly older than non-HRDs (70.5 years: SD=13.8 vs 61.0 years: SD=22.4, t(220)=3.60, p<0.001, 95% CI 4.3 to 14.6). The most common primary cause of death in HRDs was circulatory system disease (n=57, 60.6%), which was significantly higher when compared with non-HRDs (n=39, 30.5%; χ2=20.1, p<0.001, OR 3.5, 95% CI 2.0 to 6.2). HRDs required significantly greater toxicology investigation (89.4% (n=84) vs 71.9% (n=92); χ2=10.9, p<0.001, OR 3.3, 95% CI 1.54 to 7.03) and greater vitreous biochemistry testing (40.4% (n=38) vs 16.4% (n=21); χ2=16.0, p<0.001, OR 3.5, 95% CI 1.9 to 6.5).ConclusionsA heatwave places a significant burden on death investigation services. The inclusion of additional laboratory tests and more detailed circumstantial information are essential if the factors that contribute to HRDs are to be identified.

Background As a number of local documents requires continuous improvement of psychodi-agnostic work, one of the main activities of the Internal Affairs Agencies psychi-atric service is an active clinical examination, the timely detection of law en-forcement officers employees with neuropsychological instability, tendency to aggression and other forms of deviant behavior. Methods The aim of the study was the selection of additional experimental psychological techniques to conduct psychological examinations of law enforcement officers. As on objective of a study evaluation of reliability, validity and discriminative level of psychological tests has been chosen. The object of study was a group of the randomly selected representatives of almost all the major police professions, consisting of 348 respondents of the male gender in the age from 21 to 48 years old. Given the fact that the screening psychological evaluation of law enforce-ment officers during periodic psychiatric examinations is usually carried out un-der time constraints and the urgency to form an opinion immediately after the end of testing, nonprojective psychological techniques have been chosen for test-ing. These techniques, according to the scientific literature, proved their effective-ness and, in addition, are characterized by a small volume of questions and sim-plicity (largely - the dichotomous scales). Moreover, it does not require a lot of time to handle them: a methodology «Aggressive behavior» (E. P Ilyin, P. O. Ko-valev, 2001), the test «Аnxiety-Rigidity- Extravertebral» (D. Moudsli, 2002), the test «IPC-Fragebogen» (H. Levenson, 1986), the test is «MS PTSD» (NM Keane, 2001). Results Tests reliability was investigated by determining the consistency of their results by calculating the L. Cronbach’s coefficient α and Guttman method of splitting in half; discriminative level was determined by calculating the ratio; construct validi-ty was investigated by the exploratory factor analysis conduction. The factor loadings equal to or greater than 0,3 were considered to be sufficient, provided that the other factor loadings per item tend to zero; the criterion validity was in-vestigated by calculating the dichotomous correlation coefficient φ, and the statis-tical significance of the coefficient was determined by the distribution tables χ2 with one degree of freedom.The data achieved makes it possible to assert that law enforcement officers contingent discriminative level (δ-Ferguson = 0,88 ± 0,1) and the criterion validi-ty (φ≥0,225; r≤3E-05) of all the techniques of scales are high enough. Reliability of «Aggressive behavior» methodology is estimated as high only in relation to the general level of diagnosis of incontinence (α-Cronbach = 0,78; Guttman split-half = 0,763), whereas the reliability and construct validity of its individual scales are insufficient. Taking into account the high level of criteria validity and discrimina-tive level of this test, it is possible to talk about whether it should be used only as an indicator of the overall level of incontinence of internal affairs body employ-ees.«MS PTSD» has revealed a high level of reliability, and discriminative valid-ity (α-Cronbach = 0,67; Guttman split-half = 0,63; δ-Ferguson = 0,984), which allows to recommend its use in the process of psycho-diagnostic survey of law enforcement officers.The level of reliability and construct validity of methods «IPC-Fragebogen» and «ARE» was insufficient (α-Kronbaha≤0,5; Guttman split-half≤0,5), indicat-ing that they cannot be used in the process of psychological examinations of law enforcement officers. Conclusion Notwithstanding that several diagnostic instruments have proven themselves in long use in other professional contingents, an important conclusion has been ob-tained as a result of the work that the existing practice of these practices intro-duction into the activity of departmental psychological and psychiatric services without holding their quality evaluation and analysis of testing during the exami-nation of law enforcement officers should be considered unacceptable. On the contrary, the use of any psycho-diagnostic tools must be carried out only after a reasonable proof of the adequacy of their contingent’s psychometric characteris-tics, gender, socio-psychological, and, possibly, regional particularities.

During the first lockdown period due to the COVID-19 pandemic, from the 17 March 2020 to the 11 May 2020 in France, essential professionals (nursing staff, police officers, supermarket staff, etc.) continued to be physically present at their workplaces. The present study focuses on exploring impacts of the pandemic on supermarket staff and on the food sector in France: COVID transmission among supermarket workers, working conditions, food supply, etc. For that, two anonymous surveys were addressed to supermarket employees and to supermarket supervisors. In total, 1746 responses from employees and 171 responses from supervisors were recorded all over France. Over 70% of employees and almost 50% of supervisors were women and over 50% of employees were between 25 and 40 years old. The following main trends in terms of physical and psychological impacts are revealed: 7% of employees working during the lockdown reported having COVID, although a still poorly developed screening and lack of diagnostic tests during the first lockdown should be kept in mind. The working conditions changed; higher work load, a more stressful environment, inappropriate client attitude, a lack of recognition, fatigue, and shortages were reported. A lack of government recognition, namely no prime allocations to supermarket staff during the lockdown period, is also often mentioned. Finally, no priority was given for store employees in terms of childcare.

AbstractObjective:Performance validity tests (PVTs) are designed to detect nonvalid responding on neuropsychological testing, but their associations with disease-specific and other factors are not well understood in multiple sclerosis (MS). We examined PVT performance among MS patients and associations with clinical characteristics, cognition, mood, and disability status.Method:Retrospective data analysis was conducted on a sample of patients with definite MS (n = 102) who were seen for a clinical neuropsychological evaluation. Comparison samples included patients with intractable epilepsy seen for presurgical workup (n = 102) and patients with nonacute mild traumatic brain injury (mTBI; n = 50). Patients completed the Victoria Symptom Validity Test (VSVT) and validity cutoffs were defined as <16/24 and <18/24 on the hard items.Results:In this MS cohort, 14.4% of patients scored <16 on the VSVT hard items and 21.2% scored <18. VSVT hard item scores were associated with disability status and depression, but not with neuropsychological scores, T2 lesion burden, atrophy, disease duration, or MS subtype. Patients applying for disability benefits were 6.75 times more likely to score <18 relative to those who were not seeking disability. Rates of nonvalid scores were similar to the mTBI group and greater than the epilepsy group.Conclusions:This study demonstrates that nonvalid VSVT scores are relatively common among MS patients seen for clinical neuropsychological evaluation. VSVT performance in this group relates primarily to disability status and psychological symptoms and does not reflect factors specific to MS (i.e., cognitive impairment, disease severity). Recommendations for future clinical and research practices are provided.

The study investigates the various aspects of the perception of the health of call-center workers. This paper focuses on identifying the psychophysical affectation in the work performance of workers due to work stress from the foundation of preventive health. This, however, associated the relationship between the two variables to verify its affectation. Occupational stress influences the occurrence of psycho-physical alterations that affect work performance. This is attributed to the fact that it was found in the group investigated, which is composed of workers of the police operational management center of the metropolitan district of Quito (CGOP). The Maslach universal test that measures Burnout syndrome, emotional fatigue, depersonalization, and personal fulfillment were combined with attitude tests with Likert scales that measure the perception of those involved with their psychophysical affectation at their place of work. The results are evidenced, according to the Maslach test, in relation to the suffering of Burnout syndrome. The result shows that in this study, no worker meets the three conditions: emotional exhaustion (10.5%), depersonalization (22.2%), or realization personal (22.3%). However, they do meet one of the three areas individually. Associated with stress, physical-psychological affectations were identified, especially in the nervous system (1 in 10) and to a lesser extent in the digestive system. In conclusion, the results are mostly isolated because the study group performs frequent physical activity, which considerably diminishes the secondary and negative effects on their physical health.

Background:The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted health, lifestyle, treatment and healthcare of European patients with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs).Objectives:The aim is to evaluate gender differences on the impact of the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in the wellbeing, life habits, treatment, and healthcare access of European patients with RMDs.Methods:REUMAVID is an international collaboration led by the Health & Territory Research at the University of Seville, together with a multidisciplinary team including patient organisations and rheumatologists. This cross-sectional study consisting of an online survey gathering data from 1,800 patients with a diagnosis of 15 RMDs, recruited by patient organisations in Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom during the first phase of the pandemic (April-July 2020). Mann-Whitney and χ2 tests were used to analyse differences between gender regarding sociodemographic characteristics, life style, treatment, healthcare, and patient-reported outcomes.Results:1,797 patients were included in this analysis. 80.2% were female and a mean age of 52.6 years. The most common diagnosis was inflammatory arthritis (81.7% male vs 73.8% female). There was a higher prevalence of fibromyalgia among females (20% vs 7.0% male). Overall, females reported worse self-perceived health (67.0% vs 51.4%, p<0.001), higher risk of anxiety (59.5% vs 48.1%, p<0.001), and depression (48.0% vs 37.2%, p<0.001). Females reported a greater increase in smoking (26.5% vs 17.5%, p=0.001), although they were less likely to drink alcohol (34.5% vs 25.4%, p=0.013), and also engaged less in physical activity (53.0% vs 60.3%, p=0.045). Overall, females were more likely to keep their scheduled rheumatology appointment (43.3% vs 34.1% of males (p=0.049; Table 1) with a higher proportion of females having their rheumatic treatment changed (17.0% vs 10.7%, p=0.005).Conclusion:The first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic and the containment measures have worsened self-perceived health status of patients with RMDs, affecting genders differently. Females reported worse psychological health and life habits such as increased smoking and reduced physical activity, while males increased their alcohol consumption and were less likely to attend their rheumatology appointments.Table 1.Bivariate analysis by gender (N= 1,797 unless specify)Mean ± SD or n (%)P- valueMale(N= 355)Female(N= 1,442)Sociodemographic characteristicsDiseaseInflammatory arthritis1290 (81.7)1,064 (73.8)Fibromyalgia25 (7.0)287 (19.9)Connective tissue disease218 (5.1)195 (13.5)Osteoarthritis52 (14.6)255 (17.7)Osteoporosis10 (2.8)104 (7.2)Vasculitis37 (2.0)29 (2.0)SAPHO1 (0.3)14 (1.0)Age, years52.8 ± 14.252.5 ± 12.90.896Educational levelUniversity162 (45.6)711 (49.3)0.215Marital statusMarried or in relationship269 (75.8)983 (68.2)0.002*Member of a Patient organisation, N=1,795Yes188 (53.0)559 (38.8)<0.001*Patient-reported outcomesHADS Anxiety, N=1,766Risk168 (48.1)843 (59.5)<0.001*HADS Depression, N=1,766Risk130 (37.2)680 (48.0)<0.001*Wellbeing, N=1,774WHO-5 ≤ 50188 (53.4)681 (47.9)0.064Self-perceived health, N=1,783Fair or bad182 (51.4)958 (67.0)<0.001*Change in health status during COVID-19 pandemic, N=1,783Worse333 (94.1)1,339 (93.7)0.799Life style during COVID-19 pandemicSmoking, N=555More than before20 (17.5)117 (26.5)0.001*Alcohol consumption, N=1,083Quit drinking71 (25.4)277 (34.5)0.013Physical activity, N=1,126Yes144 (60.3)470 (53.0)0.045*Treatment and healthcareAble to meet rheumatologist, N= 721No89 (65.9)332 (56.7)0.049*Access to GP, N=688No43 (39.4)248 (42.8)0.5121Including: Axial Spondyloarthritis, Rheumatoid Arthritis, Psoriatic Arthritis, Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis, Gout and Peripheral Spondyloarthritis; 2Including: Systemic Lupus Erythematosus, Sjögren’s Syndrome, Systemic Sclerosis and Myositis; 3Including: Polymyalgia Rheumatic and Vasculitis or Arteritis.Acknowledgements:This study was supported by Novartis Pharma AG. We would like to thank all patients that completed the survey as well as all of the patient organisations that participated in the REUMAVID study including: the Cyprus League Against Rheumatism (CYPLAR) from Cyprus, the Association Française de Lutte Anti-Rhumatismale (AFLAR) from France, the Hellenic League Against Rheumatism (ELEANA) from Greece, the Associazione Nazionale Persone con Malattie Reumatologiche e Rare (APMARR) from Italy, the Portuguese League Against Rheumatic Diseases (LPCDR), from Portugal, the Spanish Federation of Spondyloarthritis Associations (CEADE), the Spanish Patients’ Forum (FEP), UNiMiD, Spanish Rheumatology League (LIRE), Andalusian Rheumatology League (LIRA), Catalonia Rheumatology League and Galician Rheumatology League from Spain, and the National Axial Spondyloarthritis Society (NASS), National Rheumatoid Arthritis (NRAS) and Arthritis Action from the United Kingdom.Disclosure of Interests:Marco Garrido-Cumbrera: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Biogen, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Grant/research support from: Janssen and Novartis, Laura Christen Employee of: Novartis Pharma AG, Loreto Carmona: None declared, José Correa-Fernández: None declared, Sergio Sanz-Gómez: None declared, Pedro Plazuelo-Ramos: None declared, Souzi Makri Grant/research support from: Novartis, GSK and Bayer, Elsa Mateus Grant/research support from: Pfizer, grants from Lilly Portugal, Sanofi, AbbVie, Novartis, Grünenthal S.A., MSD, Celgene, Medac, Janssen-Cilag, Pharmakern, GAfPA., Serena Mingolla: None declared, KATY ANTONOPOULOU: None declared, LAURENT GRANGE: None declared, Clare Jacklin Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Amgen, Biogen, Eli Lilly, Gilead, Janssen, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi & UCB., Dale Webb Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Biogen, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis and UCB., Shantel Irwin: None declared, Victoria Navarro-Compán Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Janssen, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, and UCB

