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1
Delbecque, Éric. "Des Black aux Yellow Blocks ? Généalogie et prospective d’une technique de combat." Sécurité et stratégie 32, no. 4 (March 19, 2024): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sestr.032.0034.
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L’univers des black blocks vient de loin : il dispose de sa galerie de faits d’armes, liés aux grandes dates de l’altermondialisme. Au sommet de l’OMC, le 30 novembre 1999, à Seattle, ils apparurent à la face du monde pour la première fois, bien que leur histoire soit plus ancienne. On les retrouve bien sûr à Gênes en juillet 2001, au Sommet des Amériques à Québec la même année, dans les mobilisations contre le G8 à Évian en 2003, durant le sommet du G20 à Toronto en 2010, puis lors de la grève étudiante au Québec en 2012, pendant le mouvement populaire NO TAV de protestation contre le projet de construction de la ligne Lyon Turin dans la vallée de Suse, ou encore dans le mouvement protestataire brésilien de 2013. Ils étaient aussi présents à San Francisco dans le cadre d’une manifestation contre la guerre en Irak en 2003, contre le sommet du G8 en Écosse en 2005 et contre celui de 2007 à Heiligendamm (les affrontements eurent lieu à Rostock : des vitrines de banques furent fracassées, une voiture de police vandalisée et un bureau de Caterpillar incendié ; au total, on compta 400 policiers blessés). On les voit encore agir à l’automne 2008 à l’occasion du sommet de l’Union européenne sur l’immigration à Vichy, puis le 6 décembre en Grèce, après la mort d’un jeune anarchiste de quinze ans (Alexandros Grigoropoulos, tué par la police à Athènes). Intense activité en 2009 : ils perturbent les sommets de l’OTAN à Strasbourg (c’est leur véritable acte de naissance en France) et du G20 à Londres en avril, à Pittsburgh en septembre, puis la conférence de l’OMC à Genève en novembre. En 2010, à Vancouver, ils agissent au sein d’une manifestation contre les Jeux Olympiques dans le contexte d’une campagne intitulée « Pas de Jeux sur les terres volées aux autochtones ! » .
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Garcon, José. "La France et le conflit Iran-Irak." Politique étrangère 52, no. 2 (1987): 357–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.1987.3670.
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Chubin, Shahram. "La conduite des opérations militaires dans le conflit Iran-Irak." Politique étrangère 52, no. 2 (1987): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.1987.3666.
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Allai, Prof Dr Sattar Jabbar. "US policy towards Iraq after 2014." International and Political Journal, no. 55 (June 1, 2023): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i55.164.
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Since the hatred of the 1960s, the United States has been seeking a strategy that could achieve a balance of power in the Arabian Gulf between the Iraq and Iran. The role played by U.S. diplomacy led by Henry Kissinger in the signing of the Algiers Agreement between Iraq and Iran in 1975 was evidence of the importance the United States attaches to Iraq’s role in the West’s anti-communist strategy in the region.By 1970s, the United States took the role of the guarantor state in the Gulf region instead of Britain and tried to maintain stability of the region by maintaining approximate balance of military power between Iraq and Iran, in addition to other policies designed to achieve its goals. After 1988, Iraq emerged as a regional power with material and moral capabilities that qualifies it to play a regional role that is not compatible with American perceptions. Therefore, the process of limiting its capabilities and role became an important goal in the American strategy, in accordance with an integrated strategy in terms of goals, means and methods of implementation. However, the American policy towards Iraq after the occupation in 2003 differed clearly from that of the previous stage. That is because Iraq has become one of the important issues for the American policy. But this policy faces great internal and external challenges that are reflected in its military and security performance, and Iraq has formed one of the most important points of interaction between the United States and neighboring countries .
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Bobkin, Nikolay. "The Iranian-American competition in Iraq: the political defeat of the United States." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015847-8.
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The article gives an assessment of Iran's policy in neighboring Iraq during the years of the American occupation. The author's scientific hypothesis is that after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran, and not America, became the real beneficiary of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The Iranian leadership, interested in changing the Baathist regime in Baghdad, having received such a strategic gift, did everything to use the US military presence to its advantage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy of expanding Iran's influence in Iraq and its impact on US policy. The article shows that the nature of Iran's influence in Iraq included all the elements of state power: diplomatic, informational, military and economic. It is concluded that Tehran managed to take advantage of the democratic reforms in Iraq, which were carried out under the control of Washington. Iran used its Shiite henchmen, which gave it a political advantage over the United States, which did not have such influential allied forces in Iraq. Despite the disparate balance of military forces with America, Iran managed to avoid the risk of war with the United States and move on to achieving its long-term goals in Iraq. In the future, Tehran plans to achieve the rejection of Baghdad from constructive relations with Washington.
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Mironowicz, Eugeniusz. "Rola Iranu, Iraku i Syrii w polityce białoruskiej." Politeja 15, no. 53 (June 30, 2018): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.53.07.
