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Journal articles on the topic 'Police reform'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 21 February 2023

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1

Ayers, John W., Benjamin M. Althouse, Adam Poliak, Eric C. Leas, Alicia L. Nobles, Mark Dredze, and Davey Smith. "Quantifying Public Interest in Police Reforms by Mining Internet Search Data Following George Floyd’s Death." Journal of Medical Internet Research 22, no. 10 (October 21, 2020): e22574. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/22574.

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Background The death of George Floyd while in police custody has resurfaced serious questions about police conduct that result in the deaths of unarmed persons. Objective Data-driven strategies that identify and prioritize the public’s needs may engender a public health response to improve policing. We assessed how internet searches indicative of interest in police reform changed after Mr Floyd’s death. Methods We monitored daily Google searches (per 10 million total searches) that included the terms “police” and “reform(s)” (eg, “reform the police,” “best police reforms,” etc) originating from the United States between January 1, 2010, through July 5, 2020. We also monitored searches containing the term “police” with “training,” “union(s),” “militarization,” or “immunity” as markers of interest in the corresponding reform topics. Results The 41 days following Mr Floyd’s death corresponded with the greatest number of police “reform(s)” searches ever recorded, with 1,350,000 total searches nationally. Searches increased significantly in all 50 states and Washington DC. By reform topic, nationally there were 1,220,000 total searches for “police” and “union(s)”; 820,000 for “training”; 360,000 for “immunity”; and 72,000 for “militarization.” In terms of searches for all policy topics by state, 33 states searched the most for “training,” 16 for “union(s),” and 2 for “immunity.” States typically in the southeast had fewer queries related to any police reform topic than other states. States that had a greater percentage of votes for President Donald Trump during the 2016 election searched more often for police “union(s)” while states favoring Secretary Hillary Clinton searched more for police “training.” Conclusions The United States is at a historical juncture, with record interest in topics related to police reform with variability in search terms across states. Policy makers can respond to searches by considering the policies their constituencies are searching for online, notably police training and unions. Public health leaders can respond by engaging in the subject of policing and advocating for evidence-based policy reforms.

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2

González, Yanilda. "The Social Origins of Institutional Weakness and Change: Preferences, Power, and Police Reform in Latin America." World Politics 71, no. 1 (December 24, 2018): 44–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711800014x.

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AbstractDespite historic increases in crime and violence, Latin America’s police forces are characterized by long periods of institutional weakness punctuated by rare, sweeping reforms. To understand these patterns of institutional continuity and change, the author applies the concept of structural power, demonstrating how police leverage their control of coercion to constrain the policy options available to politicians. Within this constrained policy space, politicians choosing between continuity and reform assess societal preferences for police reform and patterns of political competition. Under fragmented societal preferences, irrespective of political competition, reform brings little electoral gain and risks alienating a powerful bureaucracy. Preference fragmentation thus favors the persistence of institutional weakness. When societal preferences converge and a robust political opposition threatens incumbents, politicians face an electoral counterweight to the structural power of police, making reform likely. Using evidence from periods of continuity and reform in Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia, the author traces both outcomes to shifts in societal preferences and political opposition. Despite the imperative to address citizens’ demands by building state capacity in security provision, these cases show that police reform is often rendered electorally disadvantageous.

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3

Bayley, David H. "Police Reform as Foreign Policy." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 38, no. 2 (August 2005): 206–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/acri.38.2.206.

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This article discusses the worldwide enterprise of assisting in the reform of police institutions in order to support democracy. It describes the current scope of activity, the changing context for this kind of work, and the key lessons, both substantive and tactical, that have been learned about engaging in such assistance. It concludes with two recommendations about the most powerful levers for engendering democratic change in foreign police forces.

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4

Terpstra, Jan, and Nick R. Fyfe. "Great expectations? Assessing the creation of national police organisations in Scotland and the Netherlands." International Journal of Police Science & Management 21, no. 2 (April 16, 2019): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355719842310.

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Against a background of recent structural reforms to police organisations in northern and western Europe, this paper examines the experiences of Scotland and the Netherlands where national police forces were established in 2013. Taking a comparative perspective, an analysis of the police reform proposals is followed by a review of the arguments for reform, the challenges of implementation and the findings emerging from the evaluations of the police reforms in each country. The paper concludes by drawing out the contrast between the ‘great expectations’ of the two police reforms articulated by the governments and the realities of bringing about rapid and large-scale organisational change, arguing that institutionalist perspectives on police reform have much to offer in making sense of the challenges of the police reform process.