Resumen: El objetivo de la presente investigación es explorar la estructura y el contenido de una red de usuarios de abuso sexual basado en imágenes en Twitter. Para ello se analizaron los perfiles de Twitter que contienen la palabra "Quemón o “Nudes” utilizando análisis de redes, técnicas de procesamiento natural del lenguaje. Entre 2017 y 2018 hubo una comunidad de abuso sexual basado en imágenes en Twitter. Al menos 329 usuarios se dedicaron y se auto describieron como cuentas sexualmente explícitas, vengativas, y en donde contenido sexual no consensual podía ser compartido de forma anónima. Ya con seguidores, la red comprende a más de 130,000 personas. Esta es una estimación conservadora, más cuentas podrían utilizar diferentes palabras clave, no tener ninguna descripción, o formar parte de comunidades privadas. Estos resultados sugieren que los consumidores de contenido de abuso sexual basado en imágenes son los principales responsables de su propagación. Abstract: This study aimed to explore the structure and content of an image-based sexual abuse user network on Twitter. For this purpose, Twitter profiles containing the word “Quemones” or "Nudes" were analyzed using network analysis, natural language processing techniques. Between 2017 and 2018 there was a community of image-based sexual abuse on Twitter. At least 329 users engaged in and self- described themselves as sexually explicit, vindictive accounts, and where nonconsensual sexual content could be shared anonymously. Already with followers, the network comprises more than 130,000 people. This is a conservative estimate; more accounts could use different keywords, have no description, or be part of private communities. These results suggest that consumers of image-based sexual abuse content are primarily responsible for its spread. Fuentes de Consulta: Allen, W. D. (2007). The Reporting and Underreporting of Rape. 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Guidelines for screening public safety personnel candidates, including law enforcement positions, incorporate the use of separate psychological tests for assessing normal and abnormal functioning. We evaluated the incremental validity of the Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire (MPQ)—a measure of normal personality traits—beyond the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory–2 Restructured Form (MMPI-2-RF), a measure of psychopathology, using a sample of 1,687 candidates for law enforcement positions. They were clinically rated on 10 psychological suitability dimensions. For a subset of those who were subsequently hired as police officers ( n = 397), we also had post-hire outcome data. Using hierarchical nonlinear regression analyses, we found that the MPQ scales incremented the MMPI-2-RF scales in the prediction of 17 of 19 variables in this study. Our results indicate that the MPQ, as a measure of normal personality, provides unique information about psychological suitability and predicts negative post-hire outcomes in police candidates.

Recently, there has been an increase in referrals of male victims of sexual assault to interdisciplinary sexual assault centers (SACs). Still, there is limited research on the characteristics of men who refer or are referred to SACs and the services they need. To facilitate the medical, forensic, and psychological treatment in SACs, a better understanding of male victims is indispensable. The first aim of the study was to analyze the victim and assault characteristics of male victims at a Dutch SAC, and to compare them to those of female victims. The second aim was to analyze and compare SAC service use between male and female victims. The victim characteristics, assault characteristics, and service use of 34 male victims and 633 female victims were collected in a Dutch SAC. T-tests and chi-square tests were used to analyze differences between male and female victims. No differences between males and females in victim or assault characteristics were found. Most victims received medical and psychological care, with no differences between male and female victims. Female victims were more likely to have contact with the police, but no differences in reporting or forensic medical examinations between males and females were found. These findings indicate that SACs can and do provide equal services to male and female victims, and that the current services are suitable for male victims as well. However, a focus on educating and advising male victims about police involvement is advisable.

This review shows that there is now a solid scientific evidence base for the “expert” evaluation of disputed confession cases in judicial proceedings. Real-life cases have driven the science by stimulating research into “coercive” police questioning techniques, psychological vulnerabilities to false confession, and the development and validation of psychometric tests of interrogative suggestibility and compliance. Mandatory electronic recording of police interviews has helped with identifying the situational and personal “risk factors” involved in false confessions and how these interact. It is the combination of a detailed evaluation and analysis of real-life cases, experimental work, and community (and prison/police station) studies that have greatly advanced the science over the past 40 years. In this review, the story of the development of the science during this “golden era” is told through the three established error pathways to false confessions and wrongful convictions: misclassification, coercion, and contamination. A case study of a major miscarriage of justice is used to highlight the key issues at each stage of the error pathways and it shows the continued resistance of the judiciary to admit mistakes and learn from them. Science is a powerful platform from which to educate the police and the judiciary.

Abstract Background Thermal injuries are one of the commonest causes of unnatural deaths in females in developing countries. However, there is a lack of adequate research into the social and psychological aspects that lead to such deaths. The suicidal death due to immolation by fire is a scourge on Indian society that is not being adequately addressed in all its aspects. There is an attempt in this study to bring awareness of the population under risk and to motivate prevention measures. A retrospective cross-sectional study was conducted at the Victoria Hospital Mortuary for a period of 12 months between 2017 and 2018. Medicolegal and psychological autopsies were performed on 120 female burn victims over 15 years of age. The information gathered via medical records, police investigations, interviews with family, and postmortem findings was analyzed and compiled to obtain the following results. Results Most of the victims, i.e., 52% of the women, were illiterate. More than half of the victims, i.e., 53% of the women in this study, were found to be in the upper-lower socio-economic. Majority of the female victims (63.3%) were married for more than 7 years. Suicide was the commonest manner of death (52%). There was no alleged history of domestic abuse in most cases (73.3%). Only 2 cases, i.e., 1.7% of cases, were booked under Dowry Prohibition Act. Only 28.3% of cases were investigated by Magistrate’s Inquest. History of mental illnesses was reported only in 14.2% of victims. Alcohol was detected in only 2 of the victims (1.7%). Conclusions It is evident that in most cases of deaths in women due to thermal injuries, the entire narrative is not thoroughly investigated and any prior history of domestic abuse, dowry demands/harassment, and even mental illnesses gets under-reported or undocumented. Despite there being a plethora of information regarding the statistics as to how women die due to thermal injuries, very minimal data exists regarding the measures adopted to prevent it. There is a hope that this study inspires the concerned stakeholders to take stock and introduce measures to prevent such potential deaths among the vulnerable female population.

Zagar, R. J., Busch, K. G., Hughes, J. R., & Arbit, J. (2009) Comparing early and late twentieth-century Boston and Chicago male juvenile offenders: what changed? Psychological Reports, 104, 185–198. In Table 1, page 190, for all χ2 comparisons, df = 2; these are comparisons of the Chicago 1909–1915 and Chicago 1980–1988 groups for all variables but gang membership, for which there were no early data from Chicago; so the Boston 1917–1922 data were compared to Chicago 1980–1988. Only statistically significant values of comparison statistics are shown. Zagar, R. J., Isbell, S. A., Busch, K. G., & Hughes, J. R. (2009) An empirical theory of the development of homicide within individuals. Psychological Reports, 104, 199–245. In Table 7, page 218, df = 466 for two-tailed t-tests. In Table 8, page 219, df = 232 for two-tailed t-tests. Only statistically significant values of t are shown in Tables 7 and 8. Zagar, A. K., Zagar, R. J., Bartikowski, B., & Busch, K. G. (2009) Cost comparisons of raising a child from birth to 17 years among samples of abused, delinquent, violent, and homicidal youth using victimization and justice system estimates. Psychological Reports, 104, 309–338. In Fig. 1, page 312, there were 425 Nonviolent Delinquents for comparison with 425 Assaulting Delinquents. In Table 1, page 313–314, df = 3 for all χ2 comparisons on page 313. For Homicidal comparisons on page 314, the chi-square df = 3 for race and df = 2 for family, since there were no orphans in the Random Sample of Homicidal. Only statistically significant values of χ2 are shown. In Table 4, page 319, the entire row for Assault was omitted and should read Productivity: 1,015,813; Medical Care/Ambulance: 18,421; Mental Health Care: 5,088; Police and Fire Service: 1,392; Social Victim Service: 0; Property Loss/Damage: 8,102; Subtotal: 1,048,816; Intangible Loss/Quality of Life: 2,075,833; Total Losses: 3,124,649. IM, S., & MIN, S. (2013) Exploration of the factor structure of the Kirton Adaption-Innovation Inventory using bootstrapping estimation. Psychological Reports: Human Resources & Marketing, 112, 2, 437–444. Footnote 1 on page 437 should read: Address correspondence to Soonhong Min, Yonsei Business School, Yonsei University, 50 Yonsei-Ro, Sudaemun-ku, Seoul, South Korea or e-mail ( sminscm@yonsei.ac.kr ).

Abstract Background Policing is a highly stressful and increasingly sedentary occupation. The study aim was to assess the acceptability and impact of a mobile health (mHealth) technology intervention (Fitbit® activity monitor and ‘Bupa Boost’ smartphone app) to promote physical activity (PA) and reduce sedentary time in the police force. Methods Single-group, pre-post, mixed methods pilot study. Police officers and staff (n = 180) were recruited from two police forces in South West England. Participants used the technology for 12 weeks (an ‘individual’ then ‘social’ phase) followed by 5 months of optional use. Data sources included Fitbit®-recorded objective step count, questionnaire surveys and semi-structured interviews (n = 32). Outcome assessment points were baseline (week 0), mid-intervention (week 6), post-intervention (week 12) and follow-up (month 8). Paired t-tests were used to investigate changes in quantitative outcomes. Qualitative analysis involved framework and thematic analysis. Results Changes in mean daily step count were non-significant (p > 0.05), but self-reported PA increased in the short term (e.g. + 465.4 MET-minutes/week total PA baseline to week 12, p = 0.011) and longer term (e.g. + 420.5 MET-minutes/week moderate-to-vigorous PA baseline to month 8, p = 0.024). The greatest impact on behaviour was perceived by less active officers and staff. There were no significant changes in sedentary time; the qualitative findings highlighted the importance of context and external influences on behaviour. There were no statistically significant changes (all p-values > 0.05) in any secondary outcomes (physical and mental health-related quality of life, perceived stress and perceived productivity), with the exception of an improvement in mental health-related quality of life (SF-12 mental component score + 1.75 points, p = 0.020) from baseline to month 8. Engagement with and perceived acceptability of the intervention was high overall, but a small number of participants reported negative physical (skin irritation) and psychological (feelings of guilt and anxiety) consequences of technology use. Individual app features (such as goal-setting and self-monitoring) were generally preferred to social components (social comparison, competitions and support). Conclusions mHealth technology is an acceptable and potentially impactful intervention for increasing PA in the police force. The intervention was less useful for reducing sedentary time and the impact on secondary outcomes is unclear. Trial registration NCT03169179 (registered 30th May 2017).