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The Role of Iran, Iraq and Syria in the Policy of the BelarusianRelations between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria after 1998 took on the nature of political alliance. The factor connecting Belarus with these countries was their isolation by the West because of the policy of internal or foreign. Sanctions or restrictions imposed on these countries on the initiative or with the participation of the United States created an additional platform for Minsk agreements with Tehran, Baghdad and Damascus. Anti‑Americanism four countries has become a common feature of their foreign policy and defense cooperation. Closeness of political relations was accompanied by a desire to establish a broad economic cooperation between the four countries. At the beginning of 21st century it grew by leaps and bounds each year, the volume of trade between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria. Level exchanges with Iran and Syria, however, quickly reached a level corresponding to the potential capabilities of the parties and far removed from the expectations of leaders. Any dealings with Iraq were interrupted as a result of the occupation of that country by the United States and the coalition.
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Bardan, Falah Mubarak. "The Iranian Impact on Iraqi-Jordanian Relations after 2003." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 50, no. 6 (December 30, 2023): 276–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v50i6.7082.
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Objectives: The study aims to examine the possibilities and challenges associated with repairing ties between Jordan and Iraq. Additionally, it explores how Iraq's foreign policy priorities towards other nations are influenced, in part, by Iran.
Methods: The historical evolution of relations between Iraq and Jordan is tracked using the historical technique described in the first section of the article. The second section employs an analytical and descriptive technique to investigate the impact of the Iranian variable on the Iraq-Jordan relationship.
Results: Iranian influence on Iraqi political decision-making has significantly shaped Iraq's political, economic, and security orientations concerning other Arab nations. Iran assesses Iraq's international relations through the zero-sum game theory, viewing alliances between Iraq and its Arab neighbours or nations close to the United States as detrimental to its interests.
Conclusion: Since 2003, Iran has actively interfered in Iraq, directly impacting its foreign policy. The constraints on Iraqi political decision-makers limit their ability to advance Iraq's national interests. Consequently, the post-2003 relationship between Iraq and Jordan serves as a model illustrating the impact of the Iranian component in Iraq, leading to minimal changes in Iraq's foreign policy concerning the Arab regional environment.
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Al-Zuhairi, Lect Dr Adnan Khairy Muzail. "The Role of Edmund Muskie in American Foreign Policy towards the American Hostage Crisis in Iran (May 8, 1980-January 20, 1981)." Thi Qar Arts Journal 1, no. 40 (December 27, 2022): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v1i40.365.
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The research dealt with the role of Edmund Muskie in liberating the American hostages held in Iran, as Edmund Muskie assumed the position after the resignation of his predecessor Cyrus Vance due to the latter's objection to President Jimmy Carter's policy and his failure to liberate the hostages. An intense diplomatic approach and it was an important element and an effective planner in his country's policy towards that crisis, the outcome of which was the success in releasing the American hostages held in Iran, but the issue of the hostages affected the policy of neutrality declared by Washington when the Iran-Iraq war broke out and this war led Muskie to follow a policy Contradictory towards Iraq is more like a formal rapprochement and then siding with Iran in an attempt to approach it in order to release the American hostages being held by it.
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Ali, Muhammad Irfan, Waheed Ahmad Khan, and Malik Adnan. "Analyzing the Geostrategic Dynamics in Iraq: Saudi-Iranian Rivalry and Pakistanâs Response, 2003-2018." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VIII, no. I (March 30, 2023): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2023(viii-i).11.
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This research is about explaining Pakistan's proclaimed neutral policy towards the Saudi-Iran rivalry in Iraq. Regarding the Middle East, Pakistan's policy of neutrality has been adopted and claimed by Pakistan after the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which created an environment in the Middle East where Saudi Arabia and Iran emerged as rival forces in the region. While discussing the roots of neutrality, we found that Pakistan's policy of neutrality was the direct response to power politics between Saudi Arabia and Iran to safeguard its political and economic interests in the Middle East. This study uses qualitative methods. More specifically, John Scott's model of Documentary Analysis is used to explore the nature of the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran in Iraq and Pakistan's response to it. A historical analysis of different factors demonstrates the extent to which Pakistan can plan, coordinate and execute a clear foreign policy to demonstrate its claim of neutral position.
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Bibi, Fozia, and Lubna Abid Ali. "Linkage Between US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and Emergence of Daesh: Beginning of New Era for Iran." Global International Relations Review V, no. II (June 30, 2022): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-ii).08.
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The role of Iran is essential to analyze the politics of the Middle East. Post 9/11 few events such as the USA invasion of Iraq, the Arab spring and the emergence of Daesh has altered the traditional power structure of the region and also enhanced the role of Iran in the politics of the region. This study analyzes the role of domestic and structural factors in the shaping of the foreign policy behavior of Iran. Iraq remained a strong power under Saddam till the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Though, the US invasion ended a dictatorship but failed to provide stability, peace and a unified government in Iraq. The empowerment of the Shiia government in Iraq is also a victory of Iran on the ideological front as the US invasion has enabled Iran to achieve its targets without confronting directly with Saddam. . Since 2000 few events such as the US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and rise of Daesh transformed the traditional balance of power in favor of Iran. All these events helped Iran to enhance its ideological influence throughout the Middle East
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Farhady, Hossein, and Hora Hedayati. "LANGUAGE ASSESSMENT POLICY IN IRAN." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 29 (March 2009): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190509090114.
