Journal articles on the topic 'Police – government policy'
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Lee, Youhyun, and JiWon Kim. "Policy Design of Rehabilitation Policy for Injured Government Employee: Case of French Police Officer." Korean Policy Studies Review 29, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 189–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.33900/kaps.2020.29.2.7.
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Jong Sool choi. "The Study on Police Policy of the Past Government and Police Agenda of Present Government in The Republic of Korea." Korean Journal of Local Government & Administration Studies 22, no. 2 (December 2008): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18398/kjlgas.2008.22.2.357.
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Jeong, Jisu, and Seunghui Han. "Trust in police as an influencing factor on trust in government: 2SLS analysis using perception of safety." Policing: An International Journal 43, no. 4 (June 21, 2020): 541–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-11-2019-0172.
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PurposeCitizen trust in police is important in terms of citizen consent to government policies and of police achieving their organizational goals. In the previous study, improvements in police policy, organizational operation and policing activities were developed to clarify which factors influence trust in police and how trust can be improved. This research raises the question, would changes in trust in police have an impact on trust in government? In this paper, this research question is discussed theoretically and the causal relationship analyzed empirically by applying OLS, ordered logistic, 2SLS and logistic regressions.Design/methodology/approachThe basic analysis methods are to apply the OLS and the ordered logistic regression. OLS regression analysis is an analytical method that minimizes an error range of a regression line. The assumptions for OLS are: linearity, independence, equilibrium, extrapolation and multicollinearity issues. These problems were statistically verified and analyzed, in order to confirm the robustness of the analysis results by comparing the results of the ordered logistic regression because of the sequence characteristic of the dependent variable. The data to be used in this study is the Asia Barometer Survey in 2013.FindingsTrust in police and citizen perception of safety are analyzed as important factors to increase trust in the government. The effects of trust in police are more significant than the effects of control variables, and the direction and strength of the results are stable. The effect of trust in police on trust in government is strengthened by the perception of safety (IV). In addition, OLS, ordered logistic regression analysis, which analyzed trust in central government and local government, and logistic regression analysis categorized by trust and distrust show the stability.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper has implications in terms of theoretical and empirical analysis of the relationship between trust in police and trust in government. In addition, the impact of perception of safety on trust in police can be provided to police officers, policymakers and governors who are seeking to increase trust in government. This paper is also meaningful in that it is the microscopic research based on the citizens' survey. One of the limitations of macroscopic research is that it does not consider the individual perceptions of citizens.Practical implicationsThe results of this paper can confirm the relationship of the virtuous cycle, which is perception of safety – trust in police – trust in government. The police will need to provide security services to improve citizens' perception of safety and make great efforts to create safer communities and society. Trust in police formed through this process can be an important component of trust in government. By making citizens feel safer and achieving trust in police, ultimately, trust in government will be improved.Originality/valueThe police perform one of the essential roles of government and are one of the major components of trust in government, but the police sector has been neglected compared to the roles of the economic and political sectors. These influences of macro factors are too abstract to allow specific policy directions to be suggested. If we consider trust in police, and factors that can improve trust in government, we can suggest practical policy alternatives.
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Kim, Chang Yun. "A Study on the Police Policy and Crime Trends in the Korean Police since Korean Government Establishment." Korean Association of Public Safety and Criminal Justice 26, no. 3 (September 30, 2017): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21181/kjpc.2017.26.3.35.
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Charman, Sarah, and Stephen Savage. "Singing from the Same Hymn Sheet: The Professionalisation of the Association of Chief Police Officers." International Journal of Police Science & Management 1, no. 1 (March 1998): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146135579800100102.
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The Association of Chief Police Officers of England, Wales and Northern Ireland (ACPO) represents the most senior tiers of the police service and has, arguably, a primary responsibility for ‘steering’ policing and policing policy under both central and local government (police authority) advice and guidance. In order to deal more effectively with the challenges of the late 20th century, the police service has been the subject of what is principally an internally driven desire to professionalise. That professionalisation has been aimed at both delivery of service and at the professionalisation of ACPO itself as a policy-making and policy advisory body. This paper focuses on how ACPO has developed organisationally, and on the impact of such change at individual force level. The paper also examines the dilemmas revealed in such developments.