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Costa, Gino, and Rachel Neild. "Police Reform in Peru." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 38, no. 2 (August 2005): 216–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/acri.38.2.216.

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Following a political transition, Peru launched a police reform in 2001. This study focuses on internal and external impediments to the reform. The highly transparent and democratic process won public support and the backing of rank-and-file officers, but failed to overcome opposition from police leadership. The strength of senior police opposition is directly related to financial interests threatened by anticorruption initiatives. In the external environment, government weakness and lack of presidential support present critical breaking points. Additional external weaknesses include the politically independent profile of the Interior Ministry reform team, the lack of a politically negotiated reform plan, and the absence of international backing. Presidential support failed at a critical moment when police challenged the Interior Minister. Noting the limitations of different evaluative criteria in policing reforms, the article argues that important advances have been achieved in policing in Peru even as short-term impacts are limited.

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6

Vuorensyrjä, Matti. "Police management reform, labor productivity, and citizens’ evaluation of police services." Policing: An International Journal 41, no. 6 (December 3, 2018): 749–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-02-2017-0025.

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Purpose This study tracks changes in labor productivity of the Finnish police force over a period of thorough management reforms (2009-2014). Theoretically, the study is based on the cost disease hypothesis. It was assumed that police management reforms have had no noticeable effect on labor productivity and that, therefore, the fact that both physical police facilities and frontline employees have been reduced during the reform years has been reflected on the output side: on the number of outputs, accessibility, and quality of police services. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach The study was conducted as a series of longitudinal function-specific output-input analyses (2000-2015). The project employed data from the Police Performance Management database, Police Citizen Surveys (PCSs, 1999-2016), and Police Personnel Surveys (1999-2015). Methodologically, it relied on two different compounded annual growth rate concepts, linear regressions and likelihood ratio analyses. Findings The rate of growth of labor productivity was unaffected by the management reform period. In fact, productivity may have declined during the reform process. Citizens’ evaluations of police services have slightly deteriorated over the management reform period. Research limitations/implications PCS data are based on quota sampling. The procedure contains random sampling elements but is not fully random. The earliest PCS data lack satisfactory population weights, which is why unweighted data had to be used in this study. Originality/value Longitudinal studies on police productivity and, relatedly, on the cost disease phenomenon are rare. Yet, the themata are potentially very significant for both citizens and policy makers.

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7

Trivunovic, Marijana. "Police reform — Introduction." Helsinki Monitor 15, no. 3 (2004): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571814041954299.

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8

Hail, Yvonne. "Police reform in Scotland: What can we learn from the experiences of front-line officers?" International Journal of Police Science & Management 22, no. 1 (November 22, 2019): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355719882441.

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Little is known about how front-line police officers navigate major structural reforms within their organization. The findings presented in this paper were collected as part of the first ever empirical study of the newly created Police Service of Scotland between October 2013 and June 2014. The findings discussed here are pertinent to the wider academic literature in that they fill the current gap in knowledge on how front-line police officers experience major structural reforms at a police operational level; by exploring the ways, if any, reform impacted on the routine delivery of local policing. This paper focuses on three main themes which emerged from the analysis of 68 interviews conducted with a stratified sample of serving police officers; front-line police officers, their supervisors and managers across two geographically distinct case study areas in Scotland. The paper highlights police officers’ concerns around a lack of front-line involvement in either the planning or implementation of reform, the pace at which the changes associated with reform were rolled out and the internal communication processes adopted throughout the reform journey, all of which they claim impacted negatively on their daily routines. This unique data was collected using a variety of qualitative and ethnographic research approaches including non-participant observations, walking interviews, documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews at the precise time major structural reform was being implemented across Scotland.

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Thompson and Payne. "Towards Professionalism and Police Legitimacy? An Examination of the Education and Training Reforms of the Police in the Republic of Ireland." Education Sciences 9, no. 3 (September 17, 2019): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci9030241.