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Despite its geopolitical reputation, Iran has been quite underrepresented in studies of its sociopolitically dominated religious educational framework and its language teaching and assessment policy. In the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, major restructuring was planned for foreign language teaching and assessment to accord with Islamic values. However, due to political obstacles, including the long-lasting war between Iran and Iraq, most of the plans could not be implemented until years after the revolution. Since high-stakes language tests including university entrance examinations are developed, administered, and scored by the government agencies, independent researchers do not have access to test data. A critical review of the language assessment policy in Iran requires research-based data, which is, in many cases, lacking or sporadic. This article is an attempt to provide some basic documented information about the educational system, foreign language teaching, and assessment in Iran.
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Herhiieva, V. "Application of the ideas of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism in Iranian nuclear policy." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 2(46) (December 14, 2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.2(46).226605.
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The article examines two antagonistic theories of international relations – neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism using the case of Iran's nuclear policy. The author compares the approaches of neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists to the problem of nuclear proliferation and analyzes how these approaches can explain the evolution of Iran's military nuclear program. Iran is a country with significant energy resources, namely second place after Saudi Arabia in terms of oil reserves and second in terms of natural gas reserves after Russia; Iran also has a unique geographical location in such regions as the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Also, a certain policy of Iran is formed on the basis of the Shiite branch of Islam, which already distinguishes this country, given the particularly unfavorable historical conditions under which the Shiite Islam was formed and the events of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988, when Iran faced Iraq alone and use of chemical weapons by Iraq, which deepened Iranian isolation thoughts. The fact that there has been no international response to Iraq's use of chemical weapons has heightened Iran's sense of isolation. This experience was certainly imprinted in the Iranian national psyche and caused even greater distrust in international arms control treaties. Relations with the United States in Iran are extremely tense and unstable, depending on the US administration and the political situation in Iran, as Iran has traditionally maneuvered between radical conservatives and more moderate politicians. The US elections in 2020 and the elections in Iran in 2021 will be an important stage in the further development of relations and the fate of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The article examines the extent to which the theoretical considerations of proponents of theories of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are reflected in Iran's practical nuclear policy and what impact these two theories may have on the future nuclear strategy of the Iranian leadership.
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Szalontai, Balázs, and Yoo Jinil. "Maneuvering between Baghdad and Tehran: North Korea's Relations with Iraq and Iran during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 179–247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01119.
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Abstract This article explores how North Korean leaders tried to maneuver between Iran and Iraq to gain greater leverage in the Cold War. Both of these Middle Eastern countries seemed potentially attractive partners for Pyongyang, but they were often on hostile terms with each other. The article considers how the Iraq-Iran rivalry and domestic changes in Iraq and Iran affected North Korean policy. Even when Pyongyang's cooperation with one or the other of the two states reached a high level, the North Koreans also reached out to the other country, regardless of the position of either state and of external actors such as the Soviet Union and China. The North Koreans generally avoided taking a public stand on the Iraq-Iran dispute, but on occasion they became more deeply involved. Mainly, the North Korean government sought to maximize the number of its partners, rather than to make a stable commitment to just one state. In turn, both Iraq and Iran eventually came to perceive North Korea as a state that was mostly out to benefit itself rather than helping either of them.
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Pavlyuk, Olesya. "The US policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran during the Reagan administration." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.176-191.
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The foreign policy approaches and methods of establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual implementation of the US “containment” policy towards Iran are analyzed in the article. The author argues that the Middle Eastern vector of US foreign policy was formed according to the three security challenges in the region and Iranian involvement in them: the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the kidnapping of American hostages in Beirut 1982. Background and progress of Iran-Iraq war were the result of striking contradictions between regional and world leaders in the Middle East. In fact, since the early 1980s. this military confrontation substantially affect the US relationship with IRI. In this context, the key point was the blatant US support of the Iraq and its government. Reagan administration continued the foreign policy of J. Carter and considered the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to the Gulf region, including through military intervention in Afghanistan and its close ties with radical countries like Libya and Syria. In the Middle East, the White House has focused its efforts on negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Before the revolution in 1979, Iran was crucial to US interests in the Middle East. First, as a frontline state with an extended 2000-km border with the Soviet Union, as well as a springboard for American intelligence. In addition, Iran was one of the few Muslim countries to recognize Israel, and exported oil to it. However, the after the Islamic revolution, Iran became the periphery to US priorities in the region.
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SOFI, DASKO HASAN, and AZAD OTHMAN SALIH. "The Iranian Foreign Policy towards Kurdistan Region–Iraq 2003-2018." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 913–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.25.
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After the US invasion of Iraq and the fall of Ba’ath-regime in 2003, the Kurdistan Region-Iraq became one of the main issues in Iranian foreign policy in the region. Although there have been several changes in Iranian foreign policy respecting its relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government at various times, there has been no change in its strategy towards the region regarding its political independence and the right to self-determination of its people. The significant historical, cultural, and neighbourly relations that exist between Iran and the Kurdistan Region could become the basis for relations between the two parties for the sake of common interests and benefits and to establish peace and stability in the region. The main objective of this research is as follows: to clarify Iranian foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Region-Iraq and to explain the future horizon of the relations between the two parties in light of the current reality and based on the vital interests of the two parties in general. Keywords: Iran, Kurdistan Region, Foreign Policy, Ba’ath Regime, Shi’ism.
