Journal articles on the topic 'Police power – Europe'
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Henry, Alistair, Ali Malik, and Andy Aydın-Aitchison. "Local governance in the new Police Scotland: Renegotiating power, recognition and responsiveness." European Journal of Criminology 16, no. 5 (June 21, 2019): 573–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370819856528.
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A marked, but by no means universal, trend in Europe over the last decade or so has been the centralization or amalgamation of regional police organizations into larger or single units. Scotland is a case in point, its eight regional services becoming one Police Scotland in April 2013. Although the reform process was relatively consensual, the new organization has been the subject of numerous controversies, some of which reflect an actual or perceived loss of the local in Scottish policing. Drawing on a qualitative study of the emerging local governance arrangements, we explore the negotiated character of large-scale organizational reform, demonstrating that it is best understood as a process not an event. We also argue that appeals to localism are not mere expressions of sentiment and resistance to change. They reflect the particular historical development of policing and public service delivery in Scotland at the level of municipal government, but also strong convictions that policing should be subject to democratic deliberation and should recognize and be responsive to those subject to it – what we argue here are necessary functions of police governance in general.
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Schiller, Nina Glick. "Racialized nations, evangelizing Christianity, police states, and imperial power: Missing in action in Bunzl's new Europe." American Ethnologist 32, no. 4 (November 2005): 526–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2005.32.4.526.
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Bashkin, Orit. "The Fruit of the Arts and the Mob." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 404–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9407949.
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Abstract This essay considers accounts of the Dreyfus Affair published in the newspaper Thamarat al-Funun (founded 1875) during 1898 to demonstrate how Arab writers addressed the rights of minorities in Europe and examined failed emancipatory projects. Writing about the Dreyfus Affair allowed intellectuals in the Levant to reverse the power relationship between themselves and Europe and to comment on the kinds of politics that would ensure the equality before the law of the Jewish minority in Europe. These debates further illustrate that even before the shift to electoral politics in the Ottoman Empire (after 1908) and in postwar Arab nation-states, Arab writers were preoccupied with the relationship between statecraft and majority-minority relations. They argued that democratic institutions such as parliaments and courts of law were the best venues to safeguard the rights of religious communities whose mere existence was defined as a problem. Bashkin shows how Thamarat al-Funun pointed to phenomena that endangered religious communities, such as fanaticism, racism, abuse of power by the police and the military, and mob politics.
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Gundhus, Helene O. I. "Shaping Migrants as Threats: Multilayered Discretion, Criminalization, and Risk Assessment Tools." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2041.
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This article examines Operation Migrant, initiated by the Norwegian police following the so-called migration crises in Europe in 2015. One of its central aims was, by predicting challenges related to increased migration, to improve resource allocation and prevent crime. By drawing on research on risk and threat assessment as a form of power, this article aims to analyze how risk categories are distributed and translated into a multilayered institutional arrangement where migration is policed as a potential crime. The article examines the indicators that the risk assessments are based on and the measures applied and investigates how discretionary practices make immigrants objects for law enforcement and policing. The article contributes to research on migration control in an ordinary police context, where immigration identity checks become part of the crime reduction strategy. Applying the concept of interpretive flexibility (Collins 1981), I will identify the steps in this chain of translation to explore the leap from targeting potentially criminal asylum seekers to targeting broader groups with temporary residency in Norway. The article analyzes the conditions determining how policing, technologies, and migrants are “co-constructed” in a chain of mediation and translation, which reinforces the view of migrants as risky and criminal. The final section discusses how risk and threat analysis is affected by the notion of the “crimmigrant other” (Franko 2020). In Norway, selectively targeting unwanted migrants as criminals has become dominant in police decision-making at a policy level and everyday practices affecting not only third country nationals but also unwanted eastern Europeans.
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Kolaszyński, Mateusz. "OVERSEEING SURVEILLANCE POWERS – THE CASES OF POLAND AND SLOVAKIA." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no. 1/2020 (May 25, 2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.3.
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The article aims to present the most important issues related to oversight over surveillance powers in Poland and Slovakia. The word „surveillance powers” used in the study refers particularly to covert techniques and practices of gathering personal data which occurs without the monitored subjects’ knowledge or approval. Such surveillance powers are typically carried out by police services and intelligence agencies, and are more politically sensitive, as well as closely related to core issues of power and security. Oversight over these services and their surveillance powers is the standard in democratic states. Before 1989-1990, there was a similar model of security services in both analyzed countries. During Communism, there was no civil and democratic oversight over police services and intelligence agencies. Under the communist system control over security services was exercised by an inner circle representing the highest levels of the Communist party. Finally, since the early 1990s Poland and Slovakia had to build new systems of control and oversight over surveillance powers. Nowadays, both countries are members of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The basic issue of the paper is to describe how the systems of control and oversight look in Poland and Slovakia in the post-Snowden era.
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Vuillemin, Alain. "The mysteries of power in the Republic of Doumarie in Death of a Poet (1981) by Michel Del Castillo." Chuzhdoezikovo Obuchenie-Foreign Language Teaching 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2022): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/for22.14lesa.
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Michel Del Castillo's novel Death of a Poet was published in 1989, before the collapse of totalitarian systems in eastern countries. It is an autobiographical fiction. The action takes place in 1988. The narrator, Igor Védoz, relates the last events of the fall of a dictator, Marshal Carol Oussek, the "Guide" of an imaginary republic, Doumaria, a country located in the center of central Europe. It’s a reflection on absolute power. The intrigue is built on a detective plot. The investigation carried out by Igor Védoz allows us to glimpse some of the secret mysteries of power in this "Socialist, democratic and peaceful Republic of Doumaria". What does it reveal about the death of this dictator, a victim of himself, within the mysterious arcana of his own power? How is the story built on a police mystery, the discovery of multiple machinations and the secrecy of a fraud?
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Kabashi, Gazmend, and Skender Kabashi. "Review of under Frequency Load Shedding Program of Kosovo Power System based on ENTSO-E Requirements." International Journal of Electrical and Computer Engineering (IJECE) 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 741. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijece.v8i2.pp741-748.
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Under-frequency load shedding (UFLS) is designed to protect the power system when the frequency drops below given thresholds by switching off certain amounts of the load aiming thus to balance generation and load. This paper presents a review of the existing UFLS (Under Frequency Load Shedding) program in compliance with recently revised Police-5 of Operational Handbook of ENTSO-e. The proposed review of the current UFLS program for Kosovo Power System has considered the main standards requirements and guidelines for UFLS set by ENTSO-E. This work examine system performance by conducting dynamic simulations of UFLS schemes subject to different imbalances between load and generation, and includes three power system island mode scenarios with different equivalent inertia of the system, respectively different size of the systems. With aim to define the best program of UFLS, which fits to the Kosovo Power System frequency behavior, two different UFLS programs are analyzed and results are compared. The proposed program is tested using a large scale PSS/E model which represents interconnected power system area of Southeast Europe.