Introduction: Regarding dementia prevention, as it has been reported that the volume of hippocampus increase with continuous dancing and that dancers’ gray matter increases, dancing and recognition tasks have been combined and developed into brain training. Furthermore, we equipped a robot with dance therapy and a cognitive evaluation scale, the results of which we will exam as the focus of this study. Methods: Comparison of the results of cognitive evaluation tests before and after 7 weeks of continuous cognitive dance therapy once a week. The cognitive evaluation test utilized was the cognitive test used by the National Police Agency for the renewal of elderly person’s licenses. Moreover, mental states before and after dance were compared on a five-level Likert scale, and we surveyed the psychological condition of participants after robot therapy. Results: Of the 91 registrants, with no missing values data of 71 people was analyzed with paired t-test. The mean age was 70.3±5.7 years old, the average score for the cognitive test prior to intervention was 86.8 points. After 7 weeks of intervention, the average score was 94.7 points, significant increase (p<0.01). At the Likert scale of the mental state, there was a significant improvement in mood comfort, satisfaction, and vitality (p<0.01). And there was a correlation between cognitive function and mental state (p <0.05). Next, the average score of the robot therapy satisfaction level was as high as 4.73 out of 5 points. In the comments section, there were in descending order comments such as being happy, healing, clarity of the mind, facilitation of social interactions, et cetera. Conclusion: Cognitive dance therapy improves cognitive ability. Remembering songs and choreography together with music is indeed easy and effective. Additionally, with the combined effects of the results from robot psychological healing, it was shown that both the mind and body of older people are revitalized. Keywords: Brain training, Dance therapy, Robot therapy, Cognitive function, Psychological effectiveness.

The problem of developing a professional style of self-regulation among employees of the internal affairs bodies who are first recruited and undergoing training in vocational training centers is considered. The goal is to develop and test a specialized program for mastering the methods of arbitrary mental self-regulation, applicable in the conditions of the Center for Psychological Training. Materials and methods. The total sample of the study was 64 people aged 20 to 30 years. The experimental group of 20 people and the control group of 21 people were employees who were taking an initial training course at the Central Training Center of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Moscow. An initial and final psychodiagnostic study was carried out using a test battery of the APPDK "Multipsychometer", sensorimotor and cognitive tests using a specialized space. An evaluation role at the final stage was also played by the data of expert surveys, self-reports of participants, and keeping a diary according to the model of A. V. Alekseev. At the stage of formative empirical research, complexes of methods of arbitrary mental self-regulation (PPSR) were used, as well as a set of lead-up exercises. Results and discussion. It was found that in the process of formation and development of the professional style of self-regulation among police officers, the most important factors are: the use of breathing, body-oriented and other lead-in exercises; the process of mastering voluntary self-regulation has a more stable result, provided that a certain algorithm for mastering the exercises of voluntary self-regulation is used, which involves a gradual acquaintance with entering an altered state of consciousness; such an algorithm makes it possible to carry out this work within the time frame determined by the duration of the training period for police officers in the framework of primary professional training. Conclusions. The ability for voluntary mental self-regulation is successfully developed among employees, provided that a targeted program is used, based on the idea of systematic mastering of an excessive set of self-regulation methods with gradual individualization and professionalization of the style of their implementation.

Abstract Background WHO and some other authors consider migration as a social determinant of health. MdM identifies it being composed of different factors such as living conditions, exposure to violence and access to healthcare. Methods We analysed a comparative quali-quantitative survey in 4 locations, in Niger, Morocco and Tunisia, based on questionnaires and focus groups, with basic statistical tests and a complementary qualitative analysis. Results 461 migrants were interviewed, 59% women, median age 28 year, 98.5% sub-Saharan African origin, 63% with no legal documents. 46% travelled for more than 6 months, 47% stayed in the country of interview more than 12 months, even if most of them wanted to go on. 83.8% faced violence during their life, 61% during migration. 58% of violence was psychological in nature, confiscation of money and/or documents, or violence by police or army. The types of violence’s vary according to gender and localization. Only 39% did not face barriers to access to healthcare. The 3 main barriers are financial, lack of understanding of the health system and discrimination. 50% of migrants considered their health status as medium, bad or very bad, what is insufficient for such a young population. Conclusions Some events are always part of migration: long duration, violence, barriers to access healthcare, with an overall negative impact on health. Recommendations: Authorities should address the structural factors of violence against migrants. The health needs of migrants should be taken into account in policies at all levels. Health services should always consider migrants’ needs: determinants of health, mental health, consequences of violence and difficult access to healthcare. Research needs: What are the specific social determinants of health in migration? Key messages The health status of migrants seems to get worse along the road. Some migration events should be considered as social determinants of health and addressed by health services.