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Zavada, Ya, and O. Tsebenko. "IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF REGIONAL SECURITY." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261111.
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The article analyzes Iran-Iraq relations in the context of regional security. It has been studied that the eight-year Iran-Iraq war became the most bloody and destructive armed conflict of the second half of the XX century. It is worth noting that the beginning of the war caused rivalry: ethnic and religious, political and economic, ideological and personal. Also, the struggle for leadership in the region played a special role. It is established that the USA intervention in Iraq in 2003 changed the geopolitical conditions not only in this country, but in the region as a whole. Although the IRI did not support the USA military operation and condemned it, the invasion of Iraq was in Iran’s interests. After all, the overthrow of Hussein’s regime eliminated one of the main threats to Iran’s national security and, as a result, contributed to the development of bilateral relations. Iran has close relations with the Shiite government in Iraq. Tehran’s foreign policy strategy in the neighboring state is to unite Iraqi Shiite parties to strengthen Shiite rule in Baghdad. It was found that the Iraqi authorities have not formed a unified position on the development of Iran’s nuclear program, because society is divided into supporters of Iran and its opponents. Typically, Shiites who actively support Tehran want to cooperate with it and, accordingly, support the development of Iran’s nuclear program, the signing of the JCPOA, and thus criticize the change in USА policy toward Tehran and the withdrawal from the nuclear deal. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq are actively developing bilateral cooperation and cooperating in many areas, primarily security, economic and political.
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Ghadbeigy, Zohreh, and Masoumeh Ahangaran. "Iran's Foreign Policy Toward Iraq Crisis After 2014." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v5i1.153.
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To achieve national objectives and interests, different countries adopt specific orientations and strategies according to their domestic needs and geopolitical conditions, and based on the structure of the international system. In this regard, Iran's national power components, including strong national government, geopolitical position, and ideological elements, provides this country with a leading role in regional issues. Iran's strategic and geopolitical position, attained through its connection to some issues in the Middle East, provides it a context for serving the role of a regional player. This focus of Iran's foreign policy on regionalism safeguards the country's national interests in the long run. Thus, the Islamic Republic of Iran not only acts as a major player in the Middle East, but also upholds decisions to strengthen its position and to promote its national interests. At present, Iraq crisis is one of the central issues of Iran's foreign policy decisions in the region. In this study, we intended to discover the performance of Iran's foreign policy in Iraq crisis based on the components of its national interests. The investigated hypothesis is developed based on a realistic logic from the perspective of Iran's national interests including political-strategic and economic-commercial interests, as well as development model of Iran-Iraq cooperation.
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Marcinkowski, M. Ismail. "TWELVER SHI'ITE ISLAM: CONCEPTUAL AND PRACTICAL ASPECTS." TAFHIM : IKIM Journal of Islam and the Contemporary World 2, no. 1 (September 30, 2015): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.56389/tafhim.vol2no1.1.
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Recent political events surrounding the Iranian "nuclear crisis", as well as the still unsettled fate of Iraq have resulted in a renewed interest in the Shi'ite dimension of Islam among political observers. The events in mainly Shi'ite Iraq and Iran should also be of concern to policy-makers in Southeast Asia, and this is not only because of the possibility of the almost certain occurrence of "solidarity effects" among Muslims of the region in general should America go to war against Iran.
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Nadeem Mirza, Muhammad, and Ayesha Nayab. "US Policy of Regime Change: Interplay of Systemic Constraints, Leaders' Perceptions, and Domestic Pressures." Global Social Sciences Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-iii).32.
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How are the systemic constraints transformed through the transmission belt of leader's idiosyncrasies and domestic pressures in order to result in the outcome, which is the pursuance or non-pursuance of regime change policy by the United States? This study analyses the foreign policy decision making of President Bush vis-a-vis Iraq, President Obama vis-a-vis Libya, and President Trump vis-a-vis Iran. It raises the following questions: What is the US policy of regime change, and why and how has it pursued this policy? Why were the US policies different in Iraq, Libya, and Iran, and what have been the implications of these policies upon the region as a whole? While using neoclassical realism as the theoretical paradigm and using qualitative content analysis, this study hypothesizes that the interplay of systemic and domestic level variables results in the foreign policy outcomes in the form of action or inaction towards a particular issue.
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Katz, Mark N. "Losing Balance: Russian Foreign Policy toward Iraq and Iran." Current History 102, no. 666 (October 1, 2003): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.666.341.
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Moscow's balancing act between Washington and Baghdad [has] failed, and its balancing act between Washington and Tehran is becoming increasingly difficult to maintain. … [A] reluctance to establish clear priorities among competing interests threatens to undermine both its relations with the United States and its influence in a region of continuing strategic importance to Russia.
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Ashraf, M. A. "The Lessons of Policing in Iraq--a Personal Perspective." Policing 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pam008.
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Mohammed, Chenar Babaker, and Salih Omar Issa. "The Impact of the Trump Doctrine on U.S. foreign policy toward Iraq." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 1117–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.30.