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Hudson, Hugh D. "A Failure of Modernization: Police Reform, The “Common Good,” and Serfdom In Eighteenth-Century Russia." Russian History 42, no. 3 (September 3, 2015): 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04203001.
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For Russian subjects not locked away in their villages and thereby subject almost exclusively to landlord control, administration in the eighteenth century increasingly took the form of the police. And as part of the bureaucracy of governance, the police existed within the constructions of the social order—as part of social relations and their manifestations through political control. This article investigates the social and mental structures—the habitus—in which the actions of policing took place to provide a better appreciation of the difficulties of reform and modernization. Eighteenth-century Russia shared in the European discourse on the common good, the police, and social order. But whereas Michel Foucault and Michael Ignatieff see police development in Europe with its concern to surveil and discipline emerging from incipient capitalism and thus a product of new, post-Enlightenment social forces, the Russian example demonstrates the power of the past, of a habitus rooted in Muscovy. Despite Peter’s and especially Catherine’s well-intended efforts, Russia could not succeed in modernization, for police reforms left the enserfed part of the population subject to the whims of landlord violence, a reflection, in part, of Russia having yet to make the transition from the feudal manorial economy based on extra-economic compulsion to the capitalist hired-labor estate economy. The creation of true centralized political organization—the creation of the modern state as defined by Max Weber—would require the state’s domination over patrimonial jurisdiction and landlord control over the police. That necessitated the reforms of Alexander II.
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Frohman, Lawrence. "Population Registration in Germany, 1842–1945: Information, Administrative Power, and State-Making in the Age of Paper." Central European History 53, no. 3 (September 2020): 503–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000931.
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AbstractPopulation registration has figured only peripherally in histories of state formation in modern Europe. Although the registries never fully shed their original security function, the emergence of the interventionist state transformed the personal data or information collected by the registries into a central element of state administrative power. However, the ways in which this information could be used by both the civilian administration and the police to govern individuals and populations were limited by the use of paper as a means of data storage and transmission and by the information processing technologies available at the time. Rather than viewing the population registries and, later, the National Registry (Volkskartei) primarily as instruments of the Holocaust, this article embeds them in a longer, alternative history, which explores the relationship between population registration, information, information processing, and state formation between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth century.
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Fedneva, Natalia L. "Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire: implementation of the project by M.M. Speransky." Current Issues of the State and Law, no. 19 (2021): 421–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2021-5-19-412-424.
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We consider the views of M.M. Speransky on the sphere of the police department, which were not previously the object of special research, as well as the implementation features of his project for the creation of the Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire, designed, according to the creator's plan, to ensure not only order and security, but also oversee the legality of the administration’s activities on the ground. We draw conclusions: firstly, the formation of Speransky’s views took place under the influence of internal needs to strengthen power and maintain order that arose in the Russian Em-pire at the beginning of the 19th century; secondly, Speransky was influenced by the last representative of the European school of Roman law, the ideologue of the Enlightened absolutism J. Dom, who was the first in Europe to see the police as a universal instrument for maintaining order based on the norms of public law, and the lawyer-policeist N. Delamare, who systematized the French police legislation. The Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire, created according to Speransky’s project, was supposed to ensure compliance with the rule of law on the basis of public law and on behalf of the state, as well as protect and, if necessary, restore the rights of subjects as private individuals. The solution of this problem within the framework of the theoretical concept proposed by Speransky, which reflected the needs of the development of Russian society, required a long-term perspective and included a gradual restructuring of police activities, the development of appropriate legal, ideological and personnel support and, in fact, meant a transition to the rule of law. We emphasize the contribution of the Ministry of Police to ensuring victory in the Patriotic War of 1812 and suggest the reasons for its inclusion in the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1819.
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Press, Steven Michael. "False Fire: The Wartburg Book-Burning of 1817." Central European History 42, no. 4 (November 16, 2009): 621–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909991014.
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A twenty-first-century visitor must find it difficult to imagine that the Thuringian city of Eisenach, lately known for its shopping, once held a place in the collective memory of Germans. On October 18, 1817, 450 students descended upon Eisenach for the Wartburg Festival, a two-day commemoration of the tricentenary of Martin Luther's Ninety-Five Theses and the fourth anniversary of the Battle of Leipzig. Drawing on the symbolic power of nearby Wartburg Castle, best known as Luther's hideout in 1521, the festival witnessed a number of songs and speeches calling peacefully for the introduction of reforms by German governments. But that was only part of the story. In a sideshow to the official proceedings, a handful of students also claimed to throw “reactionary” literature into a bonfire, thus interesting police across Europe.
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Curp, T. David. "The Politics of Ethnic Cleansing: The P.P.R., The P.Z.Z. and Wielkopolska's Nationalist Revolution, 1944–1946." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 4 (December 2001): 575–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120102101.
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“… all of society is caught up in a hatred of Germany … [this] creates a serious possibility of uniting all of society into one entire national front.”Władysław GomułkaThree costly revolutions began in Poland between spring 1944 and summer 1946. The first two were primarily state-sponsored political and socioeconomic revolutions initiated by a minority comprising the Moscow-appointed and -controlled Polish Workers' Party (Polska Partia Robotnicza, P.P.R.) and their allies. Although they dominated the commanding heights of regional and national politics and administration, the P.P.R. and its supporters faced fierce opposition and waged these revolutions with only partial success, relying heavily on fraud and force. These ongoing state-sponsored transformations established an uneven hold on Polish society and depended upon the police power of the new Polish state and, ultimately, the Soviet Union. When the Soviet Union was no longer willing to support its satellites in Eastern Europe by force of arms and the Polish people dismantled their regime's coercive power, much of the laboriously developed political and socioeconomic superstructure of the People's Republic of Poland collapsed.
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Nissen, Mogens Rostgaard. "Alex Walter – “… den tyske embedsmand, der overhovedet har gjort Danmark de største tjenester under krigen”." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 54 (March 3, 2015): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v54i0.118896.
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Mogens Rostgård Nissen: Alex Walter, — “… the German official who rendered the largest services of all to Denmark during the war.”
Alex Walter was head of the German government committee, which during the occupation of Denmark negotiated trade agreements with the corresponding Danish government committee. That is why he had great influence on the economic side of occupation policy, which the German occupying power carried out in Denmark during the war. Walter had a broad knowledge of Danish economy and Danish conditions in general, because since 1932 he had negotiated trade agreements with top Danish officials. At the same time, he was well-known and respected in Denmark, and that was important for the agreements he assisted in concluding during the occupation. Under his leadership, the German occupying power followed a traditional trade policy, which was focused on practical issues and concrete results. It was a policy, which objectively was for the common good of Denmark and Germany. Walter was a very high-level official in the thoroughly Nazified Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. His immediate superior, Herbert Backe, was responsible for German food planning, and he had a decisive influence on the Nazi occupation policy for all of Europe, including the exploitation policy, which took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. But Denmark followed an entirely different economic track, which was characterized by negotiations and cooperation, and it was very much Walter, who became responsible for planning and implementing this economic policy. Among his negotiation partners in Denmark, Walter was perceived as a reasonable and sensible man, with whom one could negotiate and rely on. There was a clear understanding that Walter had intervened several times during political crises — among other things when the Danish government stood down in August 1943; during the general strike in the summer of 1944 and in connection with the deportation of the police in the autumn of 1944. But he also had a dark Nazi side to him, precisely because he was linked to Backe and the Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. After the war, he was interned due to the fact that as a senior official, he had been a member of the Nazi party and held the rank of SS Sturmbannführer. That is why he was only finally acquitted and stripped of his Nazi status in October 1948, a few months before he died.
