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Journal articles on the topic 'Police – Italy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Roberti, F. "Organized Crime in Italy: The Neapolitan Camorra Today." Policing 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pan016.

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2

Turone, F. "Italian police investigate GSK Italy for bribery." BMJ 326, no. 7386 (February 22, 2003): 413a—413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.326.7386.413/a.

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3

Sergi, A. "Structure versus Activity. Policing Organized Crime in Italy and in the UK, Distance and Convergence." Policing 8, no. 1 (November 21, 2013): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pat033.

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4

Scalia, Vincenzo. "‘Stay home you murderer!’: populist policing of COVID-19 in Italy." International Journal of Police Science & Management 23, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 242–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14613557211014913.

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Italy was the first European country to experience the impact of COVID-19. In order to deal with the health emergency, in early March 2020, the Italian government enforced strict lockdown measures. The different Italian police forces, the Polizia di Stato, Carabinieri and city police forces (Polizia Municipale), patrolled the streets, ensuring that people stayed at home and non-essential shops remained closed. These police forces received unprecedented support from the public in enforcing lockdown. People were active in their neighbourhoods, taking pictures of alleged violators and reporting them to the police, as well as posting pictures of those violating the rules on social networks. Local administrators encouraged citizens to report lockdown violations and in the case of Rome, introduced an online reporting system. This article focuses on the policing of lockdown in Italy. The article develops the argument that public attitudes, defined as policing from below, combined with policing from above by local administrators, produced a populist policing of the lockdown. Qualitative methodology is used to discuss interviews with police officers and analyse newspaper articles. Populist political forces are hegemonising in Italy, relying on the feelings of insecurity that the virus has embittered. Populist hegemony strongly influenced the policing of problems related to COVID. The lack of community policing or plural policing models within the organisation of Italian police forces, which remain a combination of continental and colonial models, has been decisive in the development of populist policing. The consequence of this is a type of ‘policing on demand’, with the public providing the police with intelligence and demanding enforcement.
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5

Gabaccia, Donna R. "Inventing “Little Italy”." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 1 (January 2007): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001596.

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Digitized texts open new methodologies for explorations of the history of ideas. This paper locates the invention of the term “Little Italy” in New York in the 1880s and explores its rapid spread through print and popular culture from police reporting to fictional portraits of slumming and then into adolescent dime novels and early film representations. New Yorkers invented “Little Italy” but they long disagreed with urban tourists about its exact location. Still, from the moment of its origin, both visitors and natives of New York associated Little Italy with entertainment, spectacle, and the search for “safe danger.” While the location of Little Italy changed over time, such associations with pleasure and crime have persisted, even as the neighborhood emptied of its immigrant residents.
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6

Dean, Trevor. "Police forces in late medieval Italy: Bologna, 1340–1480." Social History 44, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2019.1579974.

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7

Fabini, Giulia. "Managing illegality at the internal border: Governing through ‘differential inclusion’ in Italy." European Journal of Criminology 14, no. 1 (January 2017): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370816640138.

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This article interrogates whether a crimmigration frame could be used to assess immigration control in Italy. It argues that even if crimmigration laws are similar across European countries, the outcomes of European border control depend on the local context. It looks at the interaction between police, judges, and migrants at the internal borders in Bologna, Italy. The article is based on quantitative data (analysis of case files on pre-removal detention in Bologna’s detention centre) and qualitative data (one-to-one in-depth interviews with migrants and justices of the peace, and participant observation). The case study focuses on ‘differential inclusion’ of undocumented migrants informally allowed to remain in the Italian territory. Police manage illegality rather than enforcing removals, using selective non-enforcement of immigration laws as effectively as enforcement itself. The article’s main hypothesis is that, at the local level, the production of borders works as a provisional admission policy to include undocumented migrants, though in a subordinated position.
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8

Costanza Baldry, Anna, Vincenza Cinquegrana, Sonya Cacace, and Eleonora Crapolicchio. "Victim’s Perception of Quality of Help and Support by the Police Issuing Warnings Orders in Ex Intimate Partner Stalking Cases in Italy." Policing 10, no. 4 (September 14, 2016): 432–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paw037.

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9

Savella, Italo G. "Arturo Bocchini and the Secret Political Police in Fascist Italy." Historian 60, no. 4 (June 1, 1998): 779–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1998.tb01415.x.

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10

Pimentel, Irene Flunser. "Comparative analysis of police dictatorships in Portugal and Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no. 3 (January 18, 2023): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-37-54.

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From 1932 onwards, with the arrival of the presidency of the Council of Portugal, António Oliveira Salazar created a new regime of civil dictatorship, which had both similarities and differences with the fascist regime in Italy and the National Socialist regime in Germany. The main similarity of these political regimes was the aggressive activity of the secret state police. In this study, the author will try, in its first part, to make a comparative study between the PVDE (Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado - State Surveillance and Defense Police, 1933-1945) and the political police apparatus of fascist Italy, nationalsocialist Germany and Franco’s dictatorship in Spain during World War II. With the defeat of Fascism and Nazism, two dictatorial regimes remained in the Iberian Peninsula, whose political police were related to each other. In a second part of this article the author compares Portuguese PIDE (Polícia Internacional de Defesa do Estado - Portuguese International Police, 1945-1969) and later DGS (Drirecção-Geral de Segurança - Directorate-General of Security, 1969-1974), on the one hand, and Spanish Seguridad (Dirección-General de Seguridad - Directorate-General for Security), on the other.
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11

Garot, Robert. "»The Long Line They Must Make in the Night«: Performative Realism in the Italian State’s Relations with Outsiders." Administory 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/adhi-2018-0038.

