Academic literature on the topic 'Police Indonesia Attitudes'

Background: Hearing loss is the most common disability in the world, with a prevalence of 5% of the world's population of 466 million people. Knowledge about noise exposure and hearing protection equipment is related to hearing loss. Health is associated with a person's healthy lifestyle behaviour. This study aimed to determine the level of community behaviour towards hearing loss. Methods: This study used a descriptive analytical approach with a cross-sectional study design. The population in this study was Indonesian people who were not healthcare workers aged 17 years and over. The sample inclusion criteria included individuals who were not healthcare workers (such as doctors, nurses and midwives etc.), aged 17 years and over, and willing to participate in the study. The sampling method in this study was consecutive sampling. Results: Based on the distribution of patients, there were more female participants (1484, 61.6%) than male participants. Diploma-3 (D3) was the most common education type, with as many as 1095 people (45.4%), while the least common education type was not in school (eight, 0.3%). Most participants were in the ‘employee’ profession, namely 509 people (21.1%), while the lowest number of participants was in the Police profession (20, 0.8%). There were significant relationships between the respondent's knowledge and action about hearing loss, and the respondent’s knowledge and attitudes regarding hearing loss (p=0.000). Conclusions: There were significant relationships between the respondent's knowledge and actions about hearing loss and the respondent's knowledge and attitude, while there was no significant relationship between the respondent's attitude and actions regarding hearing loss.

In carrying out their duties and functions as law enforcement officers, the police must comply with applicable laws and regulations, one of which is the regulation governing professional ethics, namely the National Police Chief Regulation Number 14 of 2011 concerning the Police Professional Code of Ethics. In the police code of ethics, one of which states that every member of the police must "abstain from disgraceful actions and attitudes, and take the lead in every action to overcome the difficulties of the surrounding community". The National Police Professional Code of Ethics is based on the formulation of Article 1 number 5 of the Regulation of the National Police Chief No. 14 of 2011 concerning the Police Professional Code of Ethics, which are norms or rules that constitute a unified ethical or philosophical foundation relating to behavior and speech regarding mandatory matters. prohibited, appropriate or inappropriate by members of the National Police in carrying out the duties of authority and responsibility of the position. As a profession, it is necessary to prevent violations of the professional code of ethics, because the police is a job that has a high and prestigious social status. Violation of the police code of ethics is any act committed by a member of the police that is contrary to the professional code of ethics of the police. There are several factors that influence the occurrence of violations of the code of ethics by members of the National Police, ranging from decreased moral integrity, loss of independence, economic demands, lack of income, weak supervision, to non-compliance with the code of ethics of the legal profession that binds them.

Introduction: In the year 2014 there were 456 disasters in Indonesia, comprising 227 natural disasters, 197 non-natural disasters and 32 social disasters. The community is expected to be well prepared in accordance with their respective capacities, and this includes the Civil Service Police Unit (CSPU), which must be competent in providing emergency first aid. The aim of this study is to analyse the effect of emergency first aid training on the competence of CSPU in providing emergency first aid assistance in the Surakarta region. Methods: This study used a pre-experimental technique using a pre-post test group design. The sample consisted of 107 respondents who were recruited by total sampling. Variables in this study were competencies in handling emergency first aid assistance including knowledge, attitude and practice. Data were collected by questionnaire and analysed using Wilcoxon signed-rank test with a p-value of 0.05. Results: There were significant differences in scores on knowledge, attitudes, and practice in providing emergency first aid assistance, with a p-value of 0.012 for knowledge, 0.000 for attitude and 0.001 for practice, respectively. Conclusions: Emergency first aid training is urgently needed for CSPU members that are ever directly in charge in the community in any situation. The CSPU must have the first aid competence to support its performance.