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Waller, Irvin. "Justice Even for the Crime Victim: Implementing International Standards." International Review of Victimology 1, no. 1 (September 1989): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975808900100106.
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In November 1985, the United Nations General Assembly (1985) adopted a charter of victim rights — the ‘Declaration on the Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power’. Governments and international organisations are now faced with the challenge of implementing these principles. The UN Declaration and the Recommendations of the Council of Europe propose specific ways by which justice and services can be improved. Countries such as Canada, England, France and the United States are passing legislation. However, even there much more is required. All governments must ensure that the principles are put into practice by the police, in victim support agencies, in mental health approaches, in reparation to victims, and for acceptable participation by the person immediately hurt by crime. Further, the United Nations, governments, and private organisations need to establish commissions to assess the needs of victims, the state of services and justice, and solutions to meet needs better. However such commissions must have a role in implementation and prevention if communities are going to be safer and ‘Justice is going to open her eyes to victims’.
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Brienen, Marion, Ernestine Hoegen, and Marc Groenhuijsen. "Evaluation and Meta-Evaluation of the Effectiveness of Victim-Oriented Legal Reform in Europe." Criminologie 33, no. 1 (October 2, 2002): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/004710ar.
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Abstract The 1985 UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, and the Council of Europe's Recommendation (85) 11 on the Position of the Victim in the Framework of Criminal Law and Procedure are important documents that reflect an international consensus on legal rights for victims. In many European jurisdictions, such victims' rights have been introduced or improved upon. However, they are often not used as intended or remain virtually dormant. The UN has therefore adopted a Resolution and drafted a manual on ways to facilitate effective implementation. In addition, certain jurisdictions have proved sensitive to implementation problems. The Netherlands, for example, put the new Victim Act into effect on an experimental basis in two legal districts to carefully evaluate the effects of new provisions, and to apply the resulting knowledge when expanding its territorial scope. However, more sophisticated instruments are needed to set implementation parameters at a supra-national level. To this effect, we conducted a comparative study of both a legal and empirical nature in 22 member states of the Council of Europe. The study revealed, inter alia, critical factors of failure or success. The workings of these critical factors in the implementation of Recommendation (85) 11 are demonstrated by drawing upon illustrations taken from the reality of certain jurisdictions. The examples are subdivided into four major themes: information, compensation, treatment and protection. As the second guideline of Recommendation (85) 11 expresses, the creation of a formal duty for the police to provide victims with information about the possibilities of obtaining assistance, legal aid and compensation is vital. However, in half of the jurisdictions, no such reform has been implemented. Our study reveals that critical factors of failure are, among other things, a widespread conceptualization of the victim as an alleged victim and the creation of an information duty for the judicial authorities instead of for the police. In jurisdictions where an information duty has been created, failure depends, first of all, on whether the police are content with a symbolic fulfillment of this task. Critical factors needed to improve successful implementation are the creation of organizational incentives, monitoring systems, and systematic referral to victim support, legal aid and social or counseling services. A final step to improve implementation of information duties would be financial compensation earned for victim-related activities carried out by the police and other authorities. Concerning compensation, research reveals that the compensation order, particularly the English one, is more successful than the partie civile model or the Dutch compensation measure. The most important critical factor of success of the compensation order is that it is a penal sanction, enforcable by the state. This means that civil liability is not a prerequisite and that the court can order an amount of compensation it considers appropriate while taking the financial capacity of the offender into account. Furthermore, the court is obliged to consider making a compensation order and to explain why it was not imposed. A critical factor of failure of the partie civile model is that it includes an easy escape clause: claims can be referred to civil court. A critical factor of failure of the compensation measure is that it is a penal sanction governed by civil law. In practice, it resembles the traditional partie civile model: the two are blended into one. The way victims are treated by criminal justice authorities can be improved by providing victim-awareness training. A critical factor of failure is to only train recruits. Training is only effective if it is extended to incumbent personnel. Giving refresher courses and measuring the effects of training in performance assessments are factors contributing to success. A critical factor of failure in such training for judicial authorities is the argument that it would compromise their independence. Critical factors to improve the questioning of victims are the provision of specific training courses and the creation of special facilities, e.g. interviewing studios for children, suites for victims of sexual offences, audio-video recording of pre-trial examinations and video-linked questioning. Such reform measures benefit the quality of the criminal justice process as a whole and therefore prove to be successful. A common manner of protecting victims is to allow that a trial, or a part thereof, be conducted in camera. A critical factor of failure is the (very) reluctant attitude of the judiciary toward holding a trial behind closed doors. A critical factor of success is the creation of a formal duty for the court to hold all cases involving sexual offences in camera. We can conclude that successful implementation of victim-oriented reforms depends on, inter alia, the clarity and conciseness of reform measures, the absence of easy escape clauses, the attitude of criminal justice authorities, and whether the reforms also benefit the offender and/or the criminal justice system as a whole.
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Poczai, Péter, Jorge A. Santiago-Blay, Jiří Sekerák, and Attila T. Szabó. "How Political Repression Stifled the Nascent Foundations of Heredity Research before Mendel in Central European Sheep Breeding Societies." Philosophies 6, no. 2 (May 19, 2021): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies6020041.
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The nineteenth century was a time of great economic, social, and political change. The population of a modernizing Europe began demanding more freedom, which in turn propelled the ongoing discussion on the philosophy of nature. This spurred on Central European sheep breeders to debate the deepest secrets of nature: the transmission of traits from one generation to another. Scholarly questions of heredity were profoundly entwined with philosophy and politics when particular awareness of “the genetic laws of nature” claimed natural equality. The realization that the same rules of inheritance may apply to all living beings frightened both the absolutist political power and the divided society of the day. Many were not prepared to separate religious questions from novel natural phenomena. Open-minded breeders put their knowledge into practice right away to create sheep with better wool traits through inbreeding and artificial selection. This was viewed, however, as the artificial modification of nature operating against the cultural and religious norms of the day. Liberal attempts caught the attention of the secret police and, consequently, the aspirations of scholars were suppressed by political will during approximately 1820–1850.
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Van Der Eng, Pierre. "Marshall Aid as a Catalyst in the Decolonization of Indonesia, 1947–49." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (September 1988): 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000059x.