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Under the Trump administration, U.S. foreign policy has focused on curbing Iran's influence and the role and maintaining counter-terrorism operations in Iraq. President Trump's focus in Iraq has been through smart power, an approach that stresses the need for a robust military presence and invests in political relationships to expand influence and establish its legitimacy. Trump's focus is pursuing U.S. interests in Iraq while curbing Iran, which, in the Trump administration's perspective, is counter to the previous administration's actions of engagement by the Bush administration and disengagement by the Obama administration that deteriorated U.S. interests in Iraq at the expense of the United States. At its core, Trump's policies can be defined as Transactional Realism. Therefore, it can be argued that, despite focusing on U.S. troop withdrawal, Trump will maintain U.S. involvement in Iraq and contain and deter threats to U.S. interests in Iraq. Keywords; Trump Doctrine, Iraqi crisis, War on Terror, Iranian intervention,
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Husane, Prof Dr Mustafa Jassim, and Salwa Ghadhanfer Hikmat. "Challenges of Iraqi water security." International and Political Journal 54 (May 18, 2023): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.54.3.
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The abundance of water resources is a key factor for securing stability and balance around the world, especially in arid regions. Iraq's water resources are an important part of the country’s wealth. Iraq shares its rivers, Tigers and Euphrates and their tributaries with three neighboring countries (Turkey, Iran, and Syria). These countries have been building several dams on Tigris, Euphrates, and their tributaries in order to store water for irrigation and energy production. These dams cause a severe shortage in the quality and quantity of the annual revenues of water in Iraq.
The research investigates the water policy of Iraq and discusses the challenges facing this policy.
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Indyk, Martin, Graham Fuller, Anthony Cordesman, and Phebe Marr. "SYMPOSIUM ON DUAL CONTAINMENT: U.S. POLICY TOWARD IRAN AND IRAQ." Middle East Policy 3, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.1994.tb00094.x.
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Kurshakov, V. "Shia Factor in Current Policies of Islamic Republic of Iran." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2012): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-11-24-32.
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Special emphasis in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) is laid on the Shia factor. Its role increased significantly after the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq was overthrown in 2003, and also as a result of both strengthening of Shiite radical organizations (“Hezbollah”), and a common rise of Shiite Muslims' civil consciousness in the Middle East during that period. As the biggest Shia country in the world, Iran lends support to groups of its adherents in the Persian Gulf region. Without its contribution, the post-war settlement process in Iraq may become much more complicated. Besides, Iran is bound by long-lasting cooperation ties with Bashar al-Assad Alawite regime in Syria. The whole range of issues is the focus of the author's attention in the article.
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Saint-Mleux, Michel. "Le nucléaire en Irak." Politique étrangère 69, no. 1 (2004): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.2004.1268.
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Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.
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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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Boulanger, Philippe. "Les Kurdes, tarot noir du Proche-Orient." Études Tome 394, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.941.0019.
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Résumé Turquie, Irak, Iran, Syrie, Liban se partagent une population kurde estimée à 35 millions de personnes, auxquelles s’ajoutent les Kurdes de Géorgie et d’Arménie. Sacrifiés pour raisons géopolitiques, divisés entre eux, ils forment un peuple oublié, sauf de ceux qui voudraient les voir disparaître.
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Liu, Dong. "China’s Resource Demand and Market Opportunities in the Middle East: Policies and Operations in Iran and Iraq." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 13, no. 5-6 (October 8, 2014): 564–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341318.
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Following rapid economic development, China’s dependence on imported petroleum has been increasing at a pace. In order to prevent an energy shortage that would impede economic development, the Chinese government has come up with a strategy of nocs ‘going out’; this is as an important measure for securing energy safety at the beginning of twenty-first century. However, at a time when nationalization has become widespread among resource-rich countries, the only opportunities for Chinese nocs to implement the ‘going out’ policy are in politically fragile states. Against this background, Iran and Iraq became important ‘going out’ destinations of Chinese nocs. However, the contracts that Chinese nocs have signed with Iran and Iraq are service contracts. That is to say, by signing this kind of contract, the huge investments made by Chinese nocs in Iran and Iraq are not equal to their oil or gas interests and the Chinese nocs are also incapable of ensuring the oil and gas that they produce in both these resource-rich countries are exported to China. As a result, and due to the fact that the needs of the Chinese government with respect to securing stable energy imports, Chinese nocs’ decisions towards investing in Iran and Iraq, as well as the way they manage their projects in these two countries are driven purely by commercial considerations.
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Baravi, Melina Vladimirovna, Aleksandr Sergeevich Petrunin, Evgeniya Mikhailovna Rogozhina, and Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. "Specificity of politication and radicalization of the Kurdish national liberation movement in the Middle East." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2024): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2024.1.70209.