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Ojo, Adegbola, Richard Evans, and Jay Karecha. "Repercussions of the Coalition Governments Austerity Policy on Community Safety across Merseyside." Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 14, no. 2 (December 27, 2017): 389–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pax093.
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Abstract This article explains the depth and breadth of financial cuts endured by community safety organizations across Merseyside. The article provides a robust explanation of how cuts to funding impacted on the delivery of public safety priorities under the coalition government (2010–15). This study implemented a mixed-methods approach which entailed in-depth consultations with the major community safety stakeholders within the region. Results reveal that over the course of the immediate past parliament, Merseyside Local Authorities within the Liverpool City Region Combined Authority (LCRCA) and the police force area had to restructure staffing and service provision extensively in order to deliver efficiency savings of over £650 m. Budget cuts have had severe repercussions not just in terms of stakeholder’s capability to provide key services but also for the morale of their staff. We project a further 33% cutback in funding over the course of the current parliament though subsequent more favourable Government announcements suggest a more modest figure of up to 15%. This undoubtedly will result in the further streamlining of public services with potentially serious ramifications for levels of public safety.
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Luong, Hai Thanh, Toan Quang Le, Dung Tien Lam, and Bac Gia Ngo. "Vietnam’s policing in harm reduction: Has one decade seen changes in drug control?" Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.108.
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Alongside raising awareness and creating activities to develop a harm-reduction approach in the HIV/AIDS campaign since the end of the 2000s, broader harm-reduction interventions in Vietnam were also deployed that included several positive steps. Police forces, a fundamental sector in reducing the supply of illicit drugs, were also involved, partly to concretize this approach. As the first paper to examine the role of police in harm-reduction interventions in Vietnam, the current study utilizes qualitative approaches relying on in-depth interviews conducted with multiple key informants from government and its related bodies, United Nations personnel, and non-government organizations (NGOs), as well as police officers. We uncover noticeable progress in changing minds and approaches to apply harm reduction in drug policy, particularly within policing. However, major barriers in regulations, slow acceptance by police forces, and a lack of curriculum and courses in police training have limited harm-reduction approaches. As the first study to review and assess the policy of harm reduction after one decade, the paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the nature of Vietnam’s police provisions to balance and improve harm reduction in drug control.
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Rinkoff, Paul. "Leadership approaches in law enforcement: A sergeant’s methods of achieving compliance with racial profiling policy from the front line." Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 6, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.177.
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This research aims to fill a void in the extant policy implementation literature that has overlooked the leadership contribution of sergeants to the successful adoption of policy decisions by front-line police officers. Using a qualitative approach and a sociological institutionalism perspective, and focusing on the racial profiling policy of a large North American municipal police organization, 17 sergeants representing 17 divisions (precincts) were interviewed. This research does not aim to assess the efficacy of the selected policy but, rather, examines leadership and supervisory perspectives relating to implementation and compliance. The findings demonstrate the methods used by sergeants to influence and achieve the compliance of front-line police officers with the racial profiling policy. Methods include auditing, being present, training, encouraging, rewarding, and disciplining. To explain these methods, it is theorized that sergeants blend two leadership approaches to ensure front-line officers conform to the racial profiling policy: an authoritative leadership approach and a supportive leadership approach. This study emphasizes the leadership contributions of sergeants when attempting to implement perceived controversial or unpopular policy—in this case, racial profiling policy—in a police organization and contains implications for law enforcement leaders, oversight committees, policy writers, and all government legislators who oversee public safety and security.
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Mandagi, Octavianus D. S., Wilson Bogar, and Itje Pangkey. "Implementation of Orderly Policy for Public Facilities in Tomohon City." Technium Social Sciences Journal 21 (July 9, 2021): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v21i1.3837.