AbstractRecently, the Indonesian people have often been shocked by events that reflect radical attitudes and understandings. In October 2019, we witnessed that a state official was stabbed by an unknown person in the Menes square Purwaraja Pandeglang, Banten. In the following month, there was a suicide bombing at the Medan Police, North Sumatra. Both tragedies prove that radicalism which can lead to terrorism is a serious threat to the survival of the Indonesian nation in the future. This research focuses on the implementation of education in the al-Ashriyyah (Modern) Nurul Iman Parung Bogor Islamic boarding school. A pesantren in the Bogor area that is committed to grounding the teachings of Islam that is rahmatan lil'alamin, rejects acts of violence that characterize radicalism and terrorism, and commits counter-radicalism.AbstrakAkhir-akhir ini, bangsa Indonesia sering dikejutkan oleh peristiwa yang mencerminkan sikap dan paham radikal. Pada bulan oktober 2019 yang lalu, kita menyaksikan bahwa seorang pejabat negara ditusuk oleh orang yang tidak dikenal di alun-alun Menes Purwaraja Pandeglang Banten. Pada bulan berikutnya, terjadi bom bunuh diri di Polrestabes Medan Sumatera Utara. Keduanya membuktikan bahwa radikalisme yang dapat berujung terorisme menjadi ancaman serius bagi keberlangsungan bangsa Indonesia di masa akan datang. Penelitian ini berfokus pada pelaksanaan pendidikan yang berada di pondok pesantren al-Ashriyyah Nurul Iman Parung Bogor. Sebuah pesantren di daerah Bogor yang berkomitmen untuk membumikan ajaran Islam yang rahmatan lil’alamin, menolak aksi-aksi kekerasan yang menjadi ciri radikalisme dan terorisme, serta melakukan kontra radikalisme.

Traffic accidents are still a global problem today. Indonesia is one of the countries that has a high level of traffic accidents. The number of traffic accidents in Jambi City in 2020 was 327 accidents, while traffic accidents in Paal Merah District were 53 accidents. To prevent accidents, drivers must apply safety riding in driving. The purpose of this study was to determine the factors associated with safety riding behavior on motorcyclists in Paal Merah sub-district. The study used a cross sectional design. The research was conducted in June 2021 on the Paal Merah sub-district highway located at the Paal Merah gas station in Jambi City. The research sample was motorcycle riders in Paal Merah District as many as 96 riders. The sampling technique was accidental sampling. The research instrument is a questionnaire. Data were analyzed using chi square test. A total of 53.1% of respondents have good safety riding behavior, 51.0% of respondents have good knowledge, 51.0% of respondents have good attitudes and 65.6% of respondents have good perceptions. Bivariate analysis showed that there was a relationship between knowledge (p=0.000), attitude (p=0.000) and perception (p=0.000) with safety riding behavior in Paal Merah District, Jambi City in 2021. It is expected that motorcycle riders always do safety riding when driving. even at close range and there is no inspection from the police.

Background: Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) caused by SARS-CoV2 recently became a pandemic worldwide, such as in Indonesia. Social distancing is one of the recommended mitigations to reduce the risk of disasters, such as morbidity and mortality caused by COVID-19. Community compliance with social distancing is a part of the pandemic control.Aims: This study identified knowledge, attitudes, and behavior towards the prevention of SARS-CoV-2 transmission through social distancing during COVID-19 pandemic among Indonesian community.Methods: This descriptive study applied a cross-sectional design and distributed closed questions with online questionnaire randomly to 34 provinces in Indonesia on social media networks and e-mail. This study successfully collected 1,102 respondents from 29 provinces in Indonesia. The data were analyzed descriptively by calculating frequency, percentage, and cross-tabulation.Results: This study had successfully identified 99%, 59%, and 93% of respondents with good knowledge, positive attitudes, and good behavior respectively towards social distancing..Among the respondents who had good knowledge showed positive attitudes (58.85%) and good behavior (93.3%). The respondents who had positive attitudes showed good behavior (96.7%).behaviorConclusion: Indonesian community had good knowledge, attitude and behavior towards social distancing as a way to prevent the virus transmission. This strongly supports disaster mitigation in controlling the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. Keywords: attitudes, behavior, COVID-19, knowledge, social distancing.