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In this paper, we present a thought piece examining recent core policing reforms introduced in the Republic of Ireland (ROI), responding to a perceived crisis of legitimacy, for An Garda Síochána (AGS) (translated: ‘The Guardian of the Peace’). Central to this process is the critical reform of the education and training of police and their relationship to the professionalisation and legitimacy of policing. In this paper, we put forward an explorative analysis of the potential link between the professional education of police and their perceived legitimacy. A literature review was carried out on the reform process, including the related elements of police education, training, professionalisation, community policing, police legitimacy, code of ethics (CoE) and police culture. We consider the espoused ambition to professionalise policing via processes including the provision of professional learning in universities and how this might be deemed to contribute (or not) to legitimacy. While no empirical research to date has been carried out on these specific reforms in the ROI, the reform recommendations had several resonances with broader examination of the themes and challenges (in particular police ethics and culture) associated with reform of democratic policing in other jurisdictions, particularly with respect to increasing professional learning and perceived police legitimacy.

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10

Felker-Kantor, Max. "Liberal Law-and-Order: The Politics of Police Reform in Los Angeles." Journal of Urban History 46, no. 5 (April 28, 2017): 1026–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217705462.

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After his election in 1973, Los Angeles’s first African American mayor, Tom Bradley, worked to implement reforms that would increase civilian oversight and accountability of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). Ensuring procedural fairness that treated all residents equally, Bradley and other liberals believed, would lead to reductions in police harassment, abuse, and shootings. Placing their faith in the power of government to effectively manage the police allowed liberals to pledge both strong support for tough law enforcement and propose police reforms. This liberal law-and-order, however, did not result in similar police reforms, such as civilian review, pursued in other Democratic-run cities. No event demonstrated this limitation of Bradley’s liberal law-and-order approach to police reform as the Rodney King beating and the 1992 Los Angeles rebellion. Rather than demonstrating the failure of liberal reform, Los Angeles shows how liberal law-and-order facilitated the expansion of police authority after the 1960s.

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Hills, Alice. "The dialectic of police reform in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (May 14, 2008): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003200.

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ABSTRACTDespite decades of police assistance and the recent introduction of reform plans, Nigeria's public police remain notoriously brutal and corrupt. This raises the question of whether even flawed reforms in a relatively democratic environment can make a significant difference to policing standards and practices. Based on developments in the Nigeria Police since 2005, this article suggests that reform can make a normative and organisational difference, but that in the absence of fundamental socio-political change, its effects tend to be superficial, localised and temporary. Reform's dynamic is better understood as a classic dialectic than a serial succession of movements.

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12

Holmberg, Lars. "Continuity and change in Scandinavian police reforms." International Journal of Police Science & Management 21, no. 4 (December 2019): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355719889461.

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The paper provides an overview of recent police reforms in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, including what is known about the results of those reforms. The reform processes in the three countries are quite similar. The number of individual police districts is drastically reduced, strong centralized management is introduced, and reforms are expected to yield additional manpower though rationalization. To date, however, the results do not live up to expectations; reforms are hard realize in the expected time, resources are scarce, local policing is hard to maintain, and police performance and efficiency do not seem to increase. The paper offers two related explanations for the lack of results. First, all three reforms place emphasis on centralizing police management, regardless of the problems they are expected to solve. Second, a staple of Scandinavian police reforms is the quest for viability; police districts must be large enough to handle all eventualities. Even though the concept of viability has changed over the past 50 years, it is still at the core of reform plans. The paper concludes with a discussion about the possibility of ever achieving police viability.

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Ananthachari, T. "Police Reform-- New Imperatives." Indian Journal of Public Administration 40, no. 3 (July 1994): 436–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119940321.

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14

Loveday, Barry. "The Police Reform Agenda." Criminal Justice Matters 46, no. 1 (December 2001): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627250108553665.

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NURMANDI, ACHMAD, ISNAINI MUALLIDIN, EKO PRIYO PURNOMO, and SURYANTO SURYANTO. "The indonesia’s Police Reform Police in the Reform Era New Institutionalism Perspective." Journal of Government and Politics 7, no. 2 (2016): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0029.

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Matvejevs, Aleksandrs. "Valsts policijas pārvaldes sistēmas reforma." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 3, no. 18 (2020): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.18.2020.3.089-096.

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Šajā rakstā ir sniegts pārskats par policijas struktūru un procesu reformu veidu izmaiņām demokrātijas pārejas kontekstā. Sākumā tiks apskatīts demokrātiskas policijas darbības jēdziens kā viens no policijas reformas mērķiem, un pēc tam arī daži šķēršļi un problēmas, ar kuriem nākas saskarties reformu gaitā. Policijas pārvaldes sistēmas reformai ir būtiska nozīme, valstij pārejot uz demokrātisku pārvaldes formu. Virzībai uz demilitarizāciju un decentralizāciju ir liela nozīme policijas pārvaldes sistēmas reformas procesā. The article provides an overview of changes in the way police structures and processes are reformed in the context of the democratic transition. It begins by looking at the concept of democratic policing as one of the aims of police reform, as well as some of the obstacles and challenges that it faces in the course of reform. Reform of the police administration system is essential for the country’s transition to a democratic form of government. The move towards demilitarisation and decentralisation is important in the process of reforming the police administration.