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The United States did not give Marshall aid to Western Europe for purely humanitarian reasons. Aid was also, perhaps even mainly, provided to serve the economic and political purposes of the United States. In studies dealing with the Marshall aid programme, the suspension of aid to the Dutch colony of Indonesia, and the seeming threat to halt the stream of dollars to the Netherlands, has been used as an example to prove that the programme was an American instrument of political power. In studies dealing with the decolonization of Indonesia, it is also alleged that the menace of adjournment of Marshall aid forced the Dutch to retreat from their colony in December 1949. However, primary sources show that neither the offer of Marshall aid in June 1947, nor the seeming threat to halt aid to the Netherlands in December 1948, prevented the Dutch government from pursuing its own way in the process leading to the independence of Indonesia. The Dutch cabinet was not sufficiently impressed by both the offer and the threat to keep it from engaging in military “police actions” in July 1947 and December 1948 against the nationalist Republic of Indonesia.
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Damsholt, Tine. "’At overskue, tilfredsstille og lyksaliggjøre’." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 44, no. 121 (June 21, 2016): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v44i121.23724.
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Taking its point of departure in Foucault’s analysis of the notions of ‘reason of state’ and ‘police’ i.e. Polizeiwissenschaft in eighteenth-century Europe, the article investigates the complex understanding of happiness and bliss in a Danish parish topography from 1795. The notions of happiness and bliss are entangled with the emergence of ‘the political problem of population’ in which the population appears as an entity that must be governed according to its specific ‘nature’. Thus, the population appears as a new object of study and as purchase for interventions addressing living conditions as well as ways of acting and living. The parish topography by Nils Blicher is inscribed in this rationale that tends to increase the power of the state by making good use of its forces, to obtain the welfare of the population; to make their lives comfortable and to provide them with the things they need for their livelihood. Blicher’s description of the life and conditions of the peasantry is replete with suggested solutions to the problems described. And among the main objects to be concerned with are health and production, but also the happiness of the population. However, his understanding of happiness and bliss goes beyond the reason of the state and is completed with a Christian understanding of heavenly bliss.
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Golub, Mykola. "Some Directions of Use of International Experience by Law Enforcement Bodies of the Mia System of Ukraine." Law and innovations, no. 4 (40) (December 19, 2022): 100–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2022-4(40)-14.
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Problem setting. Today, Ukraine is in a state of war. Active hostilities continue in some regions. Law enforcement agencies subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs occupy one of the decisive positions in countering the aggressive manifestations of the Russian Federation. Law enforcement structures have a double burden, namely: performing tasks related to repelling an armed attack of the Russian Federation, as well as ensuring the inviolability of state borders, maintaining a proper state of public order and security, and detecting manifestations of collaborationism in controlled territories. Under the conditions of the legal regime of martial law on the territory of Ukraine, law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine effectively perform tasks in all areas of official activity. We are talking about the maximum use of all opportunities and developments, including the use of the experience of law enforcement agencies of partner countries. In view of this, there is an urgent need to implement the positive experience of the law enforcement agencies of the USA and European countries. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Questions regarding the use of the experience of the police of Europe, the United States, and Japan in the field of security and public order protection at the national, regional, and local levels were investigated by domestic and foreign scientists, namely: O.M. Bandurka, O.I. Bezpalova, O.V. Jafarova, A.M. Dovgopolov, V.O. Zarosylo, N.V. Kaminska, V.L. Kostyuk, S.P. Melnyk, O.S. Pronevich, Yu.I. Rymarenko, V.O. Sichkar, E. Thompson, V.L. Filstein, O.S. Yunin, O.N. Yarmysh In these publications of scientists, the need to take into account the experience of the law enforcement system of foreign countries when introducing new forms and methods of work of law enforcement bodies of the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine is substantiated. Target of the research is to investigate and analyze the actions of the National Police, as well as other law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, which are aimed at using international experience in the process of increasing the efficiency of the work of these state institutions. Study the experience of law enforcement agencies of EU countries and other foreign countries regarding measures aimed at ensuring the proper state of public safety and public order protection. Article’s main body. The article analyzes proposals for improving the effectiveness of the National Police, as well as other law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, using the international experience of law enforcement structures in Europe and the United States. Including the interaction of the police with local bodies of executive power, local self-government, public organizations and the population. Conclusions and prospects for the development. We can note that the effective functioning of the law enforcement system of independent Ukraine requires the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to implement the positive experience of the law enforcement agencies of the USA and European countries. as an example of such experience, in particular in the field of protection of human rights and freedoms, combating crime, protection of public order and security, in conditions of martial law, in our opinion, it is necessary, in particular, to develop proposals at the legislative level that provide for stricter responsibility of the participants and, in the first place in turn, the organizers of mass events for violating the order of their holding provided by law, including criminal liability (examples of EU countries).
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Shaw, Ian G. R. "The Urbanization of drone warfare: policing surplus populations in the dronepolis." Geographica Helvetica 71, no. 1 (February 15, 2016): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-71-19-2016.
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Abstract. This paper explores the urbanization of drone warfare and the securitization of the “surplus population”. Defined as a bloc of humanity rendered as structurally unnecessary to a capital-intensive economy, the surplus population is an emerging target for the post-welfare security state. If we now live in an age of a permanent conflict with uncertain geographies, then it is at least partly fueled by this endemic crisis at the heart of the capitalist world system. Of key significance is the contradictory nature of the surplus population. The “security threat” generated by replacing masses of workers with nonhumans is increasingly managed by policing humans with robots, drones, and other apparatuses. In other words, the surplus population is both the outcome and target of contemporary capitalist technics. The emerging “dronification of state violence” across a post-9∕11 battlespace has seen police drones deployed to the urban spaces of cities in Europe and North America. The drone, with its ability to swarm in the streets of densely packed urban environments, crystallizes a more intimate and invasive form of state power. The project of an atmospheric, dronified form of policing not only embodies the technologization of state security but also entrenches the logic of a permanent, urbanized manhunt. The paper concludes by discussing the rise of the dronepolis: the city of the drone.
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Khalig Qafarli, Simuzar. "EUROPEAN UNION SOFT POWER LIMITATIONS." SCIENTIFIC WORK 53, no. 04 (February 28, 2020): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/aem/2007-2020/53/167-170.
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Hasan, M. Sajjad. "Accident Analysis and Method Comparison of Finding Black Spots on M-2(Lahore-Islamabad) Motorway, Pakistan." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 10, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2022.40116.
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Abstract: The purpose of this research is to locate the black spot on the Lahore-Islamabad Motorway and investigate the elements that contribute to traffic accidents (M2). The National Highways and Motorway Police (NHMP), Pakistan, provided 10 years of road accident data for this research. A total of 375 kilometres of M-2 were included in this study's database of sixteen hundred fifty two traffic accidents. Time, sector, beat, severity, casualty, severity index, weather, and other variables are taken into account while analysing the 2010-2020 crash data for M-2. The accident patterns and trends on various road segments have been analysed. Cars (50 percent), trucks (15 percent), buses (eight percent), and Hiace (seven percent) are the most susceptible vehicles (7 percent). More than two-thirds of accidents are caused by reckless driving (28%) or sleeping at the wheel (27%) or tyre bursts (11%) or mechanical faults (8%) or slick roads (5%) or incorrect pedestrian crossings (5%). (4 percent). In both Europe and Asia, several methodologies are used to identify problem areas. An overview of the approaches employed in Austria, Belgium, and India is presented in this work. Kallar Kahar (Salt Range) was classified as a "black spot" as a consequence of these approaches due to the large number of accidents that occur there (223 km, 224 km, 225 km, 229 km, 234 km, 195 km, and 283 km). Vehicle braking failure is the leading cause of car accidents. Because human error is a key component in car accidents, teaching drivers about traffic safety via traditional and new media may help reduce the number of collisions. Alarms and tyres monitoring gauges are advised to prevent mishaps caused by sleeping and tyre rupture. Keywords: Road Traffic Accidents, Traffic Safety, Black Spots, Motorway, Dozing alarms.