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The development of Tomohon City will be able to take place sustainably and increase if it is supported by the existence of conducive public order and community peace. For this reason, the Tomohon City government establishes an orderly policy for public facilities in the form of regional regulations to regulate them. This study aims to describe, analyze and explain policy implementation orderly public facilities in accordance Regulation of Regional No. 7 of 2017 on article 3 in Tomohon. The research method uses a qualitative approach, and informants as data sources are determined by purposive (purposive sampling) and snowball sampling—data collection techniques with interviews, observations, and documents. Data analysis is an interactive qualitative analysis with data analysis activities, namely data reduction, data presentation, and concluding/verification. The results showed that (1) the size and purpose of the orderly policy of public facilities had been known and understood by members of the civil service police unit (implementor) and the community (users), (2) Resources, both human resources (police unit members/ civil service), sources of funds and equipment/equipment needed by the civil service police unit are still inadequate, (3) the characteristics of the implementing agent, in this case, the civil service police unit institution are still receiving a preliminary assessment from the public, (4) the tendency (Disposition) the implementers, in this case, members of the civil service police unit, are still not firm and consistent in controlling violations of the order of public facilities, (5) communication between related organizations, such as the police, sub-district government and social organizations in the village well-established, (6) Economic, Social and Political Environment is a crucial factor his contribution to the community violates the order of public facilities.
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Weaver, Vesla M., and Amanda Geller. "De-Policing America’s Youth: Disrupting Criminal Justice Policy Feedbacks That Distort Power and Derail Prospects." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 685, no. 1 (September 2019): 190–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219871899.
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The standard account of policy feedback holds that social policy can be self-reinforcing: policies provide resources that promote economic security and well-being, and they also encourage beneficiaries to engage with government. Criminal justice policies have typically had the opposite effect: they embolden those with interests in a punitive policy agenda, while disempowering those most affected by the policies. This is of particular concern for children and adolescents in race-class subjugated communities (RCS), whose first encounters with government beyond public schooling often come through police contact and carry adverse social and political consequences at a critical developmental stage. In this article, we reimagine youth engagement with the state, arguing for substantial reductions in police surveillance of young people and for the promotion of youth attachment to civic life. We call for an investment in institutions, both state-based and community-based, that reinforce political inclusion and civic belonging.
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Grzela, Joanna. "THE ROLE OF THE POLICE IN ICELAND’S SYSTEM OF CIVIL PROTECTION AND EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT." PRZEGLĄD POLICYJNY 139, no. 3 (November 30, 2020): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5582.
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In Iceland, since 2008, there has been a centralisation and coordination of forces and resources needed to protect the population and civil security. Duties in the fi eld of civil protection at the national level are delegated to the National Police Chief, who acts in accordance with the government’s policy of civil protection and security. The system’s reliability has been achieved thanks to the close cooperation of offi cials from many levels of government and self-government administration, which is overseen by the National Police Chief.
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Claudia Cifali, Ana, and Rodrigo Ghiringhelli De Azevedo. "Public Security, Criminal Policy and Sentencing in Brazil during the Lula and Dilma Governments, 2003-2014: Changes and Continuities." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i1.392.
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Since mid-1980s crime rates in Brazil started to increase with the transition from military dictatorship to democracy, a period marked by the rise of poverty and hyperinflation. Given levels of police corruption and protection of criminal gangs, trust in the criminal justice system was low, leading to a heightened dependence on private security, gated communities and the politicisation of law and order politics. An impressive punitive turn began at in the 1990s. This paper analysed penal policies under successive left-wing Lula and Dilma governments from 2003 to 2014. During this period the rise of ‘postneoliberal’ and ‘postneoconservative’ politics, led by the Workers Party, developed governmental strategies and initiatives that formulated and legitimized rich and complex expressions of traditionally left-wing politics. Despite the simultaneous implementation of distributive policies, the increase of human development levels throughout the country, the reduction of social inequalities and the redirection of the official discourse of Federal Government security policies towards crime prevention, incarceration rates continued to increase. This article examines why efforts to build an effective public security policy committed to upholding civil rights and improving the control of police and police activities have failed.
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Ayalew, Negesse Asnake. "Hostage Situation And Its Resolution In Ethiopia." International Journal of social Sciences and Economic Review 2, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 07–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.36923/ijsser.v2i1.49.