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Christensen, Tom, Per Lægreid, and Lise H. Rykkja. "Reforming the Norwegian police between structure and culture: Community police or emergency police." Public Policy and Administration 33, no. 3 (June 5, 2017): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076717709523.

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This article examines the reform of the police in Norway between 2012 to 2015 drawing upon central public reports and official documents leading up to the reform. These include the report from the official Inquiry Commission into the police response to the terrorist attacks in Oslo and at Utøya in July 2011, a report issued by a public commission in 2013 – established to analyze challenges within the police – and the resulting government proposal and parliamentary discussion that culminated in a decision to create a new police structure in 2015. While governance capacity and the need for a stronger emergency police were a main concern throughout the process, the importance of governance legitimacy and of maintaining a community police force became more important towards the end. The organizational thinking behind the reform is explained in terms of a structural and an institutional perspective. The analysis shows that both cultural and structural change was seen as prominent instruments for improving the police force, but they were emphasized differently at different points during the process. The analysis demonstrates that political context, agenda settings, attention shifting and situational factors as well as path dependency were important drivers of the reform.

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Muharemi, Irfan. "REFORMS IN THE MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA, INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REFORM PROCESS." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1965–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061965i.

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The issue to be addressed within this work is the reforms in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Police of the Republic of Macedonia adopted and approved during the last decade. Reforms in the MIA and the police represent the main criterion of the country's integration into the European Union, at the same time; enable the return of citizens' confidence to the MIA and the police as well as the creation of a guarantee for the country's internal security. The vision of acceptance of European values, norms and police services in Macedonia emerged shortly after the declaration of independence of RM in the year 1991. After peaceful independence, the RM proved its commitment to the establishment and organization of efficient and accountable state institutions. In order to achieve this, the MIA should include the police, to be transformed from a state police into a service police (closer citizens). However, the most substantial efforts to reform the MIA were developed at the beginning of the new century when the state formally started the process of EU integration. As international partners, in cooperation with local authorities, were specifically engaged in creating a strategy for reform in the MIA and the police, with the aim of implementing a community policing model and instigating democratic values in the police. Direct support for this process was provided by the European Commission Mission in Justice and Ministry of Internal Affairs in Macedonia ( ECJHAT). This mission was intended to assist local authorities in the creation of the Strategy for Reforms of the Most Sensitive Part of the State apparatus. Therefore, EU experts were directly involved in the task force established by the MIA with the task to prepare the Police Reform Strategy, which was approved by the Government of Macedonia in August 2003, as well as the Action Plan for its implementation adopted in December 2004. The EITC mission lasted for 18 months and ended at the end of 2003 but a new instrument EC as a policing reform supporter called the Police Reform Project (ECPRP), which was intended to provide guidance on the implementation of the reform process. Some of the standards set out in the Police Reform Strategy have been amended in accordance with the Ohrid Agreement on equal representation of all ethnic communities, in particular the representation of Albanians in the MIA. Also, the manner of electing Commanders of Police in Municipalities, where in line with the OFA, the local police leaders are elected by the municipal councils, based on lists proposed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Prior to the start of the reform, the MIA and the police of the Republic of Macedonia were a highly centralized organization and had to decentralize or delegate some competencies to the local government by decentralizing decision-making and accountability. In fact, this was and is difficult to achieve because it alongside the formal legal changes requires the change of thinking to officials and policemen. And this Working Group ECJHAT acknowledges that "it is easier to build an organization from beginning rather than fully reorganizing a functional organization.

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Joyce, Peter. "Police reform: from police authorities to police and crime commissioners." Safer Communities 10, no. 4 (October 10, 2011): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17578041111185677.

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RYAZANOV, Sergey M. "FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLICE IN THE COUNTRY CITIES OF THE URALS IN THE 60S AND 80S OF THE 19TH CENTURY." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 8, no. 1 (2022): 224–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2022-8-1-224-240.