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-US">Partai kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) is one of the Islamic parties which has a fairly large mass in Indonesia. Its existence in Indonesia is very important to unite the multicultural nation of Indonesia. During Gus Dur's leadership, PKB opened many discourses on the issue of multiculturalism so that many people made PKB a role model in multicultural life. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method using literature study sources in the form of books, websites, articles and newspapers. One case that shows the attitude of PKB is multicultural is the Papua Conflict case. Recent cases have become very important issues for the sustainability of politics and governance in Indonesia. PKB gave a statement in overcoming this conflict, that the Indonesian government immediately resolve the issue. Multicultural open policy has become part of PKB in the political arena in Indonesia. In this article, we will discuss how PKB attitudes in political life in Indonesia, especially regarding attitudes in conflict in Papua.</span></p>

Women’s susceptibility to HIV/AIDS infection is related to socio-economic and demographic factors. This study sought to analyze socio-economic and demographic factors related to knowledge and attitude of HIV/AIDS among women aged 15–49 years old in Indonesia. We conducted a secondary data analysis using the 2017 Indonesian Demographic and Health Survey (IDHS). Among 49,627 women, our study analyzed 25,895 women aged 15–49 years familiar with HIV terminology. Multiple logistic regression was utilized to analyze associations between socio-economic and demographic factors with knowledge and attitudes toward HIV/AIDS. Women’s age, education level, wealth quintile, residential area and region, access to information, owning cell phones and autonomy were significantly associated with positive knowledge and attitudes toward HIV/AIDS. These findings revealed that several demographical and social factors contribute to knowledge and attitudes toward HIV/AIDS among women aged 15–49 years in Indonesia.

INTRODUCTION. In a multilingual classroom, teachers play an essential role in encouraging and fostering a multilingual attitude and behavior at the school, as their actions can considerably influence their students. This study is intended to explore the teachers’ attitudes towards multilingual policy and multilingual pedagogy. Therefore, theories on language educational policy and multilingual pedagogy and practices are discussed as guidance. METHODS. The study used a survey research design, and the questionnaires were sent online to gather the data. The participants were 100 foreign language teachers who teach at high schools in an Indonesian province. They were asked to voluntarily respond to three main themes: Multilingual education knowledge, language education policy in Indonesia, and multilingual classroom practices in the questionnaire in the questionnaire. T-test and MANOVA were employed to investigate the difference between variables. RESULTS. The descriptive and inferential analyses revealed that the attitudes towards multilingual pedagogy implemented in Indonesia were almost uniform across different foreign language teachers having a positive attitude. Out of 18 statements, the high mean scores are related to the belief that learning another language could foster openness to other people’s language and culture and learning different languages can build students’ ability to use languages within a context. DISCUSSION. Taking for granted that participants have different ages, teaching experience, gender, and foreign language, there is no significant difference in their attitude towards multilingual education and practices. Most of the participants of this study believe that multilingual education contributes to some benefit for their students. Yet, the results also show that participants also view that the government has neither provided nor accommodated proper support for multilingual education.

The diversity of the Indonesian nation in terms of religion, ethnicity, race, local culture, and others is an inevitable reality. It constitutes the nation’s socio-cultural capital, wealth, and potential to advance in which Indonesia can be proud of. But, it can also lead to attitudes and behaviour that damage national integration. Attitudes and behaviour that are tolerant of differences, inclusive, and moderate, especially in religious life, are the main pillars of a strong nation. Currently, the attitudes and behaviour of certain groups of citizens and individuals show the opposite and these dominate the Indonesian public sphere. Using normative juridical methods and literature, this article examines the religious moderation program launched by the Indonesian government under the coordination of the Ministry of Religious Affairs as an effort to deal with the rising religious intolerance and violence in Indonesia. From a public policy perspective, this article aims to analyse actors that are involved in the religious moderation program initiated by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Higher education institutions with their resources have the opportunity to support this program. The religious moderation program is an implication of the policy environment that is currently embedded in people's daily lives.