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Purpose of the study: One of the modus operandi of criminals such as terrorist, emotional, mentally ill person to achieve their need is held person hostage, especially government officials, investors, and tourists. The police also used to force to secure peace and security, but now the police use the hostage negotiation team to save the life of hostage-taker and hostage. These hostage-takers take innocent hostage persons as means of negotiation, which may terrorize everybody, such as an investor, tourist, and vulnerable group, which have a negative impact on the development and peace of the country. Additionally, the right to life is the mother of other human rights. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the practice of hostage situation and its resolution
Methodology: Data were collected through document review and interviews of police and victim, who were selected purposively since they have direct relation. This is desktop research and descriptive design. The data were collected through document review and media review. The collected data were analyzed thematically.
Finding: The result of the analysis data shows that there is a hostage situation in Ethiopia, and the response of the police is the use of force than the negotiation team.
Application: The police should establish a hostage negotiation department with professional negotiators. The governments also should enact negotiation policy and strategy in Ethiopia.
Novelty/Originality: There is a hostage situation, and its resolution lacks clear guidelines in Ethiopia, and nobody studied it. Therefore, this study may use as reference material for students'; the government may use it as input for policy and lawmakers.
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Reid, Kiron. "The Home Secretary and Improved Accountability of the Police?" Journal of Criminal Law 69, no. 3 (June 2005): 232–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/jcla.69.3.232.64785.
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A week is a long time in politics and Charles Clarke has been in post for some time as Home Secretary after the unplanned departure of David Blunkett. Blunkett had seen through radical police reforms but his departure was not because of serious issues like policy. Clarke has continued to pursue the police reform agenda and this article covers the direction of Labour government policy in its second term and specifically key legal developments in David Blunkett's final year as Home Secretary. These include the outcome of his dispute with Humberside Police Authority over its refusal to comply with the suspension of its Chief Constable. The Independent Police Complaints Commission has started work in this time and its early impact is reviewed. There have also been significant reports into: policing in London (the Morris Inquiry); policing and police complaints by the Commission for Racial Equality; and Police Disciplinary Arrangements for the Home Office. The article considers the general problem of litigiousness regarding police complaints and also highlights issues of accountability relating to national police work and European cooperation in light of the creation of the Serious Organised Crime Agency.
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EXBALIN, ARNAUD. "Riot in Mexico City: a challenge to the colonial order?" Urban History 43, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926815000279.
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ABSTRACT:Obviously the city of Mexico is far away from Europe. Nevertheless, it was the perfect exemplar of city organized along imperial lines. As the capital of ‘New Spain’ and the headquarters of the viceroy and archbishop, it was the showcase of Spain in America. But suddenly and unexpectedly, the Spanish government's colonial policy had to be reconsidered on 8 June 1692 when the most important riot in the history of the city of Mexico broke out. A crowd of thousands of Indians gathered on the Plaza Mayor and kept shouting ‘long live the king, but kill the government’. They lynched the National Guards and burned every sign and symbol related to Spain. Far from being a mere food riot, it was a genuine political movement. The riot of 8 June 1692 was the result of ‘good government police’ that is to say ‘police’ understood in its original sense as good government of the city. This article examines the consequences of the revolt for the city's police and for the Spanish colonial order which was based upon the separation of the Spanish and Indian population.
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Asadi, Mehdi, Foad Pour Arian, Hussein Abadian, and Mohammad Hasan Raz Nahan. "Police Department and Press Censorship in the First Pahlavi Era." Asian Social Science 12, no. 11 (October 13, 2016): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n11p54.
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<p>The press as the most important mass media and as a tool for directing public opinion in the First Pahlavi Era faced many ups and downs. Alteration in the political system, the tendency toward dictatorship government and the implementation of pseudo-modernist programs affect the existence of press. In this period, the press had to write in congruence and in sync with the government programs, otherwise they were no longer survival. The synchronization of press with the government programs and the censorship of public opinion, against the government were entrusted to the Police Department. The press censorship, contrary to common view, was not done in a systematic and specified framework and structure and, depending on the King’s view, the civilian statesmen, staffs and police chiefs were different. The present article tries to analyze the way of implementation of censorship policy and the extent of penetration and interference of police department in this case through using descriptive and analytical method.</p>
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Schindeler, Emily, and Jacqui Ewart. "Manufacturing a Crime Wave: The Gold Coast Saga." Media International Australia 151, no. 1 (May 2014): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1415100105.