Lincolnshire, England. The crowd cheer when the ball breaks loose. From one end of the field to the other, the players chase, their snouts hovering just above the grass. It’s not a case of four legs being better, rather a novel way to attract customers to the Woodside Wildlife and Falconry Park. During the matches, volunteers are drawn from the crowd to hold goal posts at either end of the run the pigs usually race on. With five pigs playing, two teams of two and a referee, and a ball designed to leak feed as it rolls (Stevenson) the ten-minute competition is fraught with tension. While the pig’s contributions to “the beautiful game” (Fish and Pele 7) have not always been so obvious, it could be argued that specific parts of the animal have had a significant impact on a sport which, despite calls to fall into line with much of the rest of the world, people in Australia (and the US) are more likely to call soccer. The Football Precursors to the modern football were constructed around an inflated pig’s bladder (Price, Jones and Harland). Animal hide, usually from a cow, was stitched around the bladder to offer some degree of stability, but the bladder’s irregular and uneven form made for unpredictable movement in flight. This added some excitement and affected how ball games such as the often violent, calico matches in Florence, were played. In the early 1970s, the world’s oldest ball was discovered during a renovation in Stirling Castle, Scotland. The ball has a pig’s bladder inside its hand-stitched, deer-hide outer. It was found in the ceiling above the bed in, what was then Mary Queens of Scots’ bedroom. It has since been dated to the 1540s (McGinnes). Neglected and left in storage until the late 1990s, the ball found pride of place in an exhibition in the Smiths Art Gallery and Museum, Stirling, and only gained worldwide recognition (as we will see later) in 2006. Despite confirmed interest in a number of sports, there is no evidence to support Mary’s involvement with football (Springer). The deer-hide ball may have been placed to gather and trap untoward spirits attempting to enter the monarch’s sleep, or simply left by accident and forgotten (McGinnes in Springer). Mary, though, was not so fortunate. She was confined and forgotten, but only until she was put to death in 1587. The Executioner having gripped her hair to hold his prize aloft, realised too late it was a wig and Mary’s head bounced and rolled across the floor. Football Development The pig’s bladder was the central component in the construction of the football for the next three hundred years. However, the issue of the ball’s movement (the bounce and roll), the bladder’s propensity to burst when kicked, and an unfortunate wife’s end, conspired to push the pig from the ball before the close of the nineteenth-century. The game of football began to take its shape in 1848, when JC Thring and a few colleagues devised the Cambridge Rules. This compromised set of guidelines was developed from those used across the different ‘ball’ games played at England’s elite schools. The game involved far more kicking, and the pig’s bladders, prone to bursting under such conditions, soon became impractical. Charles Goodyear’s invention of vulcanisation in 1836 and the death of prestigious rugby and football maker Richard Lindon’s wife in 1870 facilitated the replacement of the animal bladder with a rubber-based alternative. Tragically, Mr Lindon’s chief inflator died as a result of blowing up too many infected pig’s bladders (Hawkesley). Before it closed earlier this year (Rhoads), the US Soccer Hall of Fame displayed a rubber football made in 1863 under the misleading claim that it was the oldest known football. By the late 1800s, professional, predominantly Scottish play-makers had transformed the game from its ‘kick-and-run’ origins into what is now called ‘the passing game’ (Sanders). Football, thanks in no small part to Scottish factory workers (Kay), quickly spread through Europe and consequently the rest of the world. National competitions emerged through the growing need for organisation, and the pig-free mass production of balls began in earnest. Mitre and Thomlinson’s of Glasgow were two of the first to make and sell their much rounder balls. With heavy leather panels sewn together and wrapped around a thick rubber inner, these balls were more likely to retain shape—a claim the pig’s bladder equivalent could not legitimately make. The rubber-bladdered balls bounced more too. Their weight and external stitching made them more painful to header, but also more than useful for kicking and particularly for passing from one player to another. The ball’s relatively quick advancement can thereafter be linked to the growth and success of the World Cup Finals tournament. Before the pig re-enters the fray, it is important to glance, however briefly, at the ball’s development through the international game. World Cup Footballs Pre-tournament favourites, Spain, won the 2010 FIFA World Cup, playing with “an undistorted, perfectly spherical ball” (Ghosh par. 7), the “roundest” ever designed (FIFA par.1). Their victory may speak to notions of predictability in the ball, the tournament and the most lucrative levels of professional endeavour, but this notion is not a new one to football. The ball’s construction has had an influence on the way the game has been played since the days of Mary Queen of Scots. The first World Cup Final, in 1930, featured two heavy, leather, twelve-panelled footballs—not dissimilar to those being produced in Glasgow decades earlier. The players and officials of Uruguay and Argentina could not agree, so they played the first half with an Argentine ball. At half-time, Argentina led by two goals to one. In the second half, Uruguay scored three unanswered goals with their own ball (FIFA). The next Final was won by Italy, the home nation in 1934. Orsi, Italy’s adopted star, poked a wildly swerving shot beyond the outstretched Czech keeper. The next day Orsi, obligated to prove his goal was not luck or miracle, attempted to repeat the feat before an audience of gathered photographers. He failed. More than twenty times. The spin on his shot may have been due to the, not uncommon occurrence, of the ball being knocked out of shape during the match (FIFA). By 1954, the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) had sought to regulate ball size and structure and, in 1958, rigorously tested balls equal to the demands of world-class competition. The 1950s also marked the innovation of the swerving free kick. The technique, developed in the warm, dry conditions of the South American game, would not become popular elsewhere until ball technology improved. The heavy hand-stitched orb, like its early counterparts, was prone to water absorption, which increased the weight and made it less responsive, particularly for those playing during European winters (Bray). The 1970 World Cup in Mexico saw football progress even further. Pele, arguably the game’s greatest player, found his feet, and his national side, Brazil, cemented their international football prominence when they won the Jules Rimet trophy for the third time. Their innovative and stylish use of the football in curling passes and bending free kicks quickly spread to other teams. The same World Cup saw Adidas, the German sports goods manufacturer, enter into a long-standing partnership with FIFA. Following the competition, they sold an estimated six hundred thousand match and replica tournament footballs (FIFA). The ball, the ‘Telstar’, with its black and white hexagonal panels, became an icon of the modern era as the game itself gained something close to global popularity for the first time in its history. Over the next forty years, the ball became incrementally technologically superior. It became synthetic, water-resistant, and consistent in terms of rebound and flight characteristics. It was constructed to be stronger and more resistant to shape distortion. Internal layers of polyutherane and Syntactic Foam made it lighter, capable of greater velocity and more responsive to touch (FIFA). Adidas spent three years researching and developing the 2006 World Cup ball, the ‘Teamgeist’. Fourteen panels made it rounder and more precise, offering a lower bounce, and making it more difficult to curl due to its accuracy in flight. At the same time, audiences began to see less of players like Roberto Carlos (Brazil and Real Madrid CF) and David Beckham (Manchester United, LA Galaxy and England), who regularly scored goals that challenged the laws of physics (Gill). While Adidas announced the 2006 release of the world’s best performing ball in Berlin, the world’s oldest was on its way to the Museum fur Volkerkunde in Hamburg for the duration of the 2006 FIFA World Cup. The Mary Queen of Scot’s ball took centre spot in an exhibit which also featured a pie stand—though not pork pies—from Hibernian Football Club (Strang). In terms of publicity and raising awareness of the Scots’ role in the game’s historical development, the installation was an unrivalled success for the Scottish Football Museum (McBrearty). It did, however, very little for the pig. Heads, not Tails In 2002, the pig or rather the head of a pig, bounced and rolled back into football’s limelight. For five years Luis Figo, Portugal’s most capped international player, led FC Barcelona to domestic and European success. In 2000, he had been lured to bitter rivals Real Madrid CF for a then-world record fee of around £37 million (Nash). On his return to the Catalan Camp Nou, wearing the shimmering white of Real Madrid CF, he was showered with beer cans, lighters, bottles and golf balls. Among the objects thrown, a suckling pig’s head chimed a psychological nod to the spear with two sharp ends in William Golding’s story. Play was suspended for sixteen minutes while police tried to quell the commotion (Lowe). In 2009, another pig’s head made its way into football for different reasons. Tightly held in the greasy fingers of an Orlando Pirates fan, it was described as a symbol of the ‘roasting’ his team would give the Kaiser Chiefs. After the game, he and his friend planned to eat their mascot and celebrate victory over their team’s most reviled competitors (Edwards). The game ended in a nil-all draw. Prior to the 2010 FIFA World Cup, it was not uncommon for a range of objects that European fans might find bizarre, to be allowed into South African league matches. They signified luck and good feeling, and in some cases even witchcraft. Cabbages, known locally for their medicinal qualities, were very common—common enough for both sets of fans to take them (Edwards). FIFA, an organisation which has more members than the United Nations (McGregor), impressed their values on the South African Government. The VuVuZela was fine to take to games; indeed, it became a cultural artefact. Very little else would be accepted. Armed with their economy-altering engine, the world’s most watched tournament has a tendency to get what it wants. And the crowd respond accordingly. Incidentally, the ‘Jabulani’—the ball developed for the 2010 tournament—is the most consistent football ever designed. In an exhaustive series of tests, engineers at Loughborough University, England, learned, among other things, the added golf ball-like grooves on its surface made the ball’s flight more symmetrical and more controlled. The Jabulani is more reliable or, if you will, more predictable than any predecessor (Ghosh). Spanish Ham Through support from their Governing body, the Real Federación Española de Fútbol, Spain have built a national side with experience, and an unparalleled number of talented individuals, around the core of the current FC Barcelona club side. Their strength as a team is founded on the bond between those playing on a weekly basis at the Catalan club. Their style has allowed them to create and maintain momentum on the international stage. Victorious in the 2008 UEFA European Football Championship and undefeated in their run through the qualifying stages into the World Cup Finals in South Africa, they were tournament favourites before a Jabulani was rolled into touch. As Tim Parks noted in his New York Review of Books article, “The Shame of the World Cup”, “the Spanish were superior to an extent one rarely sees in the final stages of a major competition” (2010 par. 15). They have a “remarkable ability to control, hold and hide the ball under intense pressure,” and play “a passing game of great subtlety [ ... to] patiently wear down an opposing team” (Parks par. 16). Spain won the tournament having scored fewer goals per game than any previous winner. Perhaps, as Parks suggests, they scored as often as they needed to. They found the net eight times in their seven matches (Fletcher). This was the first time that Spain had won the prestigious trophy, and the first time a European country has won the tournament on a different continent. In this, they have broken the stranglehold of superpowers like Germany, Italy and Brazil. The Spanish brand of passing football is the new benchmark. Beautiful to watch, it has grace, flow and high entertainment value, but seems to lack something of an organic nature: that is, it lacks the chance for things to go wrong. An element of robotic aptitude has crept in. This occurred on a lesser scale across the 2010 FIFA World Cup finals, but it is possible to argue that teams and players, regardless of nation, have become interchangeable, that the world’s best players and the way they play have become identikits, formulas to be followed and manipulated by master tacticians. There was a great deal of concern in early rounds about boring matches. The world’s media focused on an octopus that successfully chose the winner of each of Germany’s matches and the winner of the final. Perhaps, in shaping the ‘most’ perfect ball and the ‘most’ perfect football, the World Cup has become the most predictable of tournaments. In Conclusion The origins of the ball, Orsi’s unrepeatable winner and the swerving free kick, popular for the best part of fifty years, are worth remembering. These issues ask the powers of football to turn back before the game is smothered by the hunt for faultlessness. The unpredictability of the ball goes hand in hand with the game. Its flaws underline its beauty. Football has so much more transformative power than lucrative evolutionary accretion. While the pig’s head was an ugly statement in European football, it is a symbol of hope in its South African counterpart. Either way its removal is a reminder of Golding’s message and the threat of homogeneity; a nod to the absence of the irregular in the modern era. Removing the curve from the free kick echoes the removal of the pig’s bladder from the ball. The fun is in the imperfection. Where will the game go when it becomes indefectible? Where does it go from here? Can there really be any validity in claiming yet another ‘roundest ball ever’? Chip technology will be introduced. The ball’s future replacements will be tracked by satellite and digitally-fed, reassured referees will determine the outcome of difficult decisions. Victory for the passing game underlines the notion that despite technological advancement, the game has changed very little since those pioneering Scotsmen took to the field. Shouldn’t we leave things the way they were? Like the pigs at Woodside Wildlife and Falconry Park, the level of improvement seems determined by the level of incentive. The pigs, at least, are playing to feed themselves. Acknowledgments The author thanks editors, Donna Lee Brien and Adele Wessell, and the two blind peer reviewers, for their constructive feedback and reflective insights. The remaining mistakes are his own. References “Adidas unveils Golden Ball for 2006 FIFA World Cup Final” Adidas. 18 Apr. 2006. 23 Aug. 2010 . 