碩士
中原大學
國際商學碩士學位學程
101
Cost issue is the main considered factor for investor. Source of business for companies has to be cost competitive, particularly in labor costs. Lower workforce cost in Indonesia is the main attraction to other countries, especially developed countries such as Taiwan, United States, Australia. However, regarding about workforce, an adequate understanding of the cultural environment is essential in order to successful undertake business in Indonesia. Therefore manager needs to understand and appreciate the backgrounds, work values and attitudes of all members of their work unit because work values will have a critical impact on management operations and contributes directly to the effectiveness of management, and also work attitudes also reflect to job satisfaction, involvement, and organizational commitment, so that manager can use appropriate management styles. In this paper, there will be explained the work values & attitudes of Indonesian workforces. Besides that, managers of the foreign companies also need information how foreign culture impact the Indonesian workforce’s work values and attitudes.. The research found on the average, in Taiwan, Indonesian workforces have higher work value and attitude. So it can be concluded that foreign culture (Taiwan) have positive impact to Indonesian’s workforces work values & attitudes. The research also found there is some human resource policy that statistically significant influence the culture impact, in the value of conventional ethic and attitude toward earning, and at attitude of organizational commitment. For the human resource policy, “performance-based bonus” and “work and health insurance” is the most suitable for Indonesian workforce in foreign company (Taiwan). Because both of them have positive correlation toward work value of “conventional ethic” and “attitude toward earning”, and attitude of “organizational commitment”. The results of this research hope can give some management direction both for foreign investor who want to invest in Indonesia and for foreign company who employ Indonesian workforces.

This study contributes to an understanding of why the implementation of new curriculum in the teaching of English as a foreign language continues to be unsuccessful in Indonesia, through exploring teachers’ own conceptualizations of themselves, and their responsibilities and practices as professionals. The study sets out to examine factors that have affected teachers through their formation as learners and as professionals, and considers how these factors influence their beliefs and attitudes towards their practice and their responses to curriculum change in secondary high school classrooms in Indonesia.

Recent scholarship on Islam and world politics asks how Muslims relate with the United States, but has conceived of foreign policy preferences in simplistic, pro- or anti-US terms. This chapter examines how Islamic revivalism shapes foreign policy attitudes in Indonesia, introducing a flexible methodology for capturing both the multidimensionality and nonexclusivity of Indonesian Muslims’ views of the West, the Muslim World, East Asia, and Southeast Asia. It shows that pious Muslims in Indonesia are not more likely to be anti-US; they are, rather, more likely to hold cosmopolitan worldviews. These findings are inconsistent with a “clash of civilizations” view of Islamic revivalism in Indonesia. Instead, they support an alternative perspective of Islamic revivalism as marked by modernity and cosmopolitanism rather than fundamentalism or particularism.

The East Asian region encompassed OUP operations in Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, China, and Japan, and each country presented distinct challenges for the Press. Asian markets were complicated by changing attitudes to the status of English—its commercial utility as well as its political implications—and to the tolerance of foreign-owned companies. The chapter considers the political and economic situations in East Asia as they affected OUP and assesses the different policies governing publishing in English and, more importantly, vernacular languages. Educational publishing remained a strength in Malaysia, while Japan emerged as a successful academic and English Language Teaching market. The region required a flexible approach and each branch operated with some independence in order to best address the local market conditions. The chapter considers the different approaches adopted by each branch, describes their relations with Oxford, and assesses branch leadership and sales figures.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter addresses the Indonesian government's anti-Chinese acts, which had their origin in long-standing ethnic tensions but were directly triggered by Taipei's aid to regional rebellions against the central government in Jakarta. Although the Chinese Nationalists were the main targets, all the ethnic Chinese were subject to discriminatory policies. Beijing's response to the 1959–60 crisis in Indonesia was restrained. Indonesia under Sukarno's leadership was crucial to the People's Republic of China's “intermediate zone” strategy, which focused on cultivating solidarity with Asian and African countries. In a series of meetings with Indonesian diplomats in late 1959 and early 1960, Chinese foreign minister Chen Yi emphasized that the Chinese Communist leadership did not prioritize the interests of the overseas Chinese over its diplomatic ties with Jakarta. Instead, the PRC's primary goal was to advance friendly relations between Beijing and Jakarta while assisting Indonesia with its economic development. Underneath its reconciliatory attitude, however, Beijing was profoundly dissatisfied that the Indonesian government had singled out the ethnic Chinese while condoning Western exploitation.