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Crime waves make great headlines, and can be an ongoing source of stories for news media. In this article, we track the news media promotion of the spectre of a crime wave at Queensland's Gold Coast and the interplay between politics and policy responses to the media campaign. By analysing news media reports, government, local government and police-documented responses, we explore how the media framed this crime wave and the politically driven policy responses that were disproportionate to the reported (statistical) level of crime. Despite attempts by the Queensland Police Service to defuse the claims of an out-of-control crime problem, followed by its attempts at managing community responses, the local news media continued their campaign with significant consequences. Our findings are important for those charged with publicly managing responses to media-driven crime waves.
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Juwita*, Agnes. "Optimalisasi Sim Online Sebagai Strategi untuk Mewujudkan Pelayanan Prima pada Kantor Satpas Jember." Airlangga Development Journal 2, no. 2 (January 29, 2020): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/adj.v2i2.18072.
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Service reform in Indonesia has links with decentralization. The aim of implementing service reforms throughout Indonesia is to improve service quality so as to create public trust in the government. The problem of SIM services is one of the internal problems in terms of service to the community. Therefore, SIM services must be excellent in accordance with the standards of the technological era that is growing at this time. Seeing this development, the Chief of the Republic of Indonesia National Police (Kapolri) General Police M. Tito Karnavian launched a future program for the National Police which is called the Promoter program. Promoter main policy, focused on 3 (three) main substances, namely Improved Performance, Improved Culture and Media Management. SIM Services in the Administrative Unit of the SIM Administration (SATPAS) of the Jember Police Department itself, based on the pre-survey conducted by the service researchers in making and extending the SIM, were still inadequate or had not yet achieved excellent service, especially regarding Polri's human resources at Samsat Jember. hampered by a good understanding of e-policing policies. In connection with these problems, the Jember Police SIM Administration Unit (SATPAS) conducted an opinion poll (survey questionnaire) during January to April 2015. The online service system is a form of government policy based on Presidential Instruction (Inpres) No. 3 of 20043 about national policies and strategies for the development ofe-government. The basic reason for the emergence of online services is to eliminate the practice of brokering and to reduce criminal acts of corruption within the National Police. Then also to increase community satisfaction inthe realization to become administrative citizenship, which is related to the ownership of a Driving License (SIM). Seeing this reality, it becomes interesting to conduct research on the problem with the title “Optimalisasi SIM Online Sebagai Strategi untuk Mewujudkan Pelayanan Prima pada Kantor Satpas Jember ”.
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Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.
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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.
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Cheng, Tony, and Shelley Liu. "Service Cynicism: How Civic Disengagement Develops." Politics & Society 46, no. 1 (January 28, 2018): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218755749.
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How does civic disengagement develop? This article examines the theory that the dissatisfaction and disengagement citizens develop toward one government agency can extend to an alternative agency. Leveraging police precinct-level data on 311 calls and criminal complaints from 2004 to 2012 in New York City, it investigates whether government responsiveness to municipal issues predicts citizens’ willingness to submit criminal complaints to the police. The study finds that predictors of disengagement with law enforcement extend beyond negative interactions with law enforcement alone. Rather, the time it takes local government officials to fix a 311 request for services, such as filling potholes and abating noise, shapes the likelihood that residents will file misdemeanor criminal complaints. Thus policymakers must account for the policy environment beyond their agency’s domain to alleviate citizens’ dissatisfaction and disengagement with government overall.
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Goss, Wayne. "A Spirit of Reform." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.99.
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After 32 years of conservative rule, it was more than the Queensland government that changed on 7 December 1989 — it was the whole state of Queensland. Driving the reform process across a wide cross-section of government policy (and seeing Queenslanders respond) left a legacy of which we who formed part of that government are proud.In our first week in office, we purchased additional tertiary places for Queensland. This underlined our commitment to education and sent the signal that our government believed the future was ‘up the food chain’, and that we would therefore invest in education. We abolished the Special Branch of Queensland Police — a symbol of the misuse of the police service by the previous government. We also abolished imperial honours because we believed that Australia should have its own system of recognising our citizens.