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Bogaturov, A. D. "Anattempt to rebuild the world "in the American way"." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 5 (November 1, 2021): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-5-80-49-64.
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Trump’s foreign policy was controversial, resulting in division into its supporters and adversaries both at national and international levels. Donald Trump managed to be flexible in relations with the Legislative, ignoring the democratic majority in the House of Representatives. However, it was possible only before the Covid-19 pandemic. Donald Trump’s foreign policy prioritized American capital that determined US relations with the EU, Canada, and Latin America. As for relations with Russia, they were defined by the Ukrainian crisis. Disarmament is still a cornerstone in Russian American relations. The US has complicated relations with countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and the Persian Gulf despite all efforts. The UN’s reform and the Security Council, where the three great powers primarily make decisions, are still questioned. The US divides Europe into three parts; Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Russia with Belarus. These Europes have different views on US foreign policy. Republican administration aimed at the expansion of the national power and provision of global leadership. However, the implementation methods were questionable and led to some unpleasant consequences for the US allies. Some of them decided to wait, some prepared for the worst, some tried to adapt to Trump’s policy since it reflected the long-term changes of the US standing in the world regardless of the party or the president. As a result, such policy led to the defeat of the Republicans and brought Joe Biden to power.
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Isenia, Wigbertson Julian, and Eliza Steinbock. "How to Read Dr Betty Paërl’s Whip: Intersectional Visions of Trans/Gender, Sex Worker and Decolonial Activism in the Archive." Feminist Review 132, no. 1 (November 2022): 24–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01417789221137045.
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In this article, the authors take up the historical figure of Dr Betty Paërl, who has surprisingly turned up in very different kinds of specialised archives. The white mathematics professor was located in IHLIA LGBT+ Heritage, the largest queer heritage collection in Europe, as a notable SM sexpert and spokesperson on transgender politics, and also found during archival research into the anti-(neo)colonial struggles of Suriname against the Dutch. Upon closer inspection of the materials, the authors find the recurrent image/item of the whip that presses them to carefully think through how the archive of Dr Paërl casts light on a history that Katherine McKittrick calls being ‘in the shadow of the whip’. The article aims to combine an analysis of these versions of the whip in different visual and discursive registers to detect the liberatory politics underlying her activisms. To do so, the authors develop the intersectional model of the kaleidoscope employed by Dutch Black, migrant and refugee (BMR) feminist theorists to grasp the shifting patterns of power that Paërl battled and embodied as an activist of the anticolonial struggle, for sex workers’ rights, for kinky sex and for transgender people. This is all the more important in the historical study of transgender visual materials that most often arrive in archives via medical and police photography or pornographic materials. The historical researcher, the article argues, should be wary of (re)producing a static vision that would reduce transgender figures to sex and gender politics, or eclipse a vision of trans politics that dilates beyond sexuality.
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Niedźwiecki, Sławomir. "Unia Europejska w świecie: soft power, hard power czy może smart power?" Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2017 (January 28, 2018): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.17.4.
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The main purpose of the article is to ask whether the European Union is a smart power actor. Most of the previous research has treated the EU as a soft power. This work is an analysis of the tools which the European Union uses in its foreign policy. Research has been conducted in the context of types of powers, which have been formulated by Joseph Nye: hard power, soft power and smart power. It was necessary to survey what instruments does the European Union use to have impact on other participants of international relations. Nowadays, a range of these tools is relatively developed, taking into account that the EU is an international organisation. In the conclusion, it is stated that the contemporary European Union should be treated as a soft power, but simultaneously it is an actor which attempts to become a smart power, and has relevant predispositions to it.
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Piskała, Kamil. "Kryzys gospodarczy, faszyzm i „warstwy pośrednie”. Reakcje polskich socjalistów na zwycięstwo nazizmu w Niemczech." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 44, no. 1 (August 25, 2022): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.2.
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The decline of the democratic Weimar Republic and NSDAP’s rise to power in 1933 caused a huge political uproar, especially among European socialists and social democrats. For many decades German SPD was a role-model for other socialist parties. The German working class was also perceived as the best organized and the most politically educated in all of Europe. Therefore, as Gerd-Reiner Horn noticed in his path-breaking study, the period of about 40 months after the creation of Hitler’s cabinet was a time of extremely intensive (and perhaps most passionate in the interwar period) discussion on strategy and political practice of the European socialist movement. In the following article, the Polish part of this debate is presented in detail. I examine official resolutions and ideological statements of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), polemic pamphlets, the wide range of comments and political analyses published in socialist press, police reports, etc., in order to address three main issues: 1. in what way the Nazi Party’s rise to power catalyzed the process of radicalization among Polish socialists; 2. what the connection is between socialists’ opinion on the social basis of the German fascist movement and the evolution of their political strategy; 3. to what extent their diagnoses regarding the social basis of fascist movements in general determined their views on the possible evolution of the Nazi regime. I argue that the tragedy of SPD made Polish socialists more sensitive to the role of emotions in political mobilization and urged them to reevaluate some of their previous propaganda techniques. According to the majority of acclaimed socialist intellectuals, fascism was objectively a procapitalist movement, the social basis of which was composed of pauperized and disorientated “middle strata” (e.g. shopkeepers, clerks, artisans, peasants, unemployed youth, etc.). In orthodox Marxism these groups were perceived as declining and deprived of genuine historical agency. But the Nazi rise to power showed that they have immense political potential and their support may be decisive for the result of the clash between socialism and fascism. Thus, the question of how to mobilize the majority of the “middle strata” in favor of socialism became a crucial part of debates among Polish socialists in the mid-1930s. As I argue, different answers for this crucial question determined profound tactical differences and contributed to harsh arguments on PPS’s politics.
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Warlouzet, Laurent. "La politica di concorrenza comunitaria: un successo tardivo (1950-1989)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 30 (July 2009): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030002.