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The authors reveal the interdependence of the Kurdish national liberation movement in the Middle East and the internal policies pursued by the Ottoman state, and later by Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, aimed at state centralization and modernization of these states, which violates the traditional foundations of Kurdish society and threatens the tribal autonomy of these people. The authors also identify the role of leading world powers in the radicalization of the Kurdish issue and the strengthening of the Kurdish national liberation movement in the region. The research methodology is based on a civilizational approach. The article examines the history, specifics and features of the development of the internal policy of the Ottoman Empire, later of Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, the consequences of its implementation and the reasons that led to the formation of the Kurdish national-territorial issue and the increased radicalization of Kurdish society in the period from the 19th to the end of the 20th centuries. The scientific novelty of the article consists of: 1. The analysis of domestic policies carried out on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, and subsequently in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran during the period of the late XIX – XX centuries. 2) Identification of the influence of direct and indirect historical and foreign policy factors that influenced the Young Turk state’s policy of centralization and modernization, as well as the relationship of these factors with the emergence, formation and development of the Kurdish national liberation movement. 3) Study of the root causes and main stages of the politicization and radicalization of the Kurdish issue in the Middle East. 4) The findings of the study also reveal the role of leading foreign policy players represented by Russia, the USA, Great Britain, France and Germany in the Kurdish issue.
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باقر, أ. م. د. اسامة مرتضى, and أ. م. د. اسامة مرتضى باقر. "Iraq's foreign policy and the regional context, the input of instability and mechanisms of normalization." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 52 (February 20, 2019): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i52.67.
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Iraq has suffered since 1991 from international sanctions imposed on it by the dictatorial regime that existed at the time, invading Kuwait, which led to the decline of the status of Iraq and the isolation of international and regional (Arab) and clear Iraq as a strange entity living within its regional environment, after April 2003 did not change much In fact, there were no signs of détente before the Arab League summit in Baghdad in 2011, and the signs of a break in the stalemate in inter-relations over the past years have become evident. Disruption and refraction was not high (Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, Syrian Arab Republic, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait). Each side is governed by perceptions about Iraq, especially after 2003, and the political and economic developments taking place.
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Abdulqadir, Aras Hasan, Shakhawan Khdir Rasul, and Himdad Majeed Ali. "The impact of the Algiers Agreement on the Kurdish liberation movement." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 223–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(1).paper14.
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The 1975 Algiers Agreement is a political and legal agreement signed between Iraq and Iran to end the chronic border problems between them after the abolition of the Saadabad Agreement of 1937 from the Iranian side unilaterally on 19/4/1969 and the demarcation of the border between the two neighboring countries. In the waters of the Shatt al-Arab in favor of Iran in return for non-support of the Tehran government of the Kurdish liberation movement in Iraq, has already collapsed this movement as a result of a mysterious international and regional deal, Moreover, this agreement has met the historical demands of Shahnashah Iran to extend its sovereignty over the Gulf And the region, in addition to strengthening the American influence of this region to counter the influence of the Soviet Union, as the signing of this agreement as a result of manipulation of the paper by the American and Iranian interests and joint scheme in the Gulf, the Algiers agreement is a mysterious political and legal deal at the expense of Iraqi territory and at the expense of Kurdish liberation movement in Iraq to end The long-standing problems between Iraq and Iran, and therefore be replaced by this illegal agreement is not in place and the Iraqi and Iranian borders have become clear and final. The United States and Iran Israel has used the movement Kurdish liberation as a bargaining policy against the Soviet Union for the Gulf region, and vice versa Kurdish liberation movement has benefited these financial aid and internal and international Tazizmkantha.
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El Khatib, Fouad. "Irak : les programmes de missiles." Politique étrangère 69, no. 1 (2004): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.2004.1267.
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Karsh, Efraim. "Military power and foreign policy goals: the Iran-Iraq war revisited." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621495.
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Monshipouri, Mahmood. "U.S. Policy toward Iran in Post-war Iraq: Antagonism or Engagement?" Muslim World 94, no. 4 (October 2004): 565–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.2004.00075.x.
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Bahgat, Gawdat. "Nuclear Proliferation: The Case of Saudi Arabia." Middle East Journal 60, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 421–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.3.11.
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Since the 1970s, the world's attention has focused on nuclear proliferation in Iran and Iraq. Very little attention has been given to nuclear proliferation in the third regional power in the Persian Gulf — Saudi Arabia. This article addresses the question of potential Saudi nuclear ambition. Most policymakers and analysts agree that Saudi Arabia does not possess nuclear weapons. Still, some argue that the Kingdom has both strategic incentives and financial resources to pursue a nuclear program. This article examines the security threats to Saudi Arabia from Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Yemen. It also analyzes the impact of domestic economic and political reform on Riyadh's security policy. The article argues that the US' strong commitments to defend Saudi Arabia against external threats have been crucial in reducing incentives to acquire nuclear weapons.
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Kuznetsov, Alexander. "The Shi'a movements and proxy groups in context of the Middle Eastern policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2023): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024860-3.