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Mielnik, Marcin. "THE POLICE LAW AND THE POLICE DIRECTOR POLICY DURING THE PEACEFUL PERIOD FROM 9 VII TO 5 X 1807." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 565–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0034.
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This work analyzes policy pursued by Aleksander Potockibased on the law at the end of the functioning of the Governing Commission. The legal acts on Principles published at the beginning for the equipment of the Governing Committee and other authorities of its subordinates, as well as the Rules for organization for the Police Director, shaped this ministry. Based on the analysis of archival sources, a description of the policy of the police authorities was presented in the previously unexplored period, i.e. from the conclusion of the peace treaties in Tilsit until the takeover of power by Fryderyk August. The important part of the activities of the central government was the public order, for which A. Potocki was responsible to a large extent. In addition to this issue, work on improving living conditions has been presented. The scope of these activities includes health matters and supervision of measures and weights. In addition, the progress of work on establishing the authorities in all cities in the country has been presented. So far, the tasks indicated have been a continuation. The article also analyzes the issue of supervision of public tenders regarding the salary of military barracks.
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Yanay, Uri. "Co-opting Vigilantism: Government Response to Community Action for Personal Safety." Journal of Public Policy 13, no. 4 (October 1993): 381–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00001161.
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ABSTRACTSecuring the personal safety of citizens has traditionally been a state monopoly. However, increased fear of crime and victimization has produced individual and community actions to secure personal safety. This paper discusses the emergence and development of the community-initiated ‘Civil Guard’ in Israel, a sweeping movement which emerged in 1974 from a growing fear of terrorism. This grass roots initiative has raised government's concern over its ability to monitor, inspect and control the volunteers. The national police has co-opted the entire movement in three phases. In the first, a spontaneous emergence of self-help initiatives covered the country. Next, the movement was transformed into a national body of volunteers with a clear legal status, albeit under the complicated and joint auspices of the national police and local government. Finally the national police force co-opted the ‘Civil Guard’ into auxiliary units. What began as a neighborhood-based, self-help initiative was molded into a quasi-governmental, police-oriented voluntary organization.
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Holdaway, Simon. "The re-professionalization of the police in England and Wales." Criminology & Criminal Justice 17, no. 5 (January 29, 2017): 588–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895817690214.
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In this article contemporary police claims to professional status are analysed and related to a new structure of police regulation in England and Wales. It is argued that the notion of the police as a profession is not new and, unlike police and academic commentary, analysis of this subject should draw on sociological understandings of professions. The wider policy context within which claims to professionalization are made is also considered. A new, loosely coupled system of regulation has been developed in England and Wales. Policing’s professional body, the College of Policing, is central to this regulatory framework that has placed government at a distance from constabularies and police representative associations. Finally, some of the consequences of the hybrid system are considered and benefits of the framework of analysis proposed are discussed.
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Elumeze, John Okonwo. "UNDERSTANDING THE PRINCIPLES GUIDING THE COMMUNITY POLICING PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN THE NIGERIA POLICE AND VIGILANTE GROUPS IN IKORODU, LAGOS." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Science 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 112–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2020050107.
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Community policing is presently considered by most Police organizations and scholars as the latest model of Policing. Despite this wide spread acceptance, there is still no clear agreement on what Community policing actually entails. The only area of agreement is the fact that community policing entails a partnership between the Police and organized groups of members of the community that the Police is serving. Previous researches had focused on the effectiveness of this partnership but had not looked in detail into the principles guiding this community policing partnership. Using an unstructured face-toface interview, questions was posed to members of the Nigeria Police and Onyabo Vigilante group in Ikorodu. The data gathered reveals that the community policing partnership between the Nigeria Police and Onyabo Vigilante Group Ikorodu were guided by the following principles of partnership, defines roles and functions, community involvement in crime prevention, clear communication between both partners and respect for human rights and rules of engagement. These principles help not only to better understand the nature and scope of community policing but it also helps fashion out a community policing policy direction for Police organizations, scholars and government policy makers. KEY WORDS: Community. Community Policing. Vigilante group. Partnership.