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- This articles shows that the development of the European Competition Policy was both progressive and based on a supranational dynamic. Whereas important powers were devoted to the European institutions in this field in the Treaties of Paris (1951) and Rome (1957) and in an important regulation of 1962, the Commission was not able to create a strong Competition Policy in those years. However, these decisions were important to lay the basis of the strengthening of the Commission's powers in the Eighties. This confirms the historical institutionalism of Paul Pierson. The strengthening of the European Competition Policy stems from a supranational dynamic as it is based on the Commission's initiatives, the Court of Justice's ruling and on the activism of European companies. The Commission couldn't control the whole process but it was able to take advantage of a favorable environment to strengthen its powers in the Eighties. This process has eventually peaked in the 1989 merger regulation.Parole chiave: Politica di concorrenza, Intese, Cartelli, Commissione europea, Corte di Giustizia delle Comunitŕ europee, Atto unico europeo Competition Policy, Ententes, Cartels, European Commission, Court of Justice of the European Community, Single European Act
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TOKAI, Kunihiro. "Energy Policy and Nuclear Power in Europe." Journal of the Atomic Energy Society of Japan 52, no. 1 (2010): 44–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3327/jaesjb.52.1_44.
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Szabo, Stephen F. "Germany: From Civilian Power to a Geo-economic Shaping Power." German Politics and Society 35, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350303.
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Germany has become a geo-economic power since its unification in 1990. Its foreign policy agenda has been shaped by its economic interests and the role of its export sector. Nevertheless, Russian actions in Ukraine and elsewhere in Europe combined with the accession of the Trump Administration in the United States and the rise of China have resulted in a transition in the foreign policy paradigm toward Germany as a shaping power and more of a geopolitical actor which has to balance its economic interests with the new strategic challenges of a newly unstable Europe.
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Schapiro, Mark. "New Power for “Old Europe”." International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 3 (July 2005): 551–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gyrm-92vr-h6m4-6hdq.
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The European Union's growing political clout is leading to new paradigms of environmental and health regulation. The E.U. is putting teeth behind new guidelines governing the toxicity of chemicals in consumer products, cosmetics, and automobiles that are forcing American companies to reconsider longstanding production practices. While U.S. government oversight over environmental and health concerns is being weakened, the E.U.'s strengthened governance over these and other arenas is rapidly, through the leverage of international trade, setting the stage for a new global standard. Europe's new standards present a historic choice to U.S. manufacturers: either conform to the E.U.'s preemptive screening for toxicity, or risk sacrificing the 450-million strong European market. The author explores the American response, and how the United States is slipping to the lower rungs of a double standard for protecting the health of citizens.
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Proedrou, Filippos. "Russian Energy Policy and Structural Power in Europe." Europe-Asia Studies 70, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2017.1419169.
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van Peski, Caecilia J. "Good Cop, Bad Cop." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 1 (2013): 49–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02401008.
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Over the summer month of August 2008, Georgia launched a large-scale military offensive against South Ossetia in an attempt of reconquering the territory. Four years later, on October 1, 2012, Georgia is holding its first Parliamentary Elections after the conflict that caused so much harm. The Parliamentary Elections constitute the 7th legislative elections held since Georgia’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. It is however the first time for Georgia to elect an alternative party from the ruling party solely based on principle of democratic vote. The article examines the almost ten years of President Saakashvili’s Administration. During this decade, Saakashvili’s United National Movement government realized many positive works. Works like the successful reform of police forces and the determined force-back of corruption. These liberating works were all eagerly welcomed by Europe and other western nations. However, in the apparent loss of sense of reality towards the end of its reign, Georgia’s United National Movement government turned to dictating and ordering as a main style of governing. This in turn pushed citizens away from Saakashvili’s politics into voting for the opposition. Unforeseen by even the most experienced Southern Caucasus and Georgia experts, Georgia’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections gave way to the opposition coalition Georgian Dream to sweep to victory, leaving President Saakashvili to ceded defeat. Despite President Saakashvili’s statement that he would go into opposition there has not been a complete paradigm shift in Georgia’s domestic politics. With the Georgian Dream’s failure to gain a constitutional majority and questions over the ideological compatibility of the coalition – along with the fact that United National Movement still has the greatest representation in Parliament relative to the other parties, Saakashvili and his supporters keep hold to substantial political leverage. Also, Saakashvili will remain President until the October 2013 election. His opponent, Prime Minister Ivanishvili is expected to manifest himself, bringing in a less contentious, more pragmatic approach to relations with the country’s giant neighbour to the north. Overall, it can be said that Georgia’s unrivalled ballot-box transfer of power elevated the country to a category fundamentally higher in terms of democratic development than virtually all other post-Soviet states. This has been the more remarkable even since Georgia had been widely cited as an example case of a failed state, with a destroyed infrastructure and economy, dysfunctional state institutions and something approaching anarchy as its governance model. The impact of the ongoing reform of Georgia’s constitution and electoral law has lead to major shifts in Georgia’s political landscape. However, opinions vary as to whether the farsighted amendments made to the Georgian constitution on the initiative of the United National Movement are a genuine attempt to improve the country’s system of governance or that they rather are an effort by the incumbent president to cling on to power. The adoption of the amendments and the timing of their entry into force strongly suggest that the latter might be the case. Meanwhile, as a result of the changes to the Georgian constitution, a system of dual power has come in place. These and other factors suggest that Georgia’s political landscape is set to become more predictable. The article examines the degree to which this can be held true. In the streets of Tbilisi, hundred days into the reign of the new government, there is an air of optimism amongst the people. This holds especially true when it comes to youth. The hope is that the Georgian Dream becomes a Georgian reality. The disappointment otherwise might be shattering. In spring 2013, the new leadership offers new opportunities for Georgia. It can improve its democratic system and economic growth and establish a dialogue with Russia and the breakaway districts of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. This would alleviate the frozen conflict and tense security dilemma’ on the Administrative Boundary Lines. Yet, if the transition of power does not go well, there will be prolonged power struggles that could cripple the policy making and cast Georgia back to pre-Saakashvili times. The article addresses the overall question whether the smooth transfer of power Georgia achieved after October’s election sets a standard for democracy in the region depending on whether the new government can strengthen the independence and accountability of state institutions in what remains a fragile, even potentially explosive political climate. The victory of the Georgian Dream Coalition over the United National Movement has brought pluralism into Georgian policymaking. However this political pluralism also includes that awkward dual powers; Georgia’s good cop and bad cop.
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Elshtain, Jean Bethke. "The Relationship Between Political Language and Political Reality." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021259.
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Albert Camus' ironic judge-penitent, Jean-Baptiste Clemence, remarks to his compatriot in the seedy bar, Mexico City, in a shadowy district of Amsterdam, the mist rising off the canals, the fog rolling in, cheap gin the only source of warmth, “Somebody has to have the last word. Otherwise, every reason can be answered with another one and there would never be an end to it. Power, on the other hand, settles everything. It took time, but we finally realized that. For instance, you must have noticed that our old Europe at last philosophizes in the right way. We no longer say as in simple times: ‘This is the way I think. What are your objections?’ We have become lucid. For the dialogue we have substituted the communique: ‘This is the truth,’ we say. You can discuss it as much as you want; we aren't interested. But in a few years there'll be the police who will show you we are right.”Now this is still an imperfect method of control—the enforcers are clearly identified and the coercion is too obvious. Not so in Orwell's1984. As Syme, the chilling destroyer of language proclaims: “It's a beautiful thing, the destruction of words.” Speaking to Orwell's protagonist Winston Smith, Syme continues: “Don't you see that the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of thought. In the end we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it. Every concept that can ever be needed will be expressed by exactlyoneword, with its meaning rigidly defined and all its subsidiary meanings rubbed out and forgotten…. Every year fewer and fewer words, and the range of consciousness always a little smaller. Even now, of course, there's no reason or excuse for committing thoughtcrime. It's merely a question of self-discipline, reality control. But in the end there won't be any need even for that. The Revolution will be complete when the language is perfect.”