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The historiography of the Ural police originates from the studies of the city police, which began in the second half of the 1990s at the same time in the South Urals and in the Vyatka Cis-Urals. Furthermore, some generalizations of the development of urban police institutions in the 19th century took place exclusively within the South Urals and Vyatka Cis-Urals, a generalizing work on the city police of the entire region has not yet been published. The object of this study is the transformation of the city police of the Urals in the 60s — 80s of the 19th century. The relevance of the study for historical science, on the one hand, is due to the fact that in the urbanized space, the processes associated with modernization were particularly active and the timeliness of police reforms was of particular importance here. As research methods, there were used the “classical” ones: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological. The resulting part examines the measures taken by regional and central authorities to strengthen the police of country cities in the second half of the 19th century. A comparison of pre-reform and new police states is carried out. Based on the above data, it can be concluded that the reforms were controversial. The main reason for the shortcomings of both the reform of 1887 and subsequent ones lay in the contradiction between the real need of cities for police forces and the lack of city funds to meet these needs. Thus, the reform of 1862 somewhat weakened the city police forces, and the general growth of the urban population and the lack of reforms until 1887 further intensified the crisis phenomena.

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Wong, Kam C. "The Police Legitimacy Crisis and Police Law Reform in China: Part II." International Journal of Police Science & Management 7, no. 1 (March 2005): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/ijps.7.1.1.63487.

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In 1978 the third plenary session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CCCP) set a new course of development for China, ie modernisation by way of economic reform and market opening. The reform movement changed China socially, politically, economically, and culturally. The gongan or public security is a part of that transformation process. This article is a first attempt to investigate and report upon PRC police law reform effort — objectives, process and result — since 1978. In so doing, the article catalogues the past, describes the present, and speculates upon the future. The paper argues that police law reform in China is a reaction to a growing police legitimacy crisis attenuating police-public relationship. In the first part of this article (Wong, 2004) the case was made for police law reform in China using political, historical and doctrinal material. This second part details and discusses the direction, promulgation, actualisation and concluding observations of PRC police law reform.

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Gonzalez, Thalia, and Emma Kaeser. "School Police Reform: A Public Health Imperative." SMU Law Review Forum 74, no. 1 (August 4, 2021): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.74.1.5.

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Out of the twin pandemics currently gripping the United States¬—deaths of unarmed Black victims at the hands of police and racialized health inequities resulting from COVID-19—an antiracist health equity agenda has emerged that identifies racism as a public health crisis. Likewise, calls for reform of school policing by those advocating for civil rights, racial justice, and Black Lives Matter have simultaneously intensified. Yet each remains siloed, despite the natural connection and implicit overlap between these separate movements and debates. Indeed, there are documented negative health effects of school policing for Black, Indigenous, people of color (BIPOC) youth. But these have gone largely ignored or underemphasized by the movement to reform school police. Similarly, the racial health equity movement has overlooked race-conscious health equity reforms to school policing. This Article aims to fill the gap by connecting these distinct movements and debates and articulating a public-health-based response to school policing.

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Toch, Hans. "Police officers as change agents in police reform." Policing and Society 18, no. 1 (March 2008): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460701718575.

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Vuorensyrjä, Matti. "Organizational reform in a hierarchical frontline organization." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 37, no. 4 (November 11, 2014): 858–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-05-2014-0058.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to track changes in organizational and occupational stress in the Finnish police force during the police reform years. It also estimates the effects of organizational stressors on labor turnover intention (LTI). Design/methodology/approach – The study is based on six distinct cross-sectional Police Personnel Surveys from 1999 to 2012. The surveys are not sample based, but have targeted the entire police force with good response rates. The study employs hierarchical logit models to predict LTI. Findings – Police agencies can be depicted as hierarchical frontline organizations. Major reforms in such agencies can be expected to give rise to increased organizational conflicts and stress. The empirical findings of the paper fall in line with the theory. Organizational stress and LTI have been increasing in the Finnish police force during the police reform years. However, at the same time, personal and occupational stressors have actually been reducing in the police force. Turnover intention was observed to be a positive function of those particular organizational stressors that have increased the most over the reform years. Research limitations/implications – The data are cross-sectional. No direct causal conclusions can be drawn from the results of this study. A non-material violation of the linearity assumption was detected in two logit models. Originality/value – Relying on Tops and Spelier's 2013 theory of police organizations as frontline organizations, the paper introduces a new theoretical construct – hierarchical frontline organization – and combines its theoretical ideas with comprehensive long-term data from the Finnish police force.