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The Leichhardt Highway is a six hundred-kilometre stretch of sealed inland road that joins the Australian Queensland border town of Goondiwindi with the Capricorn Highway, just south of the Tropic of Capricorn. Named after the young Prussian naturalist Ludwig Leichhardt, part of this roadway follows the route his party took as they crossed northern Australia from Morton Bay (Brisbane) to Port Essington (near Darwin). Ignoring the usual colonial practice of honouring the powerful and aristocratic, Leichhardt named the noteworthy features along this route after his supporters and fellow expeditioners. Many of these names are still in use and a series of public monuments have also been erected in the intervening century and a half to commemorate this journey. Unlike Leichhardt, who survived his epic trip, some contemporary travellers who navigate the remote roadway named in his honour do not arrive at their final destinations. Memorials to these violently interrupted lives line the highway, many enigmatically located in places where there is no obvious explanation for the lethal violence that occurred there. This examination profiles the memorials along Leichhardt’s highway as Gothic practice, in order to illuminate some of the uncanny paradoxes around public memorials, as well as the loaded emotional terrain such commemorative practices may inhabit. All humans know that death awaits them (Morell). Yet, despite this, and the unprecedented torrent of images of death and dying saturating news, television, and social media (Duwe; Sumiala; Bisceglio), Gorer’s mid-century ideas about the denial of death and Becker’s 1973 Pulitzer prize-winning description of the purpose of human civilization as a defence against this knowledge remains current in the contemporary trope that individuals (at least in the West) deny their mortality. Contributing to this enigmatic situation is how many deny the realities of aging and bodily decay—the promise of the “life extension” industries (Hall)—and are shielded from death by hospitals, palliative care providers, and the multimillion dollar funeral industry (Kiernan). Drawing on Piatti-Farnell’s concept of popular culture artefacts as “haunted/haunting” texts, the below describes how memorials to the dead can powerfully reconnect those who experience them with death’s reality, by providing an “encrypted passageway through which the dead re-join the living in a responsive cycle of exchange and experience” (Piatti-Farnell). While certainly very different to the “sublime” iconic Gothic structure, the Gothic ruin that Summers argued could be seen as “a sacred relic, a memorial, a symbol of infinite sadness, of tenderest sensibility and regret” (407), these memorials do function in both this way as melancholy/regret-inducing relics as well as in Piatti-Farnell’s sense of bringing the dead into everyday consciousness. Such memorialising activity also evokes one of Spooner’s features of the Gothic, by acknowledging “the legacies of the past and its burdens on the present” (8).Ludwig Leichhardt and His HighwayWhen Leichhardt returned to Sydney in 1846 from his 18-month journey across northern Australia, he was greeted with surprise and then acclaim. Having mounted his expedition without any backing from influential figures in the colony, his party was presumed lost only weeks after its departure. Yet, once Leichhardt and almost all his expedition returned, he was hailed “Prince of Explorers” (Erdos). When awarding him a significant purse raised by public subscription, then Speaker of the Legislative Council voiced what he believed would be the explorer’s lasting memorial —the public memory of his achievement: “the undying glory of having your name enrolled amongst those of the great men whose genius and enterprise have impelled them to seek for fame in the prosecution of geographical science” (ctd. Leichhardt 539). Despite this acclaim, Leichhardt was a controversial figure in his day; his future prestige not enhanced by his Prussian/Germanic background or his disappearance two years later attempting to cross the continent. What troubled the colonial political class, however, was his transgressive act of naming features along his route after commoners rather than the colony’s aristocrats. Today, the Leichhardt Highway closely follows Leichhardt’s 1844-45 route for some 130 kilometres from Miles, north through Wandoan to Taroom. In the first weeks of his journey, Leichhardt named 16 features in this area: 6 of the more major of these after the men in his party—including the Aboriginal man ‘Charley’ and boy John Murphy—4 more after the tradesmen and other non-aristocratic sponsors of his venture, and the remainder either in memory of the journey’s quotidian events or natural features there found. What we now accept as traditional memorialising practice could in this case be termed as Gothic, in that it upset the rational, normal order of its day, and by honouring humble shopkeepers, blacksmiths and Indigenous individuals, revealed the “disturbance and ambivalence” (Botting 4) that underlay colonial class relations (Macintyre). On 1 December 1844, Leichhardt also memorialised his own past, referencing the Gothic in naming a watercourse The Creek of the Ruined Castles due to the “high sandstone rocks, fissured and broken like pillars and walls and the high gates of the ruined castles of Germany” (57). Leichhardt also disturbed and disfigured the nature he so admired, famously carving his initials deep into trees along his route—a number of which still exist, including the so-called Leichhardt Tree, a large coolibah in Taroom’s main street. Leichhardt also wrote his own memorial, keeping detailed records of his experiences—both good and more regretful—in the form of field books, notebooks and letters, with his major volume about this expedition published in London in 1847. Leichhardt’s journey has since been memorialised in various ways along the route. The Leichhardt Tree has been further defaced with numerous plaques nailed into its ancient bark, and the town’s federal government-funded Bicentennial project raised a formal memorial—a large sandstone slab laid with three bronze plaques—in the newly-named Ludwig Leichhardt Park. Leichhardt’s name also adorns many sites both along, and outside, the routes of his expeditions. While these fittingly include natural features such as the Leichhardt River in north-west Queensland (named in 1856 by Augustus Gregory who crossed it by searching for traces of the explorer’s ill-fated 1848 expedition), there are also many businesses across Queensland and the Northern Territory less appropriately carrying his name. More somber monuments to Leichhardt’s legacy also resulted from this journey. The first of these was the white settlement that followed his declaration that the countryside he moved through was well endowed with fertile soils. With squatters and settlers moving in and land taken up before Leichhardt had even arrived back in Sydney, the local Yeeman people were displaced, mistreated and completely eradicated within a decade (Elder). Mid-twentieth century, Patrick White’s literary reincarnation, Voss of the eponymous novel, and paintings by Sidney Nolan and Albert Tucker have enshrined in popular memory not only the difficult (and often described as Gothic) nature of the landscape through which Leichhardt travelled (Adams; Mollinson, and Bonham), but also the distinctive and contrary blend of intelligence, spiritual mysticism, recklessness, and stoicism Leichhardt brought to his task. Roadside Memorials Today, the Leichhardt Highway is also lined with a series of roadside shrines to those who have died much more recently. While, like centotaphs, tombstones, and cemeteries, these memorialise the dead, they differ in usually marking the exact location that death occurred. In 43 BC, Cicero articulated the idea of the dead living in memory, “The life of the dead consists in the recollection cherished of them by the living” (93), yet Nelson is one of very few contemporary writers to link roadside memorials to elements of Gothic sensibility. Such constructions can, however, be described as Gothic, in that they make the roadway unfamiliar by inscribing onto it the memory of corporeal trauma and, in the process, re-creating their locations as vivid sites of pain and suffering. These are also enigmatic sites. Traffic levels are generally low along the flat or gently undulating terrain and many of these memorials are located in locations where there is no obvious explanation for the violence that occurred there. They are loci of contradictions, in that they are both more private than other memorials, in being designed, and often made and erected, by family and friends of the deceased, and yet more public, visible to all who pass by (Campbell). Cemeteries are set apart from their surroundings; the roadside memorial is, in contrast, usually in open view along a thoroughfare. In further contrast to cemeteries, which contain many relatively standardised gravesites, individual roadside memorials encapsulate and express not only the vivid grief of family and friends but also—when they include vehicle wreckage or personal artefacts from the fatal incident—provide concrete evidence of the trauma that occurred. While the majority of individuals interned in cemeteries are long dead, roadside memorials mark relatively contemporary deaths, some so recent that there may still be tyre marks, debris and bloodstains marking the scene. In 2008, when I was regularly travelling this roadway, I documented, and researched, the six then extant memorial sites that marked the locations of ten fatalities from 1999 to 2006. (These were all still in place in mid-2014.) The fatal incidents are very diverse. While half involved trucks and/or road trains, at least three were single vehicle incidents, and the deceased ranged from 13 to 84 years of age. Excell argues that scholarship on roadside memorials should focus on “addressing the diversity of the material culture” (‘Contemporary Deathscapes’) and, in these terms, the Leichhardt Highway memorials vary from simple crosses to complex installations. All include crosses (mostly, but not exclusively, white), and almost all are inscribed with the name and birth/death dates of the deceased. Most include flowers or other plants (sometimes fresh but more often plastic), but sometimes also a range of relics from the crash and/or personal artefacts. These are, thus, unsettling sights, not least in the striking contrast they provide with the highway and surrounding road reserve. The specific location is a key component of their ability to re-sensitise viewers to the dangers of the route they are travelling. The first memorial travelling northwards, for instance, is situated at the very point at which the highway begins, some 18 kilometres from Goondiwindi. Two small white crosses decorated with plastic flowers are set poignantly close together. The inscriptions can also function as a means of mobilising connection with these dead strangers—a way of building Secomb’s “haunted community”, whereby community in the post-colonial age can only be built once past “murderous death” (131) is acknowledged. This memorial is inscribed with “Cec Hann 06 / A Good Bloke / A Good hoarseman [sic]” and “Pat Hann / A Good Woman” to tragically commemorate the deaths of an 84-year-old man and his 79-year-old wife from South Australia who died in the early afternoon of 5 June 2006 when their Ford Falcon, towing a caravan, pulled onto the highway and was hit by a prime mover pulling two trailers (Queensland Police, ‘Double Fatality’; Jones, and McColl). Further north along the highway are two memorials marking the most inexplicable of road deaths: the single vehicle fatality (Connolly, Cullen, and McTigue). Darren Ammenhauser, aged 29, is remembered with a single white cross with flowers and plaque attached to a post, inscribed hopefully, “Darren Ammenhauser 1971-2000 At Rest.” Further again, at Billa Billa Creek, a beautifully crafted metal cross attached to a fence is inscribed with the text, “Kenneth J. Forrester / RIP Jack / 21.10.25 – 27.4.05” marking the death of the 79-year-old driver whose vehicle veered off the highway to collide with a culvert on the creek. It was reported that the vehicle rolled over several times before coming to rest on its wheels and that Forrester was dead when the police arrived (Queensland Police, ‘Fatal Traffic Incident’). More complex memorials recollect both single and multiple deaths. One, set on both sides of the road, maps the physical trajectory of the fatal smash. This memorial comprises white crosses on both sides of road, attached to a tree on one side, and a number of ancillary sites including damaged tyres with crosses placed inside them on both sides of the road. Simple inscriptions relay the inability of such words to express real grief: “Gary (Gazza) Stevens / Sadly missed” and “Gary (Gazza) Stevens / Sadly missed / Forever in our hearts.” The oldest and most complex memorial on the route, commemorating the death of four individuals on 18 June 1999, is also situated on both sides of the road, marking the collision of two vehicles travelling in opposite directions. One memorial to a 62-year-old man comprises a cross with flowers, personal and automotive relics, and a plaque set inside a wooden fence and simply inscribed “John Henry Keenan / 23-11-1936–18-06-1999”. The second memorial contains three white crosses set side-by-side, together with flowers and relics, and reveals that members of three generations of the same family died at this location: “Raymond Campbell ‘Butch’ / 26-3-67–18-6-99” (32 years of age), “Lorraine Margaret Campbell ‘Lloydie’ / 29-11-46–18-6-99” (53 years), and “Raymond Jon Campbell RJ / 28-1-86–18-6-99” (13 years). The final memorial on this stretch of highway is dedicated to Jason John Zupp of Toowoomba who died two weeks before Christmas 2005. This consists of a white cross, decorated with flowers and inscribed: “Jason John Zupp / Loved & missed by all”—a phrase echoed in his newspaper obituary. The police media statement noted that, “at 11.24pm a prime mover carrying four empty trailers [stacked two high] has rolled on the Leichhardt Highway 17km north of Taroom” (Queensland Police, ‘Fatal Truck Accident’). The roadside memorial was placed alongside a ditch on a straight stretch of road where the body was found. The coroner’s report adds the following chilling information: “Mr Zupp was thrown out of the cabin and his body was found near the cabin. There is no evidence whatsoever that he had applied the brakes or in any way tried to prevent the crash … Jason was not wearing his seatbelt” (Cornack 5, 6). Cornack also remarked the truck was over length, the brakes had not been properly adjusted, and the trip that Zupp had undertaken could not been lawfully completed according to fatigue management regulations then in place (8). Although poignant and highly visible due to these memorials, these deaths form a small part of Australia’s road toll, and underscore our ambivalent relationship with the automobile, where road death is accepted as a necessary side-effect of the freedom of movement the technology offers (Ladd). These memorials thus animate highways as Gothic landscapes due to the “multifaceted” (Haider 56) nature of the fear, terror and horror their acknowledgement can bring. Since 1981, there have been, for instance, between some 1,600 and 3,300 road deaths each year in Australia and, while there is evidence of a long term downward trend, the number of deaths per annum has not changed markedly since 1991 (DITRDLG 1, 2), and has risen in some years since then. The U.S.A. marked its millionth road death in 1951 (Ladd) along the way to over 3,000,000 during the 20th century (Advocates). These deaths are far reaching, with U.K. research suggesting that each death there leaves an average of 6 people significantly affected, and that there are some 10 to 20 per cent of mourners who experience more complicated grief and longer term negative affects during this difficult time (‘Pathways Through Grief’). As the placing of roadside memorials has become a common occurrence the world over (Klaassens, Groote, and Vanclay; Grider; Cohen), these are now considered, in MacConville’s opinion, not only “an appropriate, but also an expected response to tragedy”. Hockey and Draper have explored the therapeutic value of the maintenance of “‘continuing bonds’ between the living and the dead” (3). This is, however, only one explanation for the reasons that individuals erect roadside memorials with research suggesting roadside memorials perform two main purposes in their linking of the past with the present—as not only sites of grieving and remembrance, but also of warning (Hartig, and Dunn; Everett; Excell, Roadside Memorials; MacConville). Clark adds that by “localis[ing] and personalis[ing] the road dead,” roadside memorials raise the profile of road trauma by connecting the emotionless statistics of road death directly to individual tragedy. They, thus, transform the highway into not only into a site of past horror, but one in which pain and