This chapter details how, with the People's Republic of China winning Mainland China and the diplomatic recognition of Indonesia, the positions of the Nationalists and Communists reversed. Having switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, Jakarta nevertheless allowed the Chinese Nationalist Party apparatus to continue its activities until 1958. Jakarta's ambiguous attitude induced a battle for influence between the two rival Chinese governments. As a regime in exile, the Chinese Nationalist government adjusted its past policies to fit the new circumstances resulting from its retreat to Taiwan. Having lost formal diplomatic representation, the Nationalists forged clandestine alliances with the Indonesian right-wing forces through the personal networks of the remaining Chinese Nationalist loyalists. In contrast with Taipei, Beijing prioritized state-to-state diplomacy over its connections to the overseas Chinese. By suspending the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) among the overseas Chinese and signing the Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty, Beijing attempted to ease Jakarta's concern that the ethnic Chinese could be used as a Communist fifth column.

This chapter explores the related problems of establishing a fair and truthful record of 1965–66 and securing justice for the victims of those events. It begins by recounting briefly the efforts that have been made since 1998 by Indonesian officials as well as historians, activists, survivors, artists, and journalists to excavate the past. It makes clear that in the first few years after Suharto's resignation, there was a significant new openness in both official and public attitudes toward the events of 1965–66, fueled in part by a general spirit of reform, and also by the availability of many new avenues for sharing information and political opinion. The chapter then contrasts these hopeful signs with the evidence of a serious backlash against the new openness, starting as early as 2000. It argues that the backlash has entailed a dogmatic refusal by state officials to countenance any meaningful initiatives in the arena of policy change, truth gathering, or justice, which in turn has enlivened and empowered resistance to reform by a variety of conservative religious and political groups.

The spread of COVID-19 in Indonesia caused anxiety to families, so there was no effective family communication in the event of a disaster. This research aims to find a strategic family communication model in addressing COVID-19 through heart-to-heart communication. This research method uses descriptive qualitative with in-depth interview data collection techniques, focus group discussions, and simulation of Gending Dhandang Gula Corona. The subjects of this study were families affected by COVID-19 in Ngandong Village. The results of this study found a model of strategic family communication in dealing with COVID-19 through heart-to-heart communication. Heart-to-heart communication affects a positive spirit, the soul influences positive feelings, feelings influence positive thoughts, thoughts affect positive attitudes, and attitudes influence positive behavior. Positive behavior makes a disaster-resilient family. Disaster resilient families are developed by applying heart-to-heart communication. The contribution of this research in the form of family strategic communication models and policies in addressing COVID-19 through heart-to-heart communication.

The reform of the Indonesian NationalPolice (Polri) requires the change in the behaviour of its members to be more professional in their service to the public. ESQ 165 Training is chosen as one of the programs in an attempt of character building of the members of the Subregional Police (Polres) of Ciamis. ESQ 165Training is character-building training categorized as a type of motivation training which uses comprehensive and sustainable spiritual engineering.This research aims to evaluate ESQ 165 Training in an attempt to build the character of the members of the Subregional Police of Ciamis. The theory utilized in this research is Kirkpatrick’s Framework which consists of four studied levels, namely reaction level, learning level, behavioural level, and result level. This research uses a quantitative descriptive research method. Data-gathering technique uses questionnaires distributed among 179 members of the Subregional Police of Ciamis who has participated in ESQ 165 Training, observation and interviews. The result of the research shows that 87.9% of the respondents likes the training (reaction level), 92.6% of the respondents understand the material of training (learning level), respondents shows changes in motivation, attitude and behaviour (behaviour level), and the public appreciate the performance of the Subregional Police of Ciamis which has undergone significant changes (result level). Therefore, ESQ 165 Training can be recommended as one of training methods utilized in character building.