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Pranoto, Hadi. "Policy Responsibilities In Police Report Handling On Criminal Actions Related To Good Government General Principles (AUPB)." International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) 9, no. 12 (December 12, 2019): p9637. http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.9.12.2019.p9637.
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Fletcher, Del Roy. "The Police Act and the Recruitment of Offenders: Towards the Limits of Social Exclusion?" Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 5 (October 2002): 757–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0126.
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The social exclusion agenda has been enthusastically embraced by policymakers across Europe. A key feature of this agenda is the emphasis on paid work as a mechanism of social inclusion. However, the UK government is about to implement the Police Act (1997) which will increase the access of employers to the criminal records of job applicants. The author investigates how employers currently respond to job applications from offenders, and examines the likely impact of this new legislation on their recruitment. The key findings are that the Police Act will heighten discrimination against offenders, undermining the policy focus on combating social exclusion. This contradiction reflects the increasingly punitive response of successive UK governments to those committing criminal acts, and the narrow way in which social exclusion has been defined.
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Shepard, Christopher. "A liberalisation of Irish social policy? Women’s organisations and the campaign for women police in Ireland, 1915–57." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 144 (November 2009): 564–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005885.
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For much of the twentieth century, Ireland was quite unusual in comparison with other western European nations in its exclusion of women from policing. By the time women were allowed to join the national police force, the Garda Síochána, in 1957, women were already established in the police forces of Britain, Germany and France, as well as that of Northern Ireland. Further afield, women were already employed in police forces in Poland, New Zealand and the U.S. The appointment of women police was a major demand of feminists, moral campaigners and social reformers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, all of whom sought better protections for women. As in the U.K., U.S. and many European countries, women’s organisations in the Irish Free State were to the forefront of the debate over the need for women police. Beginning with the Irish Women’s Suffrage and Local Government Association (I.W.S.L.G.A.) in 1915, women’s organisations such as the National Council of Women, Joint Committee of Women’s Societies and Social Workers (J.C.W.S.S.W.), and the Catholic Women’s Federation campaigned relentlessly for nearly half a century in the face of governmental indifference and obstruction. When the first class of ‘experimental’ women police emerged in 1958 from the Garda training college in Templemore, County Tipperary, women’s organisations hailed it as a victory.
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Suhendar, Nanang, and Sri Kusriyah. "Criminal Policy and The Role of The Government in The Control of Commercial Sex Workers in The District of Kuningan." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 1, no. 3 (September 6, 2018): 643. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v1i3.3349.
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In Containment measures undertaken by the Local Government District of Kuningan to the presence of prostitutes is to use a penal policy that is with the issuance of Regulation No. 3 of 2015 on Public Order and Peace Society. These regulations are still too general and not specifically discuss countermeasures against prostitutes. Based on Regulation No. 3 of 2015, there are at least three agencies that have the authority and responsibility directly to the PSK reduction in Kuningan regency. All the three agencies including the Department of Social and Labor of Kuningan district. Kuningan regency and municipal Police District of Kuningan. The research is qualitative research in the form of descriptive analysis using sociological juridical approach. Prevention efforts refresif PSK only be done by way of a raid conducted by the municipal police and the Police of Kuningan. PSK is captured in the raid, was ordered to make a statement and then forced the release back. This is done because the Department of Social Welfare and Labor as the institution in charge to distribute PSK to rehab in palimanan not receive distribution PSK. This happens because of a rehabilitation center in palimanan quota is full and PSK for Kuningan district just 10 people. Related Bylaw PSK reduction should be set so that preventive efforts can be carried out preventive and repressive.Keywords: Criminal Policy; Commercial Sex Workers; Local Government.
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Abbas, Tahir, and Imran Awan. "Limits of UK Counterterrorism Policy and its Implications for Islamophobia and Far Right Extremism." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 3 (October 5, 2015): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i3.241.