terror could still happen, and happen at any moment. Despite their increasing commonality and their recognition as cultural artefacts, these memorials thus occupy “an uncomfortable place” both in terms of public policy and for some individuals (Lowe). While in some states of the U.S.A. and in Ireland the erection of such memorials is facilitated by local authorities as components of road safety campaigns, in the U.K. there appears to be “a growing official opposition to the erection of memorials” (MacConville). Criticism has focused on the dangers (of distraction and obstruction) these structures pose to passing traffic and pedestrians, while others protest their erection on aesthetic grounds and even claim memorials can lower property values (Everett). While many ascertain a sense of hope and purpose in the physical act of creating such shrines (see, for instance, Grider; Davies), they form an uncanny presence along the highway and can provide dangerous psychological territory for the viewer (Brien). Alongside the townships, tourist sites, motels, and petrol stations vying to attract customers, they stain the roadway with the unmistakable sign that a violent death has happened—bringing death, and the dead, to the fore as a component of these journeys, and destabilising prominent cultural narratives of technological progress and safety (Richter, Barach, Ben-Michael, and Berman).Conclusion This investigation has followed Goddu who proposes that a Gothic text “registers its culture’s contradictions” (3) and, in profiling these memorials as “intimately connected to the culture that produces them” (Goddu 3) has proposed memorials as Gothic artefacts that can both disturb and reveal. Roadside memorials are, indeed, so loaded with emotional content that their close contemplation can be traumatising (Brien), yet they are inescapable while navigating the roadway. Part of their power resides in their ability to re-animate those persons killed in these violent in the minds of those viewing these memorials. In this way, these individuals are reincarnated as ghostly presences along the highway, forming channels via which the traveller can not only make human contact with the dead, but also come to recognise and ponder their own sense of mortality. While roadside memorials are thus like civic war memorials in bringing untimely death to the forefront of public view, roadside memorials provide a much more raw expression of the chaotic, anarchic and traumatic moment that separates the world of the living from that of the dead. 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Introduction Most developed countries, including Australia, have a strong focus on national, state and local strategies for emergency management and response in the face of disasters and crises. This framework can include coping with catastrophic dislocation, service disruption, injury or loss of life in the face of natural disasters such as major fires, floods, earthquakes or other large-impact natural events, as well as dealing with similar catastrophes resulting from human actions such as bombs, biological agents, cyber-attacks targeting essential services such as communications networks, or other crises affecting large populations. Emergency management frameworks for crisis and disaster response are distinguished by their focus on the domestic context for such events; that is, how to manage and assist the ways in which civilian populations, who are for the most part inexperienced and untrained in dealing with crises and disasters, are able to respond and behave in such situations so as to minimise the impacts of a catastrophic event. Even in countries like Australia that demonstrate a strong public commitment to cultural pluralism and social cohesion, ethno-cultural diversity can be seen as a risk or threat to national security and values at times of political, natural, economic and/or social tensions and crises. Australian government policymakers have recently focused, with increasing intensity, on “community resilience” as a key element in countering extremism and enhancing emergency preparedness and response. In some sense, this is the result of a tacit acknowledgement by government agencies that there are limits to what they can do for domestic communities should such a catastrophic event occur, and accordingly, the focus in recent times has shifted to how governments can best help people to help themselves in such situations, a key element of the contemporary “resilience” approach. Yet despite the robustly multicultural nature of Australian society, explicit engagement with Australia’s cultural diversity flickers only fleetingly on this agenda, which continues to pursue approaches to community resilience in the absence of understandings about how these terms and formations may themselves need to be diversified to maximise engagement by all citizens in a multicultural polity. There have been some recent efforts in Australia to move in this direction, for example the Australian Emergency Management Institute (AEMI)’s recent suite of projects with culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) communities (2006-2010) and the current Australia-New Zealand Counter-Terrorism Committee-supported project on “Harnessing Resilience Capital in Culturally Diverse Communities to Counter Violent Extremism” (Grossman and Tahiri), which I discuss in a longer forthcoming version of this essay (Grossman). Yet the understanding of ethno-cultural identity and difference that underlies much policy thinking on resilience remains problematic for the way in which it invests in a view of the cultural dimensions of community resilience as relic rather than resource – valorising the preservation of and respect for cultural norms and traditions, but silent on what different ethno-cultural communities might contribute toward expanded definitions of both “community” and “resilience” by virtue of the transformative potential and existing cultural capital they bring with them into new national and also translocal settings. For example, a primary conclusion of the joint program between AEMI and the Australian Multicultural Commission is that CALD communities are largely “vulnerable” in the context of disasters and emergency management and need to be better integrated into majority-culture models of theorising and embedding community resilience. This focus on stronger national integration and the “vulnerability” of culturally diverse ethno-cultural communities in the Australian context echoes the work of scholars beyond Australia such as McGhee, Mouritsen (Reflections, Citizenship) and Joppke. They argue that the “civic turn” in debates around resurgent contemporary nationalism and multicultural immigration policies privileges civic integration over genuine two-way multiculturalism. This approach sidesteps the transculturational (Ortiz; Welsch; Mignolo; Bennesaieh; Robins; Stein) aspects of contemporary social identities and exchange by paying lip-service to cultural diversity while affirming a neo-liberal construct of civic values and principles as a universalising goal of Western democratic states within a global market economy. It also suggests a superficial tribute to cultural diversity that does not embed diversity comprehensively at the levels of either conceptualising or resourcing different elements of Australian transcultural communities within the generalised framework of “community resilience.” And by emphasising cultural difference as vulnerability rather than as resource or asset, it fails to acknowledge the varieties of resilience capital that many culturally diverse individuals and communities may bring with them when they resettle in new environments, by ignoring the question of what “resilience” actually means to those from culturally diverse communities. In so doing, it also avoids the critical task of incorporating intercultural definitional diversity around the concepts of both “community” and “resilience” used to promote social cohesion and the capacity to recover from disasters and crises. How we might do differently in thinking about the broader challenges for multiculturalism itself as a resilient transnational concept and practice? The Concept of Resilience The meanings of resilience vary by disciplinary perspective. While there is no universally accepted definition of the concept, it is widely acknowledged that resilience refers to the capacity of an individual to do well in spite of exposure to acute trauma or sustained adversity (Liebenberg 219). Originating in the Latin word resilio, meaning ‘to jump back’, there is general consensus that resilience pertains to an individual’s, community’s or system’s ability to adapt to and ‘bounce back’ from a disruptive event (Mohaupt 63, Longstaff et al. 3). Over the past decade there has been a dramatic rise in interest in the clinical, community and family sciences concerning resilience to a broad range of adversities (Weine 62). While debate continues over which discipline can be credited with first employing resilience as a concept, Mohaupt argues that most of the literature on resilience cites social psychology and psychiatry as the origin for the concept beginning in the mid-20th century. The pioneer researchers of what became known as resilience research studied the impact on children living in dysfunctional families. For example, the findings of work by Garmezy, Werner and Smith and Rutter showed that about one third of children in these studies were coping very well despite considerable adversities and traumas. In asking what it was that prevented the children in their research from being negatively influenced by their home environments, such research provided the basis for future research on resilience. Such work was also ground-breaking for identifying the so-called ‘protective factors’ or resources that individuals can operationalise when dealing with adversity. In essence, protective factors are those conditions in the individual that protect them from the risk of dysfunction and enable recovery from trauma. They mitigate the effects of stressors or risk factors, that is, those conditions that predispose one to harm (Hajek 15). Protective factors include the inborn traits or qualities within an individual, those defining an individual’s environment, and also the interaction between the two. Together, these factors give people the strength, skills and motivation to cope in difficult situations and re-establish (a version of) ‘normal’ life (Gunnestad). Identifying protective factors is important in terms of understanding the particular resources a given sociocultural group has at its disposal, but it is also vital to consider the interconnections between various protective mechanisms, how they might influence each other, and to what degree. An individual, for instance, might display resilience or adaptive functioning in a particular domain (e.g. emotional functioning) but experience significant deficits in another (e.g. academic achievement) (Hunter 2). It is also essential to scrutinise how the interaction between protective factors and risk factors creates patterns of resilience. Finally, a comprehensive understanding of the interrelated nature of protective mechanisms and risk factors is imperative for designing effective interventions and tailored preventive strategies (Weine 65). In short, contemporary thinking about resilience suggests it is neither entirely personal nor strictly social, but an interactive and iterative combination of the two. It is a quality of the environment as much as the individual. For Ungar, resilience is the complex entanglements between “individuals and their social ecologies [that] will determine the degree of positive outcomes experienced” (3). Thinking about resilience as context-dependent is important because research that is too trait-based or actor-centred risks ignoring any structural or institutional forces. A more ecological interpretation of resilience, one that takes into a person’s context and environment into account, is vital in order to avoid blaming the victim for any hardships they face, or relieving state and institutional structures from their responsibilities in addressing social adversity, which can “emphasise self-help in line with a neo-conservative agenda instead of stimulating state responsibility” (Mohaupt 67). Nevertheless, Ungar posits that a coherent definition of resilience has yet to be developed that adequately ‘captures the dual focus of the individual and the individual’s social ecology and how the two must both be accounted for when determining the criteria for judging outcomes and discerning processes associated with resilience’ (7). Recent resilience research has consequently prompted a shift away from vulnerability towards protective processes — a shift that highlights the sustained capabilities of individuals and communities under threat or at risk. Locating ‘Culture’ in the Literature on Resilience However, an understanding of the role of culture has remained elusive or marginalised within this trend; there has been comparatively little sustained investigation into the applicability of resilience constructs to non-western cultures, or how the resources available for survival might differ from those accessible to western populations (Ungar 4). As such, a growing body of researchers is calling for more rigorous inquiry into culturally determined outcomes that might be associated with resilience in non-western or multicultural cultures and contexts, for example where Indigenous and minority immigrant communities live side by side with their ‘mainstream’ neighbours in western settings (Ungar 2). ‘Cultural resilience’ considers the role that cultural background plays in determining the ability of individuals and communities to be resilient in the face of adversity. For Clauss-Ehlers, the term describes the degree to which the strengths of one’s culture promote the development of coping (198). Culturally-focused resilience suggests that people can manage and overcome stress and trauma based not on individual characteristics alone, but also from the support of broader sociocultural factors (culture, cultural values, language, customs, norms) (Clauss-Ehlers 324). The innate cultural strengths of a culture may or may not differ from the strengths of other cultures; the emphasis here is not so much comparatively inter-cultural as intensively intra-cultural (VanBreda 215). A culturally focused resilience model thus involves “a dynamic, interactive process in which the individual negotiates stress through a combination of character traits, cultural background, cultural values, and facilitating factors in the sociocultural environment” (Clauss-Ehlers 199). In understanding ways of ‘coping and hoping, surviving and thriving’, it is thus crucial to consider how culturally and linguistically diverse minorities navigate the cultural understandings and assumptions of both their countries of origin and those of their current domicile (Ungar 12). Gunnestad claims that people who master the rules and norms of their new culture without abandoning their own language, values and social support are more resilient than those who tenaciously maintain their own culture at the expense of adjusting to their new environment. They are also more resilient than those who forego their own culture and assimilate with the host society (14). Accordingly, if the combination of both valuing one’s culture as well as learning about the culture of the new system produces greater resilience and adaptive capacities, serious problems can arise when a majority tries to acculturate a minority to the mainstream by taking away or not recognising important parts of the minority culture. In terms of resilience, if cultural factors are denied or diminished in accounting for and strengthening resilience – in other words, if people are stripped of what they possess by way of resilience built through cultural knowledge, disposition and networks – they do in fact become vulnerable, because ‘they do not automatically gain those cultural strengths that the majority has acquired over generations’ (Gunnestad 14). Mobilising ‘Culture’ in Australian Approaches to Community Resilience The realpolitik of how concepts of resilience and culture are mobilised is highly relevant here. As noted above, when ethnocultural difference is positioned as a risk or a threat to national identity, security and values, this is precisely the moment when vigorously, even aggressively, nationalised definitions