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This article is dedicated to the role and significance of the Iranian proxy-groups in the system of international relations in the Middle East and national security structures of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The relevance of this work stems from significant increase of the Iranian influence in the region over the past ten years. The article includes research of the activity of Iranian proxies in specific countries (Lebanon, Syria, Iraq); analysis of their genesis and increasing political activity; research of their influence on the augment of conflict potential between Iran and Israel; analysis of these groups’ functions in the system of national security of Iran. The author of the article points out, among other factors, that the Hezbollah movement in Lebanon has considerably strengthened its positions in the recent years due to a number of reasons, first of all, the movement’s victory in the military conflict with Israel in 2006. The second reason is various political alliances and coalitions with other Lebanese parliamentary parties; the third one is considerable military experience obtained by Hezbollah in the civil war in Syria (2013–2019). The author also emphasizes Hezbollah’s significant influence in the military and political spheres of Iraq, which are held by the pro-Iranian “Al Khashd al Shaabi” created by Shi‘a parties. In conclusion, the author provides a review of these groups’s relations with Iran and their prospects. The Iranian proxy groups play a significant role in the national security of Iran. Taking Iran’s confrontation with the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia into account, these groups are providing deterrence against probable aggression of the US and Israel towards Iran.
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Niblock, Timothy. "Irak, Libye, Soudan : efficacité des sanctions ?" Politique étrangère 65, no. 1 (2000): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.2000.4913.
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Vaner, Semih. "La République islamique d’Iran face à l’URSS (1979-1984) : Realpolitik ou répulsion?" Études internationales 17, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701964ar.
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A few authors, while comparing the foreign policy of the Shah with that of khomeiny, have come to the conclusion either of a "total break" or, conversely, of a "continuity" with regard to the policy of Iran towards the Soviet Union. However, keeping only the Soviet Union in mind, but viewed from various levels in time and space, one can observe a break which derives from ideological incompatibility, then again a continuity which result s from some kind of realization of internal or external pressures. The fear arising from a threatening contiguity, the diplomatic isolation which followed the seizing of power in 1979, the pressure of political forces favourable to the USSR, the Kurdish minority in search of external allies, especially from the north, the ruinous war with Irak, the geopolitical constraints are such that the fundamentalists have not followed through their hostility to the end, in spite of its being fed by a series of historical resentments. The attitude of Iran towards the USSR still remains a real stake in its internal policy. The revolutionary turmoil has brought about a less blurred image of the USSR despite some confusion, an image once varied, then becoming apparently unified. The course of relations between Iran and the USSR depends to a great extent on the internal dynamics of the Iranian revolution, but also on the political evolution in the Middle East and on the new power struggle which could come about in that region.
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Abed Reden, Ass Lecture Hassan Ghanim. "Oman's policy within the Gulf Cooperation Council Towards the Iraq-Iran war." Thi Qar Arts Journal 2, no. 39 (September 29, 2022): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v2i39.352.
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Oman is characterized by an important geographical location, which made it a country of great commercial importance and an influential factor in the level of foreign policy and the challenges that cast a shadow over the security and stability of the Arab Gulf region in general, in light of the narrow political alignments and axes witnessed by the international and regional political arena, which represent a real challenge to the security and strategy The countries of the Arab Gulf region, The Sultanate of Oman has followed a clear approach and firm ways to proceed according to specific rules regarding joint Gulf action towards the most serious challenges facing the Arab Gulf region at the regional and international levels, by following the language of dialogue and standing on impartiality and non-alignment with any of the regional or Arab parties in order to Maintaining security and stability in the region in general.
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Ramazaniandarzi, Ali Akbar, and Mehrzad Javadikouchaksaraei. "US Presence and Grounds for Cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and United States in Afghanistan." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i2.2.
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To date, USA has not designed a policy to deal with Afghanistan and Iraq without Iran. One of the fundamental strategies of USA is to cooperate with the European Union, the Pacific, Russia, the Balkan Area, as well as the Caucasus the Middle East, North Africa, and Middle Asia. All of the countries relate to Iran in saving the Pacific. Iran is the most influential country in the area surrounding Afghanistan, the Middle East, and Northern Africa and Middle Asia. USA has to face Iran in the Middle East to meet the benefits of this relation. Therefore, such situation leads to the main question: does the attendance of USA in Afghanistan create the grounds for cooperation with Iran? Despite the existing disputes between the two governments, the attendance of USA in Afghanistan seems to have created new security, political, economic, and cultural fields for the cooperation of both countries.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.
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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.
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SADRI ALIBABALU, Sayyad. "Turkey’s Security Policy towards Northern Syria and Iraq amid Regional Chaos (2011-2019)." Bilig, no. 102 (July 27, 2022): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10207.
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This study seeks to explain Turkey’s policies towards Iraq and Northern Syria in the context of regional geopolitical competition. The paper first explains the structure of the regional competitive system in the Middle East by taking into consideration the role and impact of Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Secondly, by focusing on the strategic goals of the regional actors, the paper contextualizes the logic of strategic rationality behind Turkey’s military and political engagements in Syria and Iraq. Finally, the research is addressing Turkey’s strategy for settling the Syrian crisis. One of the most important threats against Turkey during this period has been the emergence of the YPG, the Syrian offshoot of the PKK terrorist organization, which became the central component of the counter-terrorism policy of the US against ISIS. With the deepening of the crises in Syria and then in Iraq, as well as the failed military coup in Turkey in 2016, the government has changed its strategy and has consolidated itself as one of the most effective players in the Syrian crisis. The overall assessment of this research is that Turkey has managed the emerged threats in northern Syria and Iraq by pursuing a twin pillar policy and relying on diplomatic and especially hard power capacities and eventually, has become a pole in resolving the Syrian crisis since 2016 when gradually moved away from the Western coalition.