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Abstract This article provides a first-hand account of waiting in line to deliver migration documents at an office of the police department known as the Questura in Italy, in 2006. The spectacle of migrants suffering in line day after day, subjected to threats from police and the jostling, complaints and aggression of others in line, provided a stage for the performative realism of the widescale exclusion, criminalization and scapegoating of migrants in Italy at the time. Moreover, migrants’ relations to the state and Italians’ relations to migrants were embodied and felt through the line, marked on bodies and in memories as visceral marginalization.
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12

Greenberg, Jessica. "Counterpedagogy, Sovereignty, and Migration at the European Court of Human Rights." Law & Social Inquiry 46, no. 2 (February 2, 2021): 518–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2020.40.

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What happens to gains in human rights protections if states learn how to use international human rights courts to evade future scrutiny? This article centers on Hirsi Jamaa v. Italy, a landmark 2012 migration case at the European Court of Human Rights. Rights advocates characterized the case as a legal victory for migrants. Subsequent shifts in Italian bordering and policing on the high seas demonstrate unintended consequences of this litigation. While Italy implemented the judgment, compliance went hand in hand with state efforts to undermine rights protections in practice. Italy carved out new areas of discretion among maritime police, human rights advocates, and migrants on the high seas. Ultimately, assessing the impact of case law requires looking not only at judgments and at execution. It requires attention to subsequent policy environments and policing efforts that may violate the spirit, if not the letter, of human rights obligations.
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13

Acquadro Maran, Daniela, Antonella Varetto, Massimo Zedda, and Monica Franscini. "Stress among Italian male and female patrol police officers: a quali-quantitative survey." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 37, no. 4 (November 11, 2014): 875–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-05-2014-0056.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to carry out a quali-quantitative study to analyze unease and perceived stress in a population of 485 male and female police officers in a large city in northern Italy, and investigate the consequences of these and the coping strategies adopted. The working context the paper chose to investigate was the Municipal Police, which is characterized by strong links with the local community. As suggested in the literature, the paper focalized the attention both on organizational and operational stressors. Design/methodology/approach – Quali-quantitative study: a self-administered questionnaire. Findings – Results show that both men and women are self-critical and their evaluation of the professional and contextual circumstances in which they operate is filtered by pessimism and self-blame, with higher levels of somatization in women: female patrol police officers are at the highest risk of psychological distress. Originality/value – This is, to the best of the knowledge, the first quali-quantities study in Italy to consider the gender variable within a single police force.
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14

Cappelletti, Simone, Alessandro Iaria, Francesco Lombardo, Giuseppe Vallone, Pasquale Vitale, and Costantino Ciallella. "Drug importation into Italy by body packing: An analysis of the UNODC Individual Drug Seizures Database." Medico-Legal Journal 86, no. 4 (April 13, 2018): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0025817218769012.

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Internal concealment and transportation of illegal substances by body packing is a major business with very high profits, attracting criminals all over the world. As body packers are rarely arrested, it is difficult to quantify their proportion in the general population and, consequently, identify the countries involved in this kind of drug traffic; as a consequence, the percentage of undetected cases is undoubtedly high. The aim of this study is to provide useful information concerning the country of origin of body packers travelling to Italy through the analysis of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Individual Drug Seizures Report database in the period 2010–2015. Results of our study highlighted a total of 85 cases, producing a total of 52.4 kg of drugs transported through body packing towards Italy. Data obtained from our analysis could represent an useful starting point to: (a) enhance police controls on people coming from targeted countries and improve collaborations between Italian Police Forces and those of other countries; (b) understand the reason why some cities/airports are so frequently used in drug trafficking through body packing and, as a consequence, enhance police controls in these places; and (c) train airport security staffs in international airports recognized as important departure points for body packers travelling to Italy.
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15

Dunnett, Jane. "Foreign Literature in Fascist Italy: Circulation and Censorship." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 15, no. 2 (January 16, 2004): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/007480ar.

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Abstract In this article the author sets out to illustrate some of the strategies which Italian translators and publishers adopted, or were forced to adopt, to ensure that their texts passed muster under Fascism. “Taboo” areas are identified and an attempt is made to sketch out what were often rather vague criteria for acceptability. The author proceeds to survey the mechanisms that were put in place to vet books—essentially, preventive censorship and police confiscation—for the duration of the dictatorship. It is argued that the apparatus of the State was only partially successful at monitoring the content of works of literature. This historical contextualisation, drawing on archival and published material, is followed by a number of case-studies, first of three novels by John Steinbeck, and then of Americana, a famous anthology of American literature published during the Second World War. In her conclusion, the author draws attention to the failure of the regime to implement a watertight policy on translation, despite its desire to influence the way readers interpreted books.
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16

Dunnage, Jonathan. "INHIBITING DEMOCRACY IN POST-WAR ITALY: THE POLICE FORCES, 1943–48." Italian Studies 51, no. 1 (January 1996): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/its.1996.51.1.167.

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17

Laven, David. "Law and order in Habsburg Venetia 1814–1835." Historical Journal 39, no. 2 (June 1996): 383–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002029x.