of ‘community’ and ‘identity’ that minoritise or disavow cultural diversities come to the fore in public discourse. The Australian evocation of nationalism and national identity, particularly in the way it has framed policy discussion on managing national responses to disasters and threats, has arguably been more muted than some of the European hysteria witnessed recently around cultural diversity and national life. Yet we still struggle with the idea that newcomers to Australia might fall on the surplus rather than the deficit side of the ledger when it comes to identifying and harnessing resilience capital. A brief example of this trend is explored here. From 2006 to 2010, the Australian Emergency Management Institute embarked on an ambitious government-funded four-year program devoted to strengthening community resilience in relation to disasters with specific reference to engaging CALD communities across Australia. The program, Inclusive Emergency Management with CALD Communities, was part of a wider Australian National Action Plan to Build Social Cohesion, Harmony and Security in the wake of the London terrorist bombings in July 2005. Involving CALD community organisations as well as various emergency and disaster management agencies, the program ran various workshops and agency-community partnership pilots, developed national school education resources, and commissioned an evaluation of the program’s effectiveness (Farrow et al.). While my critique here is certainly not aimed at emergency management or disaster response agencies and personnel themselves – dedicated professionals who often achieve remarkable results in emergency and disaster response under extraordinarily difficult circumstances – it is nevertheless important to highlight how the assumptions underlying elements of AEMI’s experience and outcomes reflect the persistent ways in which ethnocultural diversity is rendered as a problem to be surmounted or a liability to be redressed, rather than as an asset to be built upon or a resource to be valued and mobilised. AEMI’s explicit effort to engage with CALD communities in building overall community resilience was important in its tacit acknowledgement that emergency and disaster services were (and often remain) under-resourced and under-prepared in dealing with the complexities of cultural diversity in emergency situations. Despite these good intentions, however, while the program produced some positive outcomes and contributed to crucial relationship building between CALD communities and emergency services within various jurisdictions, it also continued to frame the challenge of working with cultural diversity as a problem of increased vulnerability during disasters for recently arrived and refugee background CALD individuals and communities. This highlights a common feature in community resilience-building initiatives, which is to focus on those who are already ‘robust’ versus those who are ‘vulnerable’ in relation to resilience indicators, and whose needs may require different or additional resources in order to be met. At one level, this is a pragmatic resourcing issue: national agencies understandably want to put their people, energy and dollars where they are most needed in pursuit of a steady-state unified national response at times of crisis. Nor should it be argued that at least some CALD groups, particularly those from new arrival and refugee communities, are not vulnerable in at least some of the ways and for some of the reasons suggested in the program evaluation. However, the consistent focus on CALD communities as ‘vulnerable’ and ‘in need’ is problematic, as well as partial. It casts members of these communities as structurally and inherently less able and less resilient in the context of disasters and emergencies: in some sense, as those who, already ‘victims’ of chronic social deficits such as low English proficiency, social isolation and a mysterious unidentified set of ‘cultural factors’, can become doubly victimised in acute crisis and disaster scenarios. In what is by now a familiar trope, the description of CALD communities as ‘vulnerable’ precludes asking questions about what they do have, what they do know, and what they do or can contribute to how we respond to disaster and emergency events in our communities. A more profound problem in this sphere revolves around working out how best to engage CALD communities and individuals within existing approaches to disaster and emergency preparedness and response. This reflects a fundamental but unavoidable limitation of disaster preparedness models: they are innately spatially and geographically bounded, and consequently understand ‘communities’ in these terms, rather than expanding definitions of ‘community’ to include the dimensions of community-as-social-relations. While some good engagement outcomes were achieved locally around cross-cultural knowledge for emergency services workers, the AEMI program fell short of asking some of the harder questions about how emergency and disaster service scaffolding and resilience-building approaches might themselves need to change or transform, using a cross-cutting model of ‘communities’ as both geographic places and multicultural spaces (Bartowiak-Théron and Crehan) in order to be more effective in national scenarios in which cultural diversity should be taken for granted. Toward Acknowledgement of Resilience Capital Most significantly, the AEMI program did not produce any recognition of the ways in which CALD communities already possess resilience capital, or consider how this might be drawn on in formulating stronger community initiatives around disaster and threats preparedness for the future. Of course, not all individuals within such communities, nor all communities across varying circumstances, will demonstrate resilience, and we need to be careful of either overgeneralising or romanticising the kinds and degrees of ‘resilience capital’ that may exist within them. Nevertheless, at least some have developed ways of withstanding crises and adapting to new conditions of living. This is particularly so in connection with individual and group behaviours around resource sharing, care-giving and social responsibility under adverse circumstances (Grossman and Tahiri) – all of which are directly relevant to emergency and disaster response. While some of these resilient behaviours may have been nurtured or enhanced by particular experiences and environments, they can, as the discussion of recent literature above suggests, also be rooted more deeply in cultural norms, habits and beliefs. Whatever their origins, for culturally diverse societies to achieve genuine resilience in the face of both natural and human-made disasters, it is critical to call on the ‘social memory’ (Folke et al.) of communities faced with responding to emergencies and crises. Such wellsprings of social memory ‘come from the diversity of individuals and institutions that draw on reservoirs of practices, knowledge, values, and worldviews and is crucial for preparing the system for change, building resilience, and for coping with surprise’ (Adger et al.). Consequently, if we accept the challenge of mapping an approach to cultural diversity as resource rather than relic into our thinking around strengthening community resilience, there are significant gains to be made. For a whole range of reasons, no diversity-sensitive model or measure of resilience should invest in static understandings of ethnicities and cultures; all around the world, ethnocultural identities and communities are in a constant and sometimes accelerated state of dynamism, reconfiguration and flux. But to ignore the resilience capital and potential protective factors that ethnocultural diversity can offer to the strengthening of community resilience more broadly is to miss important opportunities that can help suture the existing disconnects between proactive approaches to intercultural connectedness and social inclusion on the one hand, and reactive approaches to threats, national security and disaster response on the other, undermining the effort to advance effectively on either front. This means that dominant social institutions and structures must be willing to contemplate their own transformation as the result of transcultural engagement, rather than merely insisting, as is often the case, that ‘other’ cultures and communities conform to existing hegemonic paradigms of being and of living. In many ways, this is the most critical step of all. A resilience model and strategy that questions its own culturally informed yet taken-for-granted assumptions and premises, goes out into communities to test and refine these, and returns to redesign its approach based on the new knowledge it acquires, would reflect genuine progress toward an effective transculturational approach to community resilience in culturally diverse contexts.References Adger, W. Neil, Terry P. Hughes, Carl Folke, Stephen R. Carpenter and Johan Rockström. “Social-Ecological Resilience to Coastal Disasters.” Science 309.5737 (2005): 1036-1039. ‹http://www.sciencemag.org/content/309/5737/1036.full> Bartowiak-Théron, Isabelle, and Anna Corbo Crehan. “The Changing Nature of Communities: Implications for Police and Community Policing.” Community Policing in Australia: Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) Reports, Research and Policy Series 111 (2010): 8-15. Benessaieh, Afef. “Multiculturalism, Interculturality, Transculturality.” Ed. A. Benessaieh. Transcultural Americas/Ameriques Transculturelles. Ottawa: U of Ottawa Press/Les Presses de l’Unversite d’Ottawa, 2010. 11-38. Clauss-Ehlers, Caroline S. “Sociocultural Factors, Resilience and Coping: Support for a Culturally Sensitive Measure of Resilience.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 29 (2008): 197-212. Clauss-Ehlers, Caroline S. “Cultural Resilience.” Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology. Ed. C. S. Clauss-Ehlers. New York: Springer, 2010. 324-326. Farrow, David, Anthea Rutter and Rosalind Hurworth. Evaluation of the Inclusive Emergency Management with Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) Communities Program. Parkville, Vic.: Centre for Program Evaluation, U of Melbourne, July 2009. ‹http://www.ag.gov.au/www/emaweb/rwpattach.nsf/VAP/(9A5D88DBA63D32A661E6369859739356)~Final+Evaluation+Report+-+July+2009.pdf/$file/Final+Evaluation+Report+-+July+2009.pdf>.Folke, Carl, Thomas Hahn, Per Olsson, and Jon Norberg. “Adaptive Governance of Social-Ecological Systems.” Annual Review of Environment and Resources 30 (2005): 441-73. ‹http://arjournals.annualreviews.org/doi/pdf/10.1146/annurev.energy.30.050504.144511>. Garmezy, Norman. “The Study of Competence in Children at Risk for Severe Psychopathology.” The Child in His Family: Children at Psychiatric Risk. Vol. 3. Eds. E. J. Anthony and C. Koupernick. New York: Wiley, 1974. 77-97. Grossman, Michele. “Resilient Multiculturalism? Diversifying Australian Approaches to Community Resilience and Cultural Difference”. Global Perspectives on Multiculturalism in the 21st Century. Eds. B. E. de B’beri and F. Mansouri. London: Routledge, 2014. Grossman, Michele, and Hussein Tahiri. Harnessing Resilience Capital in Culturally Diverse Communities to Counter Violent Extremism. Canberra: Australia-New Zealand Counter-Terrorism Committee, forthcoming 2014. Grossman, Michele. “Cultural Resilience and Strengthening Communities”. Safeguarding Australia Summit, Canberra. 23 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.safeguardingaustraliasummit.org.au/uploader/resources/Michele_Grossman.pdf>. Gunnestad, Arve. “Resilience in a Cross-Cultural Perspective: How Resilience Is Generated in Different Cultures.” Journal of Intercultural Communication 11 (2006). ‹http://www.immi.se/intercultural/nr11/gunnestad.htm>. Hajek, Lisa J. “Belonging and Resilience: A Phenomenological Study.” Unpublished Master of Science thesis, U of Wisconsin-Stout. Menomonie, Wisconsin, 2003. Hunter, Cathryn. “Is Resilience Still a Useful Concept When Working with Children and Young People?” Child Family Community Australia (CFA) Paper 2. Melbourne: Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2012.Joppke, Christian. "Beyond National Models: Civic Integration Policies for Immigrants in Western Europe". West European Politics 30.1 (2007): 1-22. Liebenberg, Linda, Michael Ungar, and Fons van de Vijver. “Validation of the Child and Youth Resilience Measure-28 (CYRM-28) among Canadian Youth.” Research on Social Work Practice 22.2 (2012): 219-226. Longstaff, Patricia H., Nicholas J. Armstrong, Keli Perrin, Whitney May Parker, and Matthew A. Hidek. “Building Resilient Communities: A Preliminary Framework for Assessment.” Homeland Security Affairs 6.3 (2010): 1-23. ‹http://www.hsaj.org/?fullarticle=6.3.6>. McGhee, Derek. The End of Multiculturalism? Terrorism, Integration and Human Rights. Maidenhead: Open U P, 2008.Mignolo, Walter. Local Histories/Global Designs: Coloniality, Subaltern Knowledges, and Border Thinking. Princeton: Princeton U P, 2000. Mohaupt, Sarah. “Review Article: Resilience and Social Exclusion.” Social Policy and Society 8 (2009): 63-71.Mouritsen, Per. "The Culture of Citizenship: A Reflection on Civic Integration in Europe." Ed. R. Zapata-Barrero. Citizenship Policies in the Age of Diversity: Europe at the Crossroad." Barcelona: CIDOB Foundation, 2009: 23-35. Mouritsen, Per. “Political Responses to Cultural Conflict: Reflections on the Ambiguities of the Civic Turn.” Ed. P. Mouritsen and K.E. Jørgensen. Constituting Communities. Political Solutions to Cultural Conflict, London: Palgrave, 2008. 1-30. Ortiz, Fernando. Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar. Trans. Harriet de Onís. Intr. Fernando Coronil and Bronislaw Malinowski. Durham, NC: Duke U P, 1995 [1940]. Robins, Kevin. The Challenge of Transcultural Diversities: Final Report on the Transversal Study on Cultural Policy and Cultural Diversity. Culture and Cultural Heritage Department. Strasbourg: Council of European Publishing, 2006. Rutter, Michael. “Protective Factors in Children’s Responses to Stress and Disadvantage.” Annals of the Academy of Medicine, Singapore 8 (1979): 324-38. Stein, Mark. “The Location of Transculture.” Transcultural English Studies: Fictions, Theories, Realities. Eds. F. Schulze-Engler and S. Helff. Cross/Cultures 102/ANSEL Papers 12. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2009. 251-266. Ungar, Michael. “Resilience across Cultures.” British Journal of Social Work 38.2 (2008): 218-235. First published online 2006: 1-18. In-text references refer to the online Advance Access edition ‹http://bjsw.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2006/10/18/bjsw.bcl343.full.pdf>. VanBreda, Adrian DuPlessis. Resilience Theory: A Literature Review. Erasmuskloof: South African Military Health Service, Military Psychological Institute, Social Work Research & Development, 2001. Weine, Stevan. “Building Resilience to Violent Extremism in Muslim Diaspora Communities in the United States.” Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 5.1 (2012): 60-73. Welsch, Wolfgang. “Transculturality: The Puzzling Form of Cultures Today.” Spaces of Culture: City, Nation World. Eds. M. Featherstone and S. Lash. London: Sage, 1999. 194-213. Werner, Emmy E., and Ruth S. Smith. Vulnerable But Invincible: A Longitudinal Study of\ Resilience and Youth. New York: McGraw Hill, 1982. NotesThe concept of ‘resilience capital’ I offer here is in line with one strand of contemporary theorising around resilience – that of resilience as social or socio-ecological capital – but moves beyond the idea of enhancing general social connectedness and community cohesion by emphasising the ways in which culturally diverse communities may already be robustly networked and resourceful within micro-communal settings, with new resources and knowledge both to draw on and to offer other communities or the ‘national community’ at large. In effect, ‘resilience capital’ speaks to the importance of finding ‘the communities within the community’ (Bartowiak-Théron and Crehan 11) and recognising their capacity to contribute to broad-scale resilience and recovery.I am indebted for the discussion of the literature on resilience here to Dr Peta Stephenson, Centre for Cultural Diversity and Wellbeing, Victoria University, who is working on a related project (M. Grossman and H. Tahiri, Harnessing Resilience Capital in Culturally Diverse Communities to Counter Violent Extremism, forthcoming 2014).