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Elshtain, Jean Bethke. "The Relationship Between Political Language and Political Reality." PS 18, no. 1 (1985): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900622907.
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Albert Camus' ironic judge-penitent, Jean-Baptiste Clemence, remarks to his compatriot in the seedy bar, Mexico City, in a shadowy district of Amsterdam, the mist rising off the canals, the fog rolling in, cheap gin the only source of warmth, “Somebody has to have the last word. Otherwise, every reason can be answered with another one and there would never be an end to it. Power, on the other hand, settles everything. It took time, but we finally realized that. For instance, you must have noticed that our old Europe at last philosophizes in the right way. We no longer say as in simple times: ‘This is the way I think. What are your objections?’ We have become lucid. For the dialogue we have substituted the communique: ‘This is the truth,’ we say. You can discuss it as much as you want; we aren't interested. But in a few years there'll be the police who will show you we are right.”Now this is still an imperfect method of control—the enforcers are clearly identified and the coercion is too obvious. Not so in Orwell's 1984. As Syme, the chilling destroyer of language proclaims: “It's a beautiful thing, the destruction of words.” Speaking to Orwell's protagonist Winston Smith, Syme continues: “Don't you see that the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of thought. In the end we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it. Every concept that can ever be needed will be expressed by exactly one word, with its meaning rigidly defined and all its subsidiary meanings rubbed out and forgotten…. Every year fewer and fewer words, and the range of consciousness always a little smaller. Even now, of course, there's no reason or excuse for committing thoughtcrime. It's merely a question of self-discipline, reality control. But in the end there won't be any need even for that. The Revolution will be complete when the language is perfect.”
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Nazish Mahmood and Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema. "Trump and the US Foreign Policy Crisis." Strategic Studies 38, no. 4 (January 10, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.04.00129.
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The unconventional and non-traditional trajectory of the US foreign policy, in the regime of Donald Trump, has already undone decades of the American diplomacy, evoking an intense reaction from friends and foes alike. This downward trend is not only bewildering America’s staunch allies in Europe and Asia but also bringing new realisation to the rising and resurgent powers that the era of unprecedented US global hegemony is over. The retreat in the US global leadership has neither been because of “imperial overstretch” nor the “domestic under-reach” but through voluntary relinquishing of power and responsibility along with abdication of power, however, inadvertently. The US foreign policy, under the Trump administration is altering the US relationship with erstwhile allies and affecting its ability to obtain the desired outcomes.
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Brummer, Klaus. "Imposing Sanctions: The Not So ‘Normative Power Europe’." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 2 (May 1, 2009): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009015.
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Abstract. This paper shows that the sanctions policy of the EU is characterized by three inconsistencies. They relate to the selection of countries against which sanctions are imposed, the triggers for autonomous European sanctions and the use of exemptions. Whereas no pattern can be discerned concerning the first two aspects, the misuse of exemptions for political reasons also adds to inconsistent European policies. This paper argues that although norms and values play a role in the EU’s sanctions policy, more often than not they are upstaged by security and economic interests. As none of the underlying reasons for the inconsistencies (e.g. predominance of national interests, diverging views on the viability of sanctions) will disappear anytime soon, the sanctions policy of the EU will continue to oscillate between interests, norms and values.
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Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin. "Migration, social policy, and power in historical perspective." Global Social Policy 19, no. 3 (March 7, 2019): 266–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018119832403.
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Migration and social policy have become fiercely contested issues in Europe and North America. In this article, I highlight how mobility and migration, on one hand, and social policy, on the other hand, have historically been closely interwoven and shaped by power relations. It is argued that European states actively assisted their poor to leave ‘home’ and settle in far-away places. I will elaborate some of the tensions between freedom of movement and the role of social policy in the North German Confederation ( Norddeutscher Bund [NDB]) and the British Empire. Finally, it is argued that many of the current challenges and issues associated with migration and social policy in Europe are historically not unique.
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Smart, Ian. "Politics and nuclear power: energy policy in Western Europe." International Affairs 63, no. 2 (1987): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025464.
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Diebold, William, and Michael T. Hatch. "Politics and Nuclear Power: Energy Policy in Western Europe." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 1 (1986): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042887.
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Birchfield, Vicki. "A normative power Europe framework of transnational policy formation." Journal of European Public Policy 20, no. 6 (June 2013): 907–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2013.781829.
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Fedorov, Yury E. "Continuity and change in Russia’s policy toward Central and Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 3 (July 11, 2013): 315–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.06.003.
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The accession of the CEE states to NATO and the European Union has put an end to the geopolitical ambiguity and implicit insecurity in the region between Russia and the socalled ‘Old Europe’. Instead of being an area of great powers’ rivalry, elements of ‘buffer belts’ lacking meaningful strategic options, objects of raw Nazi-Soviet deals, or zones under Russian occupation and domination, the three Baltic States and the Visegrad group countries became full-fledged members of the European Union and were given NATO’s security guarantees. By the middle of the 2000s, one would conclude that traditional geopolitics had ended in this region. However, the changes in the strategic situation in CEE have not changed the deep rooted moving forces and long-term strategic goals of the Russian policy toward the region.Moscow seeks to have the position, as its official rhetoric says, of an ‘influential centre of a multipolar world’ that would be nearly equal to the USA, China, or the EU. With this in view Moscow seeks for the establishment of its domination over the new independent states of the former USSR and for the formation of a sphere of influence for itself in Central Eastern Europe. If it achieves these goals, then Europe may return once again to traditional geopolitics fraught with great power rivalries and permanent instabilities radiating far beyond CEE borders. Yet a few questions remain. Has Russia come to the conclusion that attempting to restore its privileged position of influence in Central-Eastern Europe is wrong? Has Russia enough power to threaten the CEE countries? How credible are NATO’s security guarantees? How may Russian behavior in CEE affect a wider European geopolitical context? These questions are appropriate in the light of Russia’s ‘resurgence’ as a revanchist power and because Russia is, and most probably will remain in the next five to ten years, a weighty economic and strategic factor in areas along the Western borders of the former USSR.
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Vilson, Maili, and Kristian L. Nielsen. "The Eastern Partnership: Soft Power Strategy or Policy Failure?" European Foreign Affairs Review 19, Issue 2 (May 1, 2014): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2014012.