Since 2013, City of Denpasar government has adopted smoke-free law regarding smokefree areas including worship places. However, compliance with smoke-free law at worship places remains low. The implementation of the law faces several obstacles particularly at Hindu temples since it is mostly semi-opened spaces and high social acceptability of smoking where cigarette and smoking have been deeply engrained within social and religious life. Hence, this study aims to assess factors that associated with smoking behavior at worship places particularly at Hindu temple in Denpasar Bali Indonesia. This study was a cross-sectional study, conducted in the city of Denpasar, involving 192 samples which selected using multistage random sampling. The data was collected using a structured questionnaire then analyzed using path analysis. There were 12 factors analyzed such as past behavior of smoking, exposure to anti-smoking policies, nicotine dependence, knowledge and attitude regarding second-hand smoke, knowledge and attitude regarding implementation of smoke-free law, sociodemographic (age, education), social norms of smoking (descriptive and injunctive). Of the 11 factors, 5 factors had a significant effect on smoking behavior. Past behavior of smoking had a direct negative effect with a standardized coefficient (beta) -0.34 (p<0.01); followed by nicotine dependence which had an indirect negative effect (beta -0.07; p=0.01). Meanwhile, positive direct and indirect effects showed by descriptive norms (beta 0.14; p=0.04); injunctive norms (beta 0.15; p=0.02) and education (beta 0.14; p=0.03). Past behavior of smoking had the highest effect on smoking behavior in worship places. Hence, continuous education, socialization and improved supervision to the implementation of smoke-free law remain crucial. Moreover, social norm factors also need more attention, so that a culture-sensitive strategy could be considered. Keywords: Smoking behavior, worship places, compliance, smoke-free law, Denpasar Bali

This document accompanies Frontiers of Sanitation: Engaging men for gender transformative WASH, Part 2, which explores the extent to which engaging men and boys in WASH processes is leading to transformative change in gender roles, attitudes, and sustainable change in reducing gender inequalities across households, communities, organisations, and policy. Practical examples are presented here from Uganda, Zambia, Timor-Leste, Papua NewGuinea (PNG), Solomon Islands, Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Vanuatu,and Nepal. Each of these examples, all of which are from projects funded by the Australian Government’s Water for Women Fund, describe interventions that employed different gender-transformative approaches to engage with and reach men and boys. They also describe the projects’ successes and challenges.

Focus on decentralisation as a way to improve service delivery has led to significant research on the processes of education-policy adoption and implementation at the district level. Much of this research has, however, focused on understanding the working of the district education bureaucracies and the impact of increased community participation on holding teachers to account. Despite recognition of the role of political elites in prioritising investment in education, studies examining this, especially at the district-government level, are rare. This paper explores the extent and nature of engagement of political elites in setting the education-reform agenda in two districts in the state of West Java in Indonesia: Karawang (urban district) and Purwakarta (rural district). The paper shows that for a country where the state schooling system faces a serious learning crisis, the district-level political elites do show considerable levels of engagement with education issues: governments in both districts under study allocate higher percentages of the district-government budget to education than mandated by the national legislation. However, the attitude of the political elites towards meeting challenges to the provision of good-quality education appears to be opportunistic and tokenistic: policies prioritised are those that promise immediate visibility and credit-taking, help to consolidate the authority of the bupati (the top political position in the district-government hierarchy), and align with the ruling party’s political positioning or ideology. A desire to appease growing community demand for investment in education rather than a commitment to improving learning outcomes seems to guide the process. Faced with public pressure for increased access to formal employment opportunities, the political elites in the urban district have invested in providing scholarships for secondary-school students to ensure secondary school completion, even though the district-government budget is meant for primary and junior secondary schools. The bupati in the rural district, has, on the other hand, prioritised investment in moral education; such prioritisation is in line with the community's preferences, but it is also opportunistic, as increased respect for tradition also preserves reverence for the post of the bupati—a position which was part of the traditional governance system before being absorbed into the modern democratic framework. The paper thus shows that decentralisation is enabling communities to make political elites recognise that they want the state to prioritise education, but that the response of the political elites remains piecemeal, with no evidence of a serious commitment to pursuing policies aimed at improving learning outcomes. Further, the paper shows that the political culture at the district level reproduces the problems associated with Indonesian democracy at the national level: the need for cross-party alliances to hold political office, and resulting pressure to share the spoils. Thus, based on the evidence from the two districts studied for this paper, we find that given the competitive and clientelist nature of political settlements in Indonesia, even the district level political elite do not seem pressured to prioritise policies aimed at improving learning outcomes.