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ABSTRACTMuch recent historiography has adopted a revisionist approach to Habsburg policy in restoration Italy, jettisoning the ‘black legend’ which long surrounded Austrian rule of Lombardy-Venetia. Nevertheless the Habsburg police still tend to be portrayed as essentially repressive, constantly preoccupied with the threat of revolution. This case study of the police in the Venetian provinces during the reign of Francis I challenges such a view. It looks first at the problem of establishing forces of law and order in the aftermath of Napoleonic rule, demonstrating how under-funding conservatism and a desire for uniformity with the rest of the empire meant that the Venetian constabulary was often ill-suitedfor the prevention of crime. Then follows an examination of the part played by the police in the administrative machine. This emphasises a number of roles performed by higher-ranking police officials and the secret police, and suggests their major concerns were not merely with the threat of revolution, but with gathering information essential for efficient government, and with maintaining a watchful eye over other branches of the bureaucracy. These in turn contributed considerably to the efficiency of Habsburg rule and the remarkable political passivity of the Venetian provinces in this era.
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18

Wright, O. J. "Police ‘Outrages’ against British Residents and Travellers in Liberal Italy, 1867-1877." Crime, Histoire & Sociétés 14, no. 1 (May 1, 2010): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chs.1143.

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19

Quassoli, Fabio. "Making the neighbourhood safer: Social alarm, police practices and immigrant exclusion in Italy." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30, no. 6 (November 2004): 1163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183042000286296.

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20

BERTONHA, J. F. "O poder de polícia e a administração da Justiça: Estado e partido na Alemanha nazista e na Itália fascista." Passagens: Revista Internacional de História Política e Cultura Jurídica 13, no. 3 (October 1, 2021): 446–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15175/1984-2503-202113303.

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The aim of this article is to discuss the differences and similarities between the police and legal systems shaped during the Fascist dictatorships of Italy and Germany and their implications on the collapse of Fascism in 1943 and the survival of Naziism until 1945. The article also discusses the police and legal culture created under these regimes and its survival in the later period, with the consequent democratic deficit. The backdrop to this is a discussion on the relationship between police officers, judges, and militiamen within the regimes of Italian Fascism and Nazi Germany and the broader subject of the relationship between State and party in these regimes. As “case-control studies”, the examples of Spain, Brazil, and Japan will also be discussed.
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21

Al-Sharieh, Saleh, and Jeanne Mifsud Bonnici. "From the Persuasion of Theory to the Certainty of Law." European Journal of Comparative Law and Governance 5, no. 2 (May 23, 2018): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134514-00502005.

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This paper analyses the legal bases of community policing under European Union (EU) law and the national laws of England, France, Germany, Italy, Romania and Portugal. Community policing arguably helps the police achieve efficient policing while respecting the requirements of the rule of law, a founding value of the EU, and can be a form of co-operation between the EU Member States under the EU legal framework for crime prevention. Moreover, the law in the selected jurisdictions supports four elements of the community policing model: (1) the public-police partnership in establishing policing strategies and priorities; (2) the public-police partnership for crime prevention and detection; (3) proactive and preventive policing; and (4) the police as providers of high quality services tailored to improve people’s quality of life. These elements are interrelated and interdependent: their holistic legal articulation is necessary for their effective existence.
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22

Meldolesi, Luca. "Una nota per la riforma dello Stato: quarta libertŕ e federalismo democratico." RIVISTA TRIMESTRALE DI SCIENZA DELL'AMMINISTRAZIONE, no. 1 (July 2009): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sa2009-001002.

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- As a comment (on "The Forth Freedom", 2007) and anticipation (of "Democratic Federalism", 2009), this article, drawing from those monographies by the Author, carves its hypothesis out of a comparison between the European and the "New World" administrative traditions. Italy was largely imbued by the franco-prussian étatisme of the 18th and 19th centuries; and even developed a peculiar variety of it, based on "assistenzialismo" and the "theft and police" game. Since the end of the 19th century, however, and, more recently, since the second world war, Italy experienced a strong and rising tendency toward "autonomism" and regionalism, which eventually brought to a constitutional reform in 2001. According to it, Local Institutions and the central State should be considered on the same footing: a central proposition that may open the way to the development of "democratic federalism". The article addresses numerous policy issues (on cultural, pedagogic, administrative, outcome, working, benchmarking etc grounds) that rapidly may induce that desirable transformation.Key words: Public Innovation; Freedom; Federalism; Administrative Tradition; Western Autonomy; Local Government. Parole chiave: Innovazione pubblica; Libertŕ; Federalismo; Tradizione amministrativa occidentale; Autonomia; Regionalismo
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23

Squillacioti, Giulia, Valeria Bellisario, Amelia Grosso, Federica Ghelli, Pavilio Piccioni, Elena Grignani, Angelo Corsico, and Roberto Bono. "Formaldehyde, Oxidative Stress, and FeNO in Traffic Police Officers Working in Two Cities of Northern Italy." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 5 (March 4, 2020): 1655. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17051655.

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Personal air formaldehyde (air-FA) was measured as risk factor of airways inflammation and oxidative stress (SO) induction. Overall, 154 police officers were enrolled from two differently urbanised Italian cities, Turin and Pavia. Urinary F2t-isoprostane (15-F2t-IsoP), a prostaglandin-like compound, was quantified as a biomarker of general OS in vivo and fractional exhaled nitric oxide (FeNO) was measured for monitoring local inflammatory processes. Urinary cotinine was quantified as a biomarker of tobacco smoking exposure. Traffic police officers living in Turin showed an increased level of log air-FA (p < 0.001), equal to +53.6% (p < 0.001). Log air-(FA) mean values were 3.38 (C.I. 95% 3.33–3.43) and 2.84 (C.I. 95% 2.77–2.92) in Turin and Pavia, respectively. Log (air-FA) was higher in “outdoor workers” (3.18, C.I. 95% 3.13–3.24, p = 0.035) compared to “indoor workers”, showing an increase of +9.3%, even controlling for sex and city. The analyses on 15-F2t-IsoP and FeNO, both adjusted for log air-FA, highlighted that OS and inflammation were higher (+66.8%, p < 0.001 and +75%, p < 0.001, respectively) in Turin traffic police officers compared to those from Pavia. Our findings suggest that even low exposures to traffic-related emissions and urbanisation may influence both general oxidative stress levels and local inflammation.
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24

Blackstone, Lee Robert. "Ruling Culture: Art Police, Tomb Robbers, and the Rise of Cultural Power in Italy." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 51, no. 4 (July 2022): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00943061221103312i.

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25

Robinson, Rebecca. "Ruling Culture: Art Police, Tomb Robbers, and the Rise of Cultural Power in Italy." Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society 52, no. 2 (October 21, 2021): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10632921.2021.1988789.

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26

Poggi, Stefano. "Surveillance as a culture of vigilance: the case of Napoleonic Italy." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 177 (September 2022): 569–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2022-177007.

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This article aims to verify the concept of "culture of vigilance" recently proposed by Arndt Brendecke and Paola Molino in Napoleonic Italy, a context traditionally interpreted in the light of surveillance paradigms. What emerges from the case study of the "capi contrada" established in Vicenza in 1806 is that the Napoleonic police were ultimately compelled to resort to requesting help from individuals belonging to the local communities they wanted to monitor. The "capi contrada" soon became one of the primary sources of information for urban law enforcement. Nevertheless, this collaboration remained strictly tied to the self-interest of the "capi". This kind of "inter-hierarchical"position was not limited to Vicenza, as analogous positions existed in several other cities of the Kingdom of Italy. Thanks to this case study, it is possible to recast the development of state-driven surveillance as one of the many cultures of vigilance that coexisted in Italy at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
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27

Azzarelli, Andrea. "Policing the Sicilian Mafia: Repression and Control of the Mafia Phenomenon in Late Nineteenth-Century Italy." European History Quarterly 53, no. 1 (January 2023): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221143882.

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The article analyzes the repression of the Mafia phenomenon in Sicily between 1896 and 1901. The close attention paid to the Mafia by the authorities during this period produced a strong evidence base which this article examines through the lens of policing practices. These practices remain neglected as to date the historiography has focused on tracing legal developments rather than examining the application of laws by the forces of law and order. Accordingly, the article puts forward a series of historiographically important questions: what was the attitude of police forces in controlling dangerous individuals? How much do the practices adopted by police forces tell us about the possibilities for state intervention and the limits of its influence? What was the relationship between the perception of a criminal threat, police operations and the construction of judicial truth? The article reveals a very clear image of the Italian state in the liberal era. In fact, state officials and high-ranking institutional figures seemed interested in strengthening the social and political order by establishing control networks which could operate in any circumstances. They aimed to make it impossible not to interact with state officials. In this sense, rather than seeking a complete monopoly of violence, they aimed to oblige local power holders, social groups and semi-public figures to bargain with state officials. The effect was that social groups with means of violence at their disposal did not necessarily become a threat to the maintenance of order and nor did they necessarily forestall the possibility of state mediation and hegemony.
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Crisà, Antonino. "Farmers, the Police Force, and the Authorities: The “Calvatone (1911) Hoard” as Seen Through Archival Records (Cremona – Italy)." Notae Numismaticae - TOM XV, no. 15 (May 17, 2021): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.a.07.

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This paper presents a new set of archival records from Rome on the discovery of a Roman Republican denarii hoard, found by the brothers Birsilio and Luigi Simonazzi on their lands at Calvatone (Cremona, Italy, 1911). Local police forces seized the hoard and alerted the Coin Cabinet of Brera in Milan, where the numismatist Serafino Ricci (1867–1943) evaluated and finally acquired selected coins to increase the museum collections. The “Calvatone (1911) hoard” is an essential case study in the history of Italian numismatic collections, museum studies, and archaeology. These records are particularly worth studying for two main reasons. They show how local and regional authorities dealt with casual archaeological discoveries in northern Italy during the post-Unification period (1861–1918). They also help us to better understand how the Italian government acted to safeguard antiquities according to contemporary law, and how the state collections could be increased by judicial seizures and fresh acquisitions.
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29

Sharipov, Sanjar Sobirovich. "Scientific Analysis Of Foreign Experience On The Activities Of Patrol-Post Service In Public Order And Security Systems." American Journal of Interdisciplinary Innovations and Research 03, no. 04 (April 27, 2021): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajiir/volume03issue04-08.

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The article deals with public order and security systems and the role of the patrol service, as well as the police of foreign countries, including the United States, France, Italy, Spain, Israel, China and Japan, in managing the activities of the patrol service in public order and security systems. The service experience has been scientifically analyzed. Based on best international practices, suggestions for improving national legislation are made.
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30

Fabini, Giulia. "Internal bordering in the context of undeportability: Border performances in Italy." Theoretical Criminology 23, no. 2 (February 14, 2019): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480618819802.

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In a contemporaneity of high mobility, porous borders, and harsher immigration laws, the great majority of illegalized migrants are not deported; they remain in the territory in a condition of legal non-existence. Through a case study of the interaction between illegalized migrants and police in Italy, this article demonstrates the utility of the concept of “border performativity” for the research on border control. It reveals how “differential inclusion” operates in a particular site, and it uses Althusser’s concept of interpellation in its discussion of discipline and resistance in the mechanisms of internal bordering. Finally, my development (and use) of the term undeportability extends theory by urging criminologists of mobility to consider contexts in which choices are structured by the inability of officials to fully deploy the deportation regime.
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Testoni, Ines, Irene Nencioni, Lucia Ronconi, Francesca Alemanno, and Adriano Zamperini. "Burnout, Reasons for Living and Dehumanisation among Italian Penitentiary Police Officers." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 9 (April 30, 2020): 3117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17093117.

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The literature on burnout syndrome among Penitentiary Police Officers (PPOs) is still rather scarce, and there are no analyses on the protective factors that can prevent these workers from the dangerous effect of burnout, with respect to the weakening of the reasons for living and de-humanization. This study aimed to examine the relationships between burnout, protective factors against weakening of the reasons for living and not desiring to die and the role of de-humanisation, utilising the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI); the Reasons for Living Inventory (RFL); the Testoni Death Representation Scale (TDRS); and the Human Traits Attribution Scale (HTAS), involving 86 PPOs in a North Italy prison. Results showed the presence of a high level of burnout in the group of participants. In addition, dehumanization of prisoners, which is considered a factor that could help in managing other health professional stress situations, does not reduce the level of burnout.
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32

Newton, Ronald C. "Ducini, Prominenti, Antifascisti: Italian Fascism and the Italo-Argentine Collectivity, 1922-1945." Americas 51, no. 1 (July 1994): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008355.

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One evening in April 1926 a party of Italian emigrants outward bound from Genoa aboard the steamer Conte Verde celebrated their impending new life in Argentina by singing the fascist anthem “Giovinezza.” They thereby angered a larger number of passengers and crew, who responded with a lusty rendition of the Socialist “Bandiera Rossa.” Tension grew, but Conte Verde’s captain averted further unpleasantness by escorting the fascists to safety at the ship's bow; at the same time Second Captain Rivarola restored order among the antifascists. The Genoa police prefecture reported the incident to Benito Mussolini's cabinet, but as the quarrel had been transferred to Argentine soil there was little to be done–for the moment. The secret police would maintain surveillance of the troublemakers in Argentina and of their families in Italy.
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33

Sharipov, Sanjar. "SCIENTIFIC ANALYSIS OF FOREIGN EXPERIENCE IN THE MANAGEMENT OF PATROL-POST SERVICES IN PUBLIC ORDER AND SECURITY SYSTEMS." JOURNAL OF LAW RESEARCH 6, no. 5 (May 30, 2021): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9130-2021-5-10.

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The article provides a scientific analysis of the experience of Police Service in the United Statesof America, France, Italy, Spain, Israel, China and Japan, including systems of ensuring public order and security, as well as the role of the patrol-post service in it, as well as the management of patrol-post service activities in public order and security systems. Based on advanced foreign experience, proposals have been made to improve the public order andsecurity systems of our country.
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Ponzio, Alessio. "“What They Had between Their Legs Was a Form of Cash”." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460105.

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This article, showing how ubiquitous male youth prostitution was in 1950s Italy, exposes the pederastic and (homo)sexual vivacity of this decade. Moreover, this article also suggests that even if police, the media, and medical institutions were trying to crystallize a rigid chasm between homo- and heterosexuality, there were still forces in Italian society that resisted such strict categorization. The young hustlers described by contemporary observers bear witness to the sexual flexibility of the 1950s in Italy. These youths inhabited queer spaces lacking a clear-cut hetero–homo divide, spaces where “modern” sexological categories and identities had not yet entered. Prior to the mass circulation of rigid sexual labels, it was still possible for many Italian boys, youths, and young men to dwell in liminal queer spaces. The exchange of money purified their acts, guaranteed their maleness, and effaced potential stigmatization.
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Kokhan, Tymofii. "Traditions and current state of the "police" series: the Italian experience." Culturology Ideas, no. 21 (1'2022) (2021): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37627/2311-9489-21-2022-1.42-50.

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The article reconstructs the Italian experience of creating "police" series, which from the 80s of the XX and the first two decades of the XXI century coexisted in the cinema of this country in parallel with feature films of the "criminal" genre, which were sometimes assessed as not only national but also European culture in general. The article focuses on the professionalism of the vast majority of "police" series and films made in Italy over the past forty years, and emphasizes that some series openly competed with films, especially in terms of skill and popularity of directors and actors involved in their creation. It is emphasized that the genre of "police" series is constantly represented in current film production, so a comparative analysis of traditions and modern experience in the production of films of this genre and understanding of their aesthetic and artistic orientation seems quite relevant. Particular attention is paid to the problem of the protagonist of the series, which for a long time - from series to series - carries an important emotional and psychological burden. Based on empirical material, the article reflects both the process of formation of the "police" series, and the gradual "building" of artistic means of expression in its implementation.
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Denaro, Chiara. "Agency, resistance and (forced) mobilities.The case of Syrian refugees in transit through Italy." REMHU : Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana 24, no. 47 (August 2016): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880004706.

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Abstract During the biennium 2013–2014 Syrian refugees started to reach Italy through Mediterranean seaborne migration routes, from Libya and Egypt. Their presence contributed to partially modifying the configuration of the incoming migration flows to Italy, both in terms of socio-demographic composition and access to the European asylum system. Data shows that most of the Syrian refugees who landed in Italy between 2013 and 2014 decided to pursue their journeys to Northern Europe, by overcoming the restrictions imposed by the Dublin Regulation. The article focuses on the phenomenon of transit, as an interesting standpoint from which to observe certain acts of agency and resistance, put in place by refugees in order to “choose the country where to live” (Denaro, 2016): the refusal to provide fingerprints during identification, the organization of hunger strikes, the secondary mobility per se. Moreover, the article attempts to shed light on the relational and socio-political context in which these practices have taken shape, by focusing on the construction of relationships with activists and volunteers, and the (explicit and tacit) processes of negotiation which refugees conducted with police authorities and other stakeholders.
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Giuffré, Mariagiulia. "WATERED-DOWN RIGHTS ON THE HIGH SEAS:HIRSI JAMAA AND OTHERS V ITALY(2012)." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 61, no. 3 (July 2012): 728–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589312000231.

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On 23 February 2012, the European Court of Human Rights (the Court), sitting as a Grand Chamber, delivered its long-anticipated judgment in theHirsi Jamaa and Others v Italy(Hirsi) case.1The case was filed on 26 May 2009 by 11 Somalis and 13 Eritreans who were among the first group of 231 migrants and refugees (191 men and 40 women) that left Libya heading for the Italian coast. Halted on 6 May 2009 by three ships from the Italian Revenue Police (Guardia di Finanza) approximately 35 miles south of Lampedusa on the high seas, in the SAR zone under Maltese competence, they were summarily returned to Libya without identification and assessment of their protection claims.2
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Reiter, Herbert, and Klaus Weinhauer. "Police and Political Violence in the 1960s and 1970s: Germany and Italy in a Comparative Perspective." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 14, no. 3 (September 2007): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507480701611647.

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Edwards, Richard A. "Police Powers and Article 5 ECHR: Time for a New Approach to the Interpretation of the Right to Liberty." Liverpool Law Review 41, no. 3 (July 22, 2020): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10991-020-09255-y.

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Abstract This paper discusses the approach of British and European Courts to the interpretation and application of the Article 5 ECHR right to liberty when faced with police powers. The paper argues that the long-standing approach of the European Court of Human Rights in Guzzardi v Italy [1980] ECHR 7367/76 is wrong and should be replaced with a new interpretation based on coercion. The paper goes on to argue that a new approach would allow the courts to effectively protect both Convention rights and the rule of law.
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Garbarino, Sergio, Alexander Domnich, Elisabetta Costa, Irene Giberti, Stefano Mosca, Cristiano Belfiore, Fabrizio Ciprani, and Giancarlo Icardi. "Seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 in a Large Cohort of Italian Police Officers." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 22 (November 20, 2021): 12201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182212201.

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Certain professional categories are at a high occupational exposure to COVID-19. The aim of this survey was to quantify the seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 among police officers in Italy and identify its correlates. In this cross-sectional study, a nationally representative sample of State police employees was tested for IgG and IgM before the start of the National vaccination campaign. A total of 10,535 subjects (approximately 10% of the total workforce) participated in the study. The overall seroprevalence was 4.8% (95% CI: 4.4–5.3%). However, seropositivity was unevenly distributed across the country with a clear (p < 0.001) North–South gradient. In particular, the seroprevalence was 5.6 times higher in northern regions than in southern regions (9.0% vs. 1.6%). Most (71.2%) seropositive subjects reported having no recent symptoms potentially attributable to SARS-CoV-2 infection. Previous dysosmia, dysgeusia, and influenza-like illness symptoms were positive predictors of being seropositive. However, the prognostic value of dysosmia depended (p < 0.05) on both sex and prior influenza-like illness. The baseline seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 in police employees is considerable. A significant risk of occupational exposure, frequent asymptomatic cases and the progressive waning of neutralizing antibodies suggest that the police workers should be considered among the job categories prioritized for the booster COVID-19 vaccine dose.
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Zamperini, Adriano, Valentina Siracusa, and Marialuisa Menegatto. "Accountability and Police Violence: a Research on Accounts to Cope with Excessive Use of Force in Italy." Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology 32, no. 2 (September 13, 2016): 172–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11896-016-9208-7.

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Arbatova, N. "The Evolution of the Phenomenon of Terrorism in Italy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 9 (2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-29-38.

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European security today faces new challenges that are not directly related to military force. Among them, first of all, is the threat of terrorism, which has both internal and external dimensions. The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of terrorism in the European Union on the example of Italy. The author analyses four types of this threat posed by terrorists according to their political motivation: separatism, left- and right-wing domestic political terrorism, and Islamist terrorism. Italian law distinguishes between the concepts of terrorism, radicalism and subversion. According to the 2015 law, terrorism is defined as conduct that, by its nature or context, may cause serious harm to a country or an international organization. It is aimed at intimidating the population or forcing the State or international organizations to commit or refuse to commit any action. The evolution of the phenomenon of terrorism in Italy is of particular interest because it reflects both general and specific features of the terrorist threat in Europe. From the late 1960s to the 1970s and until the beginning of the 1980s, Italian society had been facing the most brutal manifestations of terrorism. During this period, terrorism evolved from ideological far-right extremism to ultra-left revolutionary extremism, which turns to violence against the State and its servants, calling for a communist transformation of society. By the end of the 1980s, the terrorist threat in Italy had been significantly reduced. The decline in terrorist activity in the 1980s is explained, in addition to the increased effectiveness of the intelligence services and the police, by the decline in political activity in Italy after the upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s. The author draws attention to one of the paradoxes of Islamist terrorism in Italy. Despite the fact that Italy bears the main flow of migration waves that can carry the threat of terrorism to Europe, the country has so far been spared from the large-scale threat of such kind. The example of Italy is also important because today the country’s leadership is the most effective in counterterrorism in comparison with other EU states.
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Sparrow, Elizabeth. "The Swiss and Swabian Agencies, 1795–1801." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026194.

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AbstractThis article continues an examination of the British government's counter-revolutionary organization begun in ‘The Alien Office 1792-1806’, The Historical Journal, XXXIII (1990), which outlined the department's functions and secret service policy. The Swiss and Swabian agencies were one aspect of British foreign secret service; they linked the French princes' secret agents to the British government under the central European control of William Wickham, ambassador in Berne 1794–7, and military and diplomatic subsidiaries. Anti-republican secret committees were set up covering all France, Switzerland, northern Italy and southern Germany, which included members from every grade of society. French republican generals, even Ministers were swayed, allowing infiltration of the French secret police. British control was however limited to the finesse of finance – bribery was implicit. By never offering enough to the leaders and too much to assistants, initial constitutional intentions slid into subversion and assassination. The first complete andfully documented description is included of how, why, and by whom, the French deputies were assassinated at Rastadt.
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Quassoli, Fabio. "“Clandestino”." Discourse and politics of migration in Italy 12, no. 2 (August 2, 2012): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.2.03qua.

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Over the last twenty years, the management of a series of complex questions raised by the growing presence of foreign immigrants in Italy has been carried out via the “invention” of specific social problems and their accompanying discourse categories. From its first appearance the term “clandestino” (or irregular immigrant) has assumed a dual significance as a concept widely adopted in public discourse and as the pillar of an ideology that comprises a very specific set of political positions regarding the management of immigration. Moreover, to the extent that the clandestino was interpreted as a threat or problem to be eliminated or solved, it very rapidly became a discursive and practical focal point for the institutions that play a crucial role in immigration management and control. Drawing on my research from late 1990s on immigration policies and control in Italy, I show how and to what extent some institutional everyday activities of the police have been reshaped by discourses and practice that focus on dealing with irregular immigrants. This reorganization contributed to generating a complex web of knowledge, discourses and practices that produced the essential vocabulary and the hegemonic frameworks for public debates about immigration in Italy. It also makes the need and urgency to cope with irregular immigration both a political centre of gravity and a basic strategy to reproduce social order.
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Garfinkel, Paul. "A Wide, Invisible Net: Administrative Deportation in Italy, 1863–1871." European History Quarterly 48, no. 1 (January 2018): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417741854.

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This article examines the legal history of domicilio coatto (forced residence), a system of summary police-administered deportation instituted by Italy’s Liberal government soon after national unification in 1861. Introduced in an emergency law in 1863, its limited purpose was to suppress a public-order crisis in the south. Within just eight years, however, forced residence had become a regular institution of Italian criminal justice. Not only did it remain as such until Mussolini’s seizure of power in 1922, but it also provided an important blueprint for confino di polizia, the Fascist variant of forced residence implemented in 1926. Focusing on the complex circumstances in which domicilio coatto emerged, the causes of its rapid transformation into a routine weapon of preventative policing, and the legal ideologies of its proponents, this article aims to explain why Italian legal experts crafted the highly repressive instrument and championed it as an essential, if not desirable, institution of ‘liberal’ criminal justice in the young constitutional monarchy. It argues that domicilio coatto was devised to be not simply an expedient for punishing political opponents, as scholars have long emphasized, but a regular instrument for thwarting what jurists and lawmakers considered to be the principal long-term threat to cementing Liberal rule: common crime. Such an interpretation sheds new light on the origins, objectives and historical significance of forced residence in Liberal Italy; at the same time, it offers a critical complement to the existing scholarship that has focused almost exclusively on the political uses of domicilio coatto.
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Hametz, Maura. "The Carabinieri Stood by: The Italian State and the “Slavic Threat” in 1919–1922." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 4 (December 2001): 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120102093.

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On 2 August 1919 in the Upper Adriatic port city of Trieste (as it was called in Italian) or Trst (as it was referred to in Slavic languages), nationalist youths harassed socialist children returning from a group outing. The incident escalated into a riot. Police opened fire, and one nationalist was killed. On 12 July 1920, a nationalist mob incited by Fascists looted and burned Narodni Dom, the Slovene cultural center. The carabinieri, Italy's state police, collaborated in the attack, or at the very least stood by and watched as the building was torched using gasoline obtained from the nearby barracks. The next day, Italian nationalist demonstrators torched the Croatian-managed Adriatic Bank. Police at the scene stood on the sidelines and watched the bank burn. In the autumn of 1920, Fascist squads attacked a funeral procession mourning a socialist worker killed in a general strike. The socialists erected barricades in the streets of the San Giacomo quarter, a working class neighborhood. Police leveled the undefended barricades and intimidated the quarter's residents during a house-to-house search. In 1921, a firebomb exploded in the offices of Il Lavoratore, the local socialist newspaper. Police watched the premises burn. In all five instances, the forces of public security in Trieste stood by, unable or unwilling to stem violence and restore order in the city newly annexed to Italy from the Habsburg empire. The Italian liberal authorities officially disavowed mistreatment of ethnic minorities and members of the political opposition, but they found themselves unable to deal effectively with the clash among ethnic groups and political parties precipitated by the transfer of the territory to Italian sovereignty. They sympathized with those adopting extra-legal and violent strategies that they perceived as useful to further state political agendas and promote assimilation, or at least quiescence, of the border population.
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Millan, Matteo. "‘The Public Force of the Private State’ – Strikebreaking and Visions of Subversion in Liberal Italy (1880s to 1914)." European History Quarterly 49, no. 4 (October 2019): 625–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419864500.

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From the end of the nineteenth century onwards, Italy witnessed a significant increase in labour conflicts, trade unionism and social protests, all of which shook the foundations of the liberal state. Following the failure of the authorities’ attempts to deal with mass protests, efforts were made under the governments of Giovanni Giolitti to adopt new policing policies that embraced state neutrality in social conflicts and the deployment at the same time of substantial police forces to prevent the escalation of conflict and bloodshed. The success of these policies is highly questionable and there were major differences in this respect between northern and southern Italy, and between rural and industrial areas. Nevertheless, these policies contributed to the fear of abandonment and desire for revenge felt by significant sections of the propertied classes, and the issue of strikebreaking was at the centre of the controversy. Focusing on the Po Valley, this article first presents a broad overview of the political situation in Italy with emphasis on policing policies and work replacement, then analyses the various forms of legal and illegal private strike-breaker protection organizations that took on clear subversive aims. Drawing on newspapers and archival records, the article highlights the overlap between private and public law enforcement and the combination of coercion and consensus in the Italian countryside. The long-term consequences of the unresolved issue of strikebreaking and private policing help explain the rise of Fascism after the Great War.
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Lavorgna, Anita. "Organised crime goes online: realities and challenges." Journal of Money Laundering Control 18, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-10-2014-0035.

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Purpose – The purpose of this article is to provide an empirically based description of how the Internet is exploited by different types of organised crime groups (OCGs), ranging from Italian mafia-style groups to looser gangs. Design/methodology/approach – The article relies on a dataset collected from mid-2011 to mid-2013 and, specifically, on semi-structured interviews to law enforcement officials and acknowledged experts in Italy, the UK, the USA and The Netherlands; judicial transcripts; police records; and media news. Findings – This article provides an account of the main scope for which the Internet has been used for various criminal activities traditionally associated with the organised crime rhetoric, first and foremost, cross-border trafficking activities. This study also discusses some current legal and policy approaches to deal with OCGs operating online. Originality/value – This contribution addresses an under-investigated research field and aims to foster a reflection on the opportunity to integrate Internet crime research, and even more Internet crime investigations, into the everyday routines of criminologists, analysts and law enforcement officers.
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MORI, SIMONA. "The police and the urban ‘dangerous classes’: the culture and practice of public law and order in Milan after national unity." Urban History 43, no. 2 (June 2, 2015): 266–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926815000280.

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ABSTRACT:The city of Milan during the second half of the nineteenth century is the field of observation for this study, which focuses on urban policing and social control in a situation that ultimately caused problems for the whole country. The case of Milan, which has not received enough attention in this regard, is particularly interesting, given its status as the northern metropolis. It was the second largest population centre in Italy and the most important economic one, a leader in the late struggle for political independence and an opponent at that time of the centralizing policies of the nation-state.1
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Young, James. "Reviewer Acknowledgements." International Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 6 (October 28, 2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v8i6.5064.

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International Journal of Social Science Studies (IJSSS) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJSSS publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 8, Number 6Aurora Pestaño, University of San Jose Recoletos (USJR), PhilippinesEncarnación ABAD ARENAS, National University of Distance Education (UNED), SpainHao Liu, Beijing Normal University, ChinaJehu Onyekwere Nnaji, University of Naples II, Italy and Globe Visions Network Italy, ItalyJibrin Ubale Yahaya, National Open University of Nigeria NOUN, NigeriaJulia M. Mack, Gannon University, USAMei-Ling Lin, National Open University, TaiwanQingzhi Huan, Peking University, ChinaRonaldo R. Larioque, NUEVA ECIJA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, PhilippinesShyue Chuan CHONG, New Era University College, MalaysiaUğur DEMİRCİ, Turkish National Police, TurkeyYusramizza Md Isa, Universiti Utara Malaysia, Malaysia James YoungEditorial AssistantOn behalf of,The Editorial Board of International Journal of Social Science StudiesRedfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USAURL: http://ijsss.redfame.com
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