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When the EU launched the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in 2009, it did so with much rhetoric about projecting its soft power into Eastern Europe. Yet today, the EU's soft power project seems to have stalled, with developments in the region being less than favourable. This article argues that the EaP essentially replicated the main weaknesses of the European Neighbourhood Policy, by offering too little incentive and support to the partners, rendering both conditionality and soft power ineffective as tools for milieu shaping. In promoting the EaP as a policy of soft power, the EU has once again forgotten that soft power can never be separated from the 'harder' policies that would meet the expectations of those wishing to align with it. This failure of policy continues to largely negate the EU's actually considerable reservoir of potential soft power in Eastern Europe.
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Toje, Asle. "The EU Security Strategy Revised: Europe Hedging Its Bets." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 2 (May 1, 2010): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010014.
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Abstract. The 2008 Report on the Implementation of the European Security Strategy was written to update the 2003 European Security Strategy (ESS), the EU’s overall foreign policy strategy. This article offers a comparative analysis of the two documents through the prism of four ‘conceptual pairs’: Strategic culture and human security; war on terror and terror as crime; preventive engagement and hedging; and effective multilateralism and normative power. It is argued that the revised strategy is a sign that the EU may be shifting towards an overall strategy of ‘hedging’ strategy vis-à-vis the great powers. While admirably succeeding in asserting an independent EU approach to foreign and security policy, it does so at the cost of re-submerging the Union’s strategic ambition in ambiguity. By adopting a hedging strategy, the EU can be seen as seeking to opt out of the turbulence usually associated with a systemic shift towards multipolarity.
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Jasch, Michael. "Police and Prosecutions: Vanishing Differences between Practices in England and Germany." German Law Journal 5, no. 10 (October 1, 2004): 1207–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013171.
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Police powers of discretion to discontinue criminal proceedings are rather exceptional in Europe, where most Criminal Justice Systems are based on some kind of principle of legality. Germany and England may be regarded as contrasting examples for different decision-making-models on the question whether or not to prosecute an offender. Germany, with a principle of compulsory prosecution theoretically guiding the work of public prosecutors—compared to England, where already the police have significant powers of discretion when deciding about a case. In recent years, however, the differences between the practice of these principles seem to have vanished: Whereas some German federal states have started to involve police in prosecution decisions, policy makers in England try to restrain the traditionally wide discretion of police in dealing with cases of minor crimes. Interesting lessons that might be useful for future harmonization of European criminal justice systems can be drawn from the experiences in both countries.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Melnychenko, І. P., V. V. Parminskyi, and A. Yu Pekhovskyi. "LEGAL ANALYSIS OF LAW MAKING ACTIVITIES CONCERNING IMPROVING THE MECHANISM OF APPLICATION OF LIFE IMPRISONMENT IN UKRAINE." Scientific journal Criminal and Executive System: Yesterday. Today. Tomorrow 2021, no. 1 (August 30, 2021): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjcriminal.2021.01.053.
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Legal analysis of bills aimed at improving the mechanism of application of life imprisonment in Ukraine, namely: “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts Implementing Decisions of the European Court of Human Rights” № 4048 and “On Amendments to the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses, the Criminal Code of Ukraine and the Criminal Procedural Code of Ukraine on the execution of decisions of the European Court of Human Rights” № 4049 is provided in the article. It is determined that the mechanism of parole in the form of life imprisonment proposed by these bills consists of two stages: the first stage is the replacement of life imprisonment with a milder punishment under the rules of the new version of Article 82 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine; the second stage is conditional early release from serving a sentence in the form of imprisonment, which is assigned to a convict in order to replace life sentence with a milder punishment (imprisonment) under the rules of a new version of Article 81 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. The legal positions of the Committee on Ukraine’s Integration with the European Union, the Main Scientific and Expert Department of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the expert assessment of the Council of Europe are analyzed. The generalized legal analysis of bills 4048, 4049 gave an opportunity to reveal their progressive provisions, as well as shortcomings. Progressive provisions of the bills include: convicts’ drawing up their personal plan for reintegration into society, a temporary restriction on re-applying for the replacement of life sentence with imprisonment for a definite term or a request for a parole. The shortcomings of the bills include: unjustifiably short minimum sentence that a convict must serve in order to be released from life sentence; lack of a mechanism for determining the risk assessment of those sentenced to life imprisonment; lack of legislation to provide for probation in the process of replacing life sentence with a milder sentence and parole in terms of risk assessment, reintegration plan and monitoring compliance with court obligations; lack of criteria for determining the risk of re-offending; implementation of administrative supervision by police bodies over persons released on parole; lack of clear content of the reintegration plan; providing conclusions of the administration of a penal institution on convict’s preparing for release. Key words: bill 4048, bill 4049, life sentence, parole, European standards, implementation.
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Tesser, Lynn M. "Identity, Contingency, and Interaction: Historical Research and Social Science Analysis of Nation-State Proliferation." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.33.
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AbstractScholars of nation-building and secession tend to prioritize elite or broader nationalist activism when explaining the proliferation of nation-states. Yet, recent historical research reveals a major finding: the influence of great powers tended to eclipse nationalist mobilization for new states in Latin America, the Balkans, Anatolia, and Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on recent trends in historical research largely unknown in other fields, this article examines context, timing, and event sequencing to provide a new approach to multi-case research on nation-state proliferation. Major power recognition of new states in the Balkans also emerges as transformational for the post-World War I replacement of dynastic empires with nation-states in Europe. These findings suggest a shift of focus to the interplay of nationalist activism and great power policy for explaining the spread of nation-states.
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Amor-Martín, Francisco. "La cuestión marítima en la estrategia geopolítica de Carvajal y Ensenada = The Maritime Issue Within Carvajal and Ensenada’s Geo-Political Strategy." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna, no. 33 (December 2, 2020): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiv.33.2020.23778.
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José de Carvajal y Zenón de Somodevilla emergieron como los principales artífices de la política exterior española en una extraña coyuntura internacional. En 1748 las cancillerías de todo el continente emprendieron negociaciones en aras de la paz, ya que las potencias europeas precisaban tiempo para recuperar fuerzas tras tan larga guerra. Fue en semejante contexto en el que los dos ministros desarrollaron su geoestrategia. Pese a sus diferencias, ambos estadistas pretendieron garantizar la posición de España como gran potencia europea, del mismo modo que comprendieron que, en adelante, el equilibrio europeo se vería condicionado por la supremacía marítima y colonial.AbstractJosé de Carvajal and Zenón de Somodevilla emerged as the main architects of Spanish foreign policy amidst the strained international climate of the mid-eighteenth century. In 1748, foreign affairs offices across Europe engaged in conversations surrounding peace as they sought time to regain strength after such a long war. It was within the context of this nascent alliance system that Carvajal and Somodevilla developed their geo-political strategy. In spite of their differences, both statesmen tried to guarantee Spain’s position as a major European power and understood that, going forward, European political balance would be determined by colonial and maritime supremacy.
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Conway, Arthur. "Electricity in Europe: Power and profit." Energy Policy 18, no. 8 (October 1990): 786–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0301-4215(90)90033-z.
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Lahneman, William J. "Changing Power Cycles and Foreign Policy Role-power Realignments: Asia, Europe, and North America." International Political Science Review 24, no. 1 (January 2003): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512103024001006.
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