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오병두. "How to Reform the Intelligence Police? - A Critical Review of the Police Reform Committee’s Recommendation on the “Reform of Police Information Activities” -." Democratic Legal Studies ll, no. 68 (November 2018): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2018..68.269.

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MACAULAY, FIONA. "Knowledge Production, Framing and Criminal Justice Reform in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 39, no. 3 (July 26, 2007): 627–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x07002866.

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AbstractThis commentary surveys some of the trends and gaps in current research on criminal justice reform in Latin America – with a focus on Brazil, and on two specific areas: police and prison/penal reform. It explores two principal themes: the uneven and thin production of knowledge about criminal justice issues; and the impact this has on policy reforms and on the ways in which these are framed and interpreted in terms of their relative success and failure. Overall it argues that we still know very little about criminal justice institutions and the actors within them. We also need many more finely-grained analyses of the dynamics of reform efforts and of the policy environments in which these take place in order to understand how and why reform initiatives are often derailed or subverted, and, more rarely, flourish and can be embedded and replicated.

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Moore, Anna. "CSDP Police Missions: Comparing Bottom-up and Top-down Approaches." European Foreign Affairs Review 19, Issue 2 (May 1, 2014): 283–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2014014.

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Insufficient rule of law is a major cause of instability in Europe's near abroad. Europe, home to some of the world's best national police forces, should be an effective advisor on police reform in the continent's periphery and beyond. The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) police missions to date, however, have produced underwhelming results. These missions have largely followed a 'top-down' approach, co-locating senior EU police officials with their counterparts at national institutions. In contrast to current EU policy, the literature on police reform in post-conflict societies argues for a 'bottom-up' approach, in which trainers and advisors co-locate at regional and local levels and foster trust-building and civilian oversight. While the EU may find bottom-up missions difficult to conduct, such missions would better contribute to lasting security sector reform in host countries than top-down operations. Revising unsuccessful policies and achieving demonstrable results is especially important in the context of mounting doubt over the value of CSDP.

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McAlister, B. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq044.

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Carlin, P. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 330–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq045.

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Adams, R. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 322–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq046.

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MacVean, A. "Police corruption: Deviance, accountability and reform in policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 328–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq047.

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Hardwick, N. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 339–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq048.

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Murgatroyd, M. J. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 335–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq049.

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Webb, M. T. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq051.

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Linsdell, G. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 344–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq052.

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Punch, M. "Police Corruption: Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 315–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq053.

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Hutchinson, A. "Police Corruption, Deviance, Accountability and Reform in Policing." Policing 4, no. 4 (November 18, 2010): 337–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paq054.

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Powell, Zachary A., and John L. Worrall. "Willingness to Pay for Police Reform." Criminal Justice Policy Review 32, no. 6 (January 19, 2021): 567–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403420988310.

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Consent decrees, authorized by Section 14141 of the 1994 Violent Crime Control Act, represent one of the most powerful governmental tools used to encourage—and possibly force—police reform. The consent decree process, however, carries a significant fiscal burden; in some cases, the cost of police reform inhibits agencies’ cooperation with the decrees. One possible solution to this problem calls for the creation of a public-supported police reform fund, whose monies are reserved strictly for consent decrees. Guided by focal concerns theory, this study reports on a factorial survey experiment used to assess variation across individuals’ willingness to pay for police reform. Results indicate that the seriousness of a police reform issue and the agency’s ability to pay for reform act as significant drivers of endorsement of a police reform fund.

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Sklansky, David Alan. "POLICE REFORM IN DIVIDED TIMES." American Journal of Law and Equality 2 (2022): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ajle_a_00036.

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Weitzer, Ronald. "Police reform in Northern Ireland." Police Studies: Intnl Review of Police Development 19, no. 2 (February 1996): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13639519610131047.

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Chappell, Allison T. "Consent Decrees and Police Reform." Criminology & Public Policy 16, no. 2 (May 2017): 571–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12302.

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Chan, Janet, and David Dixon. "The politics of police reform." Criminology & Criminal Justice 7, no. 4 (November 2007): 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895807082068.

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McGarry, John. "Police reform in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 15, no. 1 (January 2000): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180008406622.

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Bayley, David H. "Police reform: Who done it?" Policing and Society 18, no. 1 (March 2008): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460701718518.

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Dean, Geoff. "Police reform: Rethinking operational policing." Journal of Criminal Justice 23, no. 4 (January 1995): 337–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0047-2352(95)00024-k.