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The UK Government has recently announced a new Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 to facilitate tackling the threat of violent extremism. In light of this and previous initiatives, this paper provides a critical assessment of UK counterterrorism policy. This policy has created a notion of ‘suspect communities’ such that it has alienated young Muslims at the community engagement level, conceivably and empirically, potentially further exacerbating concerns government and communities have over questions of radicalisation, extremism, and the associated political and criminal violence. This paper argues that such policies can lead to the institutionalisation of Islamophobia, acting as an echo chamber for far right extremism to flourish. Significant gaps in government policy in this area can only be addressed by fostering effective relations between communities and policy makers, with enablers such as police officers, youth workers, activists and faith leaders empowered to formulate nuanced approaches in various local area settings. Given the social, cultural and political situation regarding British Muslim youth, including those presently thought to be fighting in parts of Iraq and Syria, as well as ongoing threats on UK soil presented as imminent and dangerous by UK government, there remain acute challenges with limited opportunities.
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Tanner, Murray Scot, and Eric Green. "Principals and Secret Agents: Central versus Local Control Over Policing and Obstacles to “Rule of Law” in China." China Quarterly 191 (September 2007): 644–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741007001634.
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AbstractThis article extends the enduring debate over the balance of central versus local government control to China's cornerstone of state coercive control: the public security (civilian police) system. A recent series of studies argues that during the 1990s central authorities made terrific progress in regaining influence over local officials across a wide variety of issue-areas. This study, by contrast, argues that each policy sector in China has developed its own historical and institutional set of “lessons” that help structure power in that sector. Likewise, the particular issues in each policy sector create unique challenges for “principals” trying to monitor their “agents.” Regarding internal security, the historical lessons the Party has derived from past security crises combine with the uniquely difficult challenges of monitoring police activities to create a system in which local Party and government officials have tremendous power over policing. The many institutions intended to help central authorities control, oversee and monitor local policing actually provide weak control and oversight. These obstacles to central leadership create tremendous additional challenges to building rule by law in China.
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Fortunato, David, Lanny W. Martin, and Georg Vanberg. "Committee Chairs and Legislative Review in Parliamentary Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 785–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000673.
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Recent research on parliamentary institutions has demonstrated that legislatures featuring strong committees play an important role in shaping government policy. However, the impact of the legislators who lead these committees – committee chairs – is poorly understood. This study provides the first examination of whether the partisan control of committee chairs in parliamentary systems has a systematic impact on legislative scrutiny. The article argues that committee chairs can, in principle, use their significant agenda powers to serve two purposes: providing opposition parties with a greater ability to scrutinize government policy proposals, and enabling government parties to better police one another. Analyzing the legislative histories of 1,100 government bills in three parliamentary democracies, the study finds that control of committee chairs significantly strengthens the ability of opposition parties to engage in legislative review. The analysis also suggests that government parties’ ability to monitor their coalition allies does not depend on control of committee chairs.
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Sakti, Fajar Tri, and Gamal Pribadi. "Evaluasi Kebijakan Standar Pelayanan Minimal Pelayanan Dasar Pemeliharaan Ketertiban Umum, Ketentraman Masyarakat dan Perlindungan Masyarakat di Provinsi DKI Jakarta." Jurnal Kelola : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial 1, no. 2 (December 12, 2018): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jk.v1i2.3779.
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This study aims to obtain an explanation of policy implementation and attainment minimum standards service in the field of domestic governance types of basic services maintenance of public order, public tranquility and the protection of society in DKI Jakarta Province by taking the respondents implementing the policy in the civil service police force of Jakarta and society. Problem faced by Jakarta Provincial Government in this case the police force agencies civil service especially on the two indicators that do not reach the target: a). Complaint can be made online via the website or send an email, causing an increasing number of reports on complaints regarding violations of local laws that do not followed, b). Theres no an optimalitation for the offenders of local regulations and a misdemeanor, due to the lack of municipal police investigators in the neighborhood of Jakarta that is not a deterrent effect for offenders, c). The existence of a residential area that use the services of private security, so that when the inventory of community protection officers, Civil Service Police Unit of Jakarta does not include the private security officer to the criteria of public protection officer.
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Kim, Chang Yun, and Sat Byul Seo. "A Study on the Analysis of Police Policy and Crime Trend Analysis by Park Geun-hye Government." Korean Association of Police Science Review 20, no. 6 (December 31, 2018): 113–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24055/kaps.20.6.5.
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Evans, Linda. "Police and public involvement." Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 90, no. 3 (November 29