Introduction Mentors play a role in real life, just as they do in fiction. They also feature in reality television, which sits somewhere between the two. In fiction, mentors contribute to the narrative arc by providing guidance and assistance (Vogler 12) to a mentee in his or her life or professional pursuits. These exchanges are usually characterized by reciprocity, the need for mutual recognition (Gadamer 353) and involve some kind of moral question. They dramatise the possibilities of mentoring in reality, to provide us with a greater understanding of the world, and our human interaction within it. Reality television offers a different perspective. Like drama it uses the plot device of a mentor character to heighten the story arc, but instead of focusing on knowledge-based portrayals (Gadamer 112) of the mentor and mentee, the emphasis is instead on the mentee’s quest for ascension. In attempting to transcend their unknownness (Boorstin) contestants aim to penetrate an exclusive creative class (Florida). Populated by celebrity chefs, businessmen, entertainers, fashionistas, models, socialites and talent judges (to name a few), this class seemingly adds authenticity to ‘competitions’ and other formats. While the mentor’s role, on the surface, is to provide divine knowledge and facilitate the journey, a different agenda is evident in the ways carefully scripted (Booth) dialogue heightens the drama through effusive praise (New York Daily News) and “tactless” (Woodward), humiliating (Hirschorn; Winant 69; Woodward) and cruel sentiments. From a screen narrative point of view, this takes reality television as ‘storytelling’ (Aggarwal; Day; Hirschorn; “Reality Writer”; Rupel; Stradal) into very different territory. The contrived and later edited (Crouch; Papacharissi and Mendelson 367) communication between mentor and mentee not only renders the relationship disingenuous, it compounds the primary ethical concerns of associated Schadenfreude (Balasubramanian, Forstie and van den Scott 434; Cartwright), and the severe financial inequality (Andrejevic) underpinning a multi-billion dollar industry (Hamilton). As upward mobility and instability continue to be ubiquitously portrayed in 21st century reality entertainment under neoliberalism (Sender 4; Winant 67), it is with increasing frequency that we are seeing the systematic reinvention of the once significant cultural and historical role of the mentor. Mentor as Fictional Archetype and Communicator of ThemesDepictions of mentors can be found across the Western art canon. From the mythological characters of Telemachus’ Athena and Achilles’ Chiron, to King Arthur’s Merlin, Cinderella’s Fairy Godmother, Jim Hawkins’ Long John Silver, Frodo’s Gandalf, Batman’s Alfred and Marty McFly’s Doc Emmett Brown (among many more), the dramatic energy of the teacher, expert or supernatural aid (Vogler 39) has been timelessly powerful. Heroes, typically, engage with a mentor as part of their journey. Mentor types range extensively, from those who provide motivation, inspiration, training or gifts (Vogler), to those who may be dark or malevolent, or have fallen from grace (such as Michael Douglas’ Gordon Gekko in Wall Street 1987, or the ex-tribute Haymitch in The Hunger Games, 2012). A good drama usually complicates the relationship in some way, exploring initial reluctance from either party, or instances of tragedy (Vogler 11, 44) which may prevent the relationship achieving its potential. The intriguing twist of a fallen or malevolent mentor additionally invites the audience to morally analyze the ways the hero responds to what the mentor provides, and to question what our teachers or superiors tell us. In television particularly, long running series such as Mad Men have shown how a mentoring relationship can change over time, where “non-rational” characters (Buzzanell and D’Enbeau 707) do not necessarily maintain reciprocity or equality (703) but become subject to intimate, ambivalent and erotic aspects.As the mentor in fiction has deep cultural roots for audiences today, it is no wonder they are used, in a variety of archetypal capacities, in reality television. The dark Simon Cowell (of Pop Idol, American Idol, Britain’s Got Talent, America’s Got Talent and The X-Factor series) and the ‘villainous’ (Byrnes) Michelin-starred Marco Pierre White (Hell’s Kitchen, The Chopping Block, Marco Pierre White’s Kitchen Wars, MasterChef Australia, New Zealand, South Africa) provide reality writers with much needed antagonism (Rupel, Stradal). Those who have fallen from grace, or allowed their personal lives to play out in tabloid sagas such as Britney Spears (Marikar), or Caitlyn Jenner (Bissinger) provide different sources of conflict and intrigue. They are then counterbalanced with or repackaged as the good mentor. Examples of the nurturer who shows "compassion and empathy" include American Idol’s Paula Abdul (Marche), or the supportive Jennifer Hawkins in Next Top Model (Thompson). These distinctive characters help audiences to understand the ‘reality’ as a story (Crouch; Rupel; Stradal). But when we consider the great mentors of screen fiction, it becomes clear how reality television has changed the nature of story. The Karate Kid I (1984) and Good Will Hunting (1998) are two examples where mentoring is almost the exclusive focus, and where the experience of the characters differs greatly. In both films an initially reluctant mentor becomes deeply involved in the mentee’s project. They act as a special companion to the hero in the face of isolation, and, significantly, reveal a tragedy of their own, providing a nexus through which the mentee can access a deeper kind of truth. Not only are they flawed and ordinary people (they are not celebrities within the imagined worlds of the stories) who the mentee must challenge and learn to truly respect, they are “effecting and important” (Maslin) in reminding audiences of those hidden idiosyncrasies that open the barriers to friendship. Mentors in these stories, and many others, communicate themes of class, culture, talent, jealousy, love and loss which inform ideas about the ethical treatment of the ‘other’ (Gadamer). They ultimately prove pivotal to self worth, human confidence and growth. Very little of this thematic substance survives in reality television (see comparison of plots and contrasting modes of human engagement in the example of The Office and Dirty Jobs, Winant 70). Archetypally identifiable as they may be, mean judges and empathetic supermodels as characters are concerned mostly with the embodiment of perfection. They are flawless, untouchable and indeed most powerful when human welfare is at stake, and when the mentee before them faces isolation (see promise to a future ‘Rihanna’, X-Factor USA, Season 2, Episode 1 and Tyra Banks’ Next Top Model tirade at a contestant who had not lived up to her potential, West). If connecting with a mentor in fiction has long signified the importance of understanding of the past, of handing down tradition (Gadamer 354), and of our fascination with the elder, wiser other, then we can see a fundamental shift in narrative representation of mentors in reality television stories. In the past, as we have opened our hearts to such characters, as a facilitator to or companion of the hero, we have rehearsed a sacred respect for the knowledge and fulfillment mentors can provide. In reality television the ‘drama’ may evoke a fleeting rush of excitement at the hero’s success or failure, but the reality belies a pronounced distancing between mentor and mentee. The Creative Class: An Aspirational ParadigmThemes of ascension and potential fulfillment are also central to modern creativity discourse (Runco; Runco 672; United Nations). Seen as the driving force of the 21st century, creativity is now understood as much more than art, capable of bringing economic prosperity (United Nations) and social cohesion to its acme (United Nations xxiii). At the upper end of creative practice, is what Florida called “the creative class: a fast growing, highly educated, and well-paid segment of the workforce” (on whose expertise corporate profits depend), in industries ranging “from technology to entertainment, journalism to finance, high-end manufacturing to the arts” (Florida). Their common ethos is centered on individuality, diversity, and merit; eclipsing previous systems focused on ‘shopping’ and theme park consumerism and social conservatism (Eisinger). While doubts have since been raised about the size (Eisinger) and financial practices (Krätke 838) of the creative class (particularly in America), from an entertainment perspective at least, the class can be seen in full action. Extending to rich housewives, celebrity teen mothers and even eccentric duck hunters and swamp people, the creative class has caught up to the more traditional ‘star’ actor or music artist, and is increasingly marketable within world’s most sought after and expensive media spaces. Often reality celebrities make their mark for being the most outrageous, the cruelest (Peyser), or the weirdest (Gallagher; Peyser) personalities in the spotlight. Aspiring to the creative class thus, is a very public affair in television. Willing participants scamper for positions on shows, particularly those with long running, heavyweight titles such as Big Brother, The Bachelor, Survivor and the Idol series (Hill 35). The better known formats provide high visibility, with the opportunity to perform in front of millions around the globe (Frere-Jones, Day). Tapping into the deeply ingrained upward-mobility rhetoric of America, and of Western society, shows are aided in large part by 24-hour news, social media, the proliferation of celebrity gossip and the successful correlation between pop culture and an entertainment-style democratic ideal. As some have noted, dramatized reality is closely tied to the rise of individualization, and trans-national capitalism (Darling-Wolf 127). Its creative dynamism indeed delivers multi-lateral benefits: audiences believe the road to fame and fortune is always just within reach, consumerism thrives, and, politically, themes of liberty, egalitarianism and freedom ‘provide a cushioning comfort’ (Peyser; Pinter) from the domestic and international ills that would otherwise dispel such optimism. As the trials and tests within the reality genre heighten the seriousness of, and excitement about ascending toward the creative elite, show creators reproduce the same upward-mobility themed narrative across formats all over the world. The artifice is further supported by the festival-like (Grodin 46) symbology of the live audience, mass viewership and the online voting community, which in economic terms, speaks to the creative power of the material. Whether through careful manipulation of extra media space, ‘game strategy’, or other devices, those who break through are even more idolized for the achievement of metamorphosing into a creative hero. For the creative elite however, who wins ‘doesn’t matter much’. Vertical integration is the priority, where the process of making contestants famous is as lucrative as the profits they will earn thereafter; it’s a form of “one-stop shopping” as the makers of Idol put it according to Frere-Jones. Furthermore, as Florida’s measures and indicators suggested, the geographically mobile new creative class is driven by lifestyle values, recreation, participatory culture and diversity. Reality shows are the embodiment this idea of creativity, taking us beyond stale police procedural dramas (Hirschorn) and racially typecast family sitcoms, into a world of possibility. From a social equality perspective, while there has been a notable rise in gay and transgender visibility (Gamson) and stories about lower socio-economic groups – fast food workers and machinists for example – are told in a way they never were before, the extent to which shows actually unhinge traditional power structures is, as scholars have noted (Andrejevic and Colby 197; Schroeder) open to question. As boundaries are nonetheless crossed in the age of neoliberal creativity, the aspirational paradigm of joining a new elite in real life is as potent as ever. Reality Television’s Mentors: How to Understand Their ‘Role’Reality television narratives rely heavily on the juxtaposition between celebrity glamour and comfort, and financial instability. As mentees put it ‘all on the line’, storylines about personal suffering are hyped and molded for maximum emotional impact. In the best case scenarios mentors such as Caitlyn Jenner will help a trans mentee discover their true self by directing them in a celebrity-style photo shoot (see episode featuring Caitlyn and Zeam, Logo TV 2015). In more extreme cases the focus will be on an adopted contestant’s hopes that his birth mother will hear him sing (The X Factor USA, Season 2, Episode 11 Part 1), or on a postal clerk’s fear that elimination will mean she has to go back “to selling stamps” (The X Factor US - Season 2 Episode 11 Part 2). In the entrepreneurship format, as Woodward pointed out, it is not ‘help’ that mentees are given, but condescension. “I have to tell you, my friend, that this is the worst idea I’ve ever heard. You don’t have a clue about how to set up a business or market a product,” Woodward noted as the feedback given by one elite businessman on The Shark Tank (Woodward). “This is a five million dollar contract and I have to know that you can go the distance” (The X Factor US – Season 2 Episode 11, Part 1) Britney Spears warned to a thirteen-year-old contestant before accepting her as part of her team. In each instance the fictitious premise of being either an ‘enabler’ or destroyer of dreams is replayed and slightly adapted for ongoing consumer interest. This lack of shared experience and mutual recognition in reality television also highlights the overt, yet rarely analyzed focus on the wealth of mentors as contrasted with their unstable mentees. In the respective cases of The X Factor and I Am Cait, one of the wealthiest moguls in entertainment, Cowell, reportedly contracts mentors for up to $15 million per season (Nair); Jenner’s performance in I Am Cait was also set to significantly boost the Kardashian empire (reportedly already worth $300 million, Pavia). In both series, significant screen time has been dedicated to showing the mentors in luxurious beachside houses, where mentees may visit. Despite the important social messages embedded in Caitlyn’s story (which no doubt nourishes the Kardashian family’s generally more ersatz material), the question, from a moral point of view becomes: would these mentors still interact with that particular mentee without the money? Regardless, reality participants insist they are fulfilling their dreams when they appear. Despite the preplanning, possibility of distress (Australia Network News; Bleasby) and even suicide (Schuster), as well as the ferocity of opinion surrounding shows (Marche) the parade of a type of ‘road of trials’ (Vogler 189) is enough to keep a huge fan base interested, and hungry for their turn to experience the fortune of being touched by the creative elite; or in narrative terms, a supernatural aid. ConclusionThe key differences between reality television and artistic narrative portrayals of mentors can be found in the use of archetypes for narrative conflict and resolution, in the ways themes are explored and the ways dialogue is put to use, and in the focus on and visibility of material wealth (Frere-Jones; Peyser). These differences highlight the political, cultural and social implications of exchanging stories about potential fulfillment, for stories about ascension to the creative class. Rather than being based on genuine reciprocity, and understanding of human issues, reality shows create drama around the desperation to penetrate the inner sanctum of celebrity fame and fortune. In fiction we see themes based on becoming famous, on gender transformation, and wealth acquisition, such as in the films and series Almost Famous (2000), The Bill Silvers Show (1955-1959), Filthy Rich (1982-1983), and Tootsie (1982), but these stories at least attempt to address a moral question. Critically, in an artistic - rather than commercial context – the actors (who may play mentees) are not at risk of exploitation (Australia Network News; Bleasby; Crouch). Where actors are paid and recognized creatively for their contribution to an artistic work (Rupel), the mentee in reality television has no involvement in the ways action may be set up for maximum voyeuristic enjoyment, or manipulated to enhance scandalous and salacious content which will return show and media profits (“Reality Show Fights”; Skeggs and Wood 64). The emphasis, ironically, from a reality production point of view, is wholly on making the audience believe (Papacharissi and Mendelson 367) that the content is realistic. This perhaps gives some insight as to why themes of personal suffering and instability are increasingly evident across formats.On an ethical level, unlike the knowledge transferred through complex television plots, or in coming of age films (as cited above) about the ways tradition is handed down, and the ways true mentors provide altruistic help in human experience; in reality television we take away the knowledge that life, under neoliberalism, is most remarkable when one is handpicked to undertake a televised journey featuring their desire for upward mobility. The value of the mentoring in these cases is directly proportionate to the financial objectives of the creative elite.ReferencesAggarwal, Sirpa. “WWE, A&E Networks, and Simplynew Share Benefits of White-Label Social TV Solutions at the Social TV Summit.” Arktan 25 July 2012. 1 August 2014 <http://arktan.com/wwe-ae-networks-and-simplynew-share-benefits-of-white-label-social-tv-solutions-at-the-social-tv-summit/>. 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