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Malik, Ali. "Police Governance and Accountability in Scotland Following Reform: Revisiting the Policy Rationale for the Creation of the Scottish Police Authority." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 4 (November 2018): 438–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0257.

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This article critically assesses the policy discourse for police reform in Scotland, specifically focusing on the rationale for the creation of the Scottish Police Authority (SPA). Through a chronological review of official policy reports and consultations that took place prior to the 2012 Act, and by drawing on a select number of interviews 1 conducted as part of the wider study (Malik, 2017a), I argue that while austerity became the catalyst for change, police reform in Scotland was strongly supported by concerns around weak police governance arrangements. The SPA was created to strengthen financial oversight, to provide enhanced focus on national policing requirements and to bring in professional governance competencies and expertise that the local police authorities lacked. In the five years since reform, the SPA has continued to struggle to address these weaknesses. Furthermore, the official reform agenda neglected the need for robust mechanisms for accountability of operational policing. This omission manifested in the most abrasive fashion following the 2012 Act as cases such as stop and search and armed policing highlighted the inadequacies of the new police governance arrangements. In order that the SPA can fulfil its intended purpose, it needs to enhance its capacity and focus on providing holistic mechanisms for police governance that incorporate financial oversight and robust accountability of operational policing.

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Lamb, Guy. "Mass killings and calculated measures: The impact of police massacres on police reform in South Africa." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 63 (March 30, 2018): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/v0n63a3028.

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Over the past two centuries, the police have perpetrated massacres in response to protest action in numerous countries. Available scholarly literature has typically focused on the circumstances that contributed to such mass killings, but rarely has there been consideration of the impact that such massacres subsequently may have had on the police organisation. Hence, this article will explore the relationship between massacres perpetrated by the police and police reform, with a particular focus on South Africa. The article concludes that, in the context of public order policing, massacres perpetuated by the police can contribute towards relatively immediate police reforms, particularly in terms of police strategies and tactics. In some circumstances, massacres have even led to some restructuring of the police organisation. The nature of the government and the policing environment appeared to be key determinants of the types of police reforms, post-massacre.

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Lamb, Guy. "Mass killings and calculated measures: The impact of police massacres on police reform in South Africa." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 63 (March 30, 2018): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/i63a3028.

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Abstract:

Over the past two centuries, the police have perpetrated massacres in response to protest action in numerous countries. Available scholarly literature has typically focused on the circumstances that contributed to such mass killings, but rarely has there been consideration of the impact that such massacres subsequently may have had on the police organisation. Hence, this article will explore the relationship between massacres perpetrated by the police and police reform, with a particular focus on South Africa. The article concludes that, in the context of public order policing, massacres perpetuated by the police can contribute towards relatively immediate police reforms, particularly in terms of police strategies and tactics. In some circumstances, massacres have even led to some restructuring of the police organisation. The nature of the government and the policing environment appeared to be key determinants of the types of police reforms, post-massacre.

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Prenzler, Tim. "The Decay of Reform: Police and Politics in Post-Fitzgerald Queensland." Queensland Review 4, no. 2 (October 1997): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001501.

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The 1989 Fitzgerald Report into police and governmental corruption in Queensland has been a model for public sector reform in Australia. It is especially timely to consider the impact of those reforms in light of the current overhaul of the largest police agency in Australia, the New South Wales Police Service, and of continuing problems with public sector probity in other states. Queensland made significant advances in improving electoral and administrative processes, and creating external independent oversight of the police. Nonetheless, unforeseen gaps in the Fitzgerald agenda allowed reactionary forces to dilute the reform process. Three primary areas remain ‘unreconstructed’. Reform has not been firmly established from the top down, beginning with progressing the system of representative democracy and opening up cabinet. Additionally, the Police Service appears to have successfully resisted the prescribed re-orientation away from law enforcement to community policing. Detection and control of misconduct also remain weak. A more interventionist Criminal Justice Commission is needed, with more proactive strategies for developing compliance with ethical standards.

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Kwong, Bruce. "Political change and institutional reform of Macao police forces." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2014-0037.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to study the institutional reform of policing in Macao. Design/methodology/approach – This study includes both comparative analysis and interviews. Findings – Macao's policing remains a case study demonstrating incomplete reforms, organizational fragmentations, and retains the legacy of colonialism. Originality value – This is an original study of Macao's police forces.

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