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Dufour, Jean-Louis. "Irak / Etats-Unis : autopsie d'une crise internationale." Politique étrangère 63, no. 2 (1998): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.1998.4758.
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Cuche, Pascal. "Irak : et si la France s'était trompée ?" Politique étrangère 68, no. 2 (2003): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.2003.1218.
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He, K. "Indonesia's foreign policy after Soeharto: international pressure, democratization, and policy change." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 8, no. 1 (May 16, 2007): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcm021.
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Rabiei, Kamran. "Social Policy Under Sociopolitical Changes in the Post-revolutionary Iran, 1979–2013." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 1 (January 6, 2019): 16–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918812264.
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The dialectic relation between sociocultural changes and political developments in the post-revolutionary Iran is discussed in the article which shows how the social policy of the governments has changed under this relation. The 1979 Islamic Revolution brought about a wave of tendency toward a specific discourse that can be called “downtrodden discourse” wherein the poor and deprived are the center of attention, and the resources of society are mainly mobilized in the direction of improving their economic and social conditions. Furthermore, the eight-year Iran–Iraq War (1980—1988) strengthened this discourse, and the new political system relied on the lower class of the society to push the war forward, stabilize the foundations of its power, and solidify its ideology. After the war, Iran had three governments with three different approaches toward social policy. During the era of Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989–1997), no special attention was paid to social policy since economic growth and development was the focus of the government activity. Under Mohammed Khatami (1997–2005), special attention was paid to comprehensive social policy, but due to internal political and social tensions, his government failed to implement its codified social policy. Although Ahmadinejad (2005–2013) intended to pay special attention to social policy, the actions taken by his government not only failed to reduce poverty but they also pushed the significant part of the middle class below the poverty line.
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Latifi, Ali, and Shiva Jalalpoor. "Analysis of Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan (2003-2015)." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 3 (June 16, 2017): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i3.961.
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<p>Analysis of the Israel's Foreign Policy is one of the important issues concerned by the researchers of the international and regional affairs. Israel's Foreign Policy in years 2003-2015 has witnessed a lot of events. In these years, transformation of the Iraq's internal structures including the fall of the Baath Regime in Iraq and appearance of the terroristic group of Dashi (ISIS) in this country has provided new opportunities and challenges for the Israel's Foreign Policy. In this regard, establishment of a republic system in Iraq and the reinforcement of the Kurdish streams, specially during the current transformations and the increasing desires for the independence in Iraqi's Kurdistan, have paved the way for Israel to intensify its activities in the region. In this regard, the current study has approach the issue of Israel's Foreign Policy concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan during the years 2003-2015 with a descriptive analytic method. The achieved results show that the political reasons (alliance of the periphery and development of the strategic depth in closeness to Iran), economic (accessing the energy and mineral resources in Iraqi's Kurdistan, the importance of the Kurdistan's hydro-politic resources for Israel and the Israel's economical influence from the Nile to the Euphrates), military-security (presence in the strategic environment of Iran and the external threats in the Middle East, creation of an environmental crisis un the Kurdish region of the Middle East, weakening the Iraqi's central government and disintegration of this country, Israel's security-intelligence expansion, acquiring a strategic territory and getting out of isolation and the resolving the its legitimacy crisis, controlling the currents of thought in this region), all have been influential in thein Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan. </p>
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Potapov, Yu B. "On main foreign policy priorities of Iran’s government." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 4 (August 11, 2022): 304–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2204-06.
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The article discusses the main foreign policy priorities of the government of Iran headed by President E. Raisi and its activities in achieving these goals in the fi rst year of its existence. It is emphasized that the ongoing changes in this area do not fundamentally change Iran's foreign policy, the main purpose of which is to ensure favorable foreign policy and foreign economic conditions for the functioning of the Islamic State and for Iran's transformation into a regional center of power. President E. Raisi declared that Iran's main foreign policy priorities are "relations with neighboring states" and "multilateral economic integration." In regional policy, the priority is the development of cooperation along the so-called "axis of resistance", namely, the establishment of strong ties between Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon under the auspices of offi cial Tehran. The above-mentioned "axis of resistance", in fact, is a mechanism for multilateral political and economic regional integration in Western Asia, which is designed not only to strengthen political ties and promote the formation of an anti-American and anti-Israeli bloc, but also to allow Iran, under Western sanctions, to signifi cantly increase the volume of its economic cooperation with the above-mentioned countries. The Afghan issue also occupies an important place in the foreign policy activities of the Iranian Government, which is interested in resolving the Afghan crisis and is taking steps to prevent a new wave of Afghan refugees, the growth of drug and arms smuggling into its country, on the one hand, and on the other hand, to resume and expand economic cooperation with Kabul. Another priority direction of the foreign policy of the new government of Iran is the Asian track. The Government of President E. Raisi seeks to build and intensify Iran's political and economic strategic cooperation on a long-term basis with such friendly and influential states as Russia and China.
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Razi, G. H. "An Alternative Paradigm To State Rationality in Foreign Policy: the Iran-Iraq War." Political Research Quarterly 41, no. 4 (December 1, 1988): 689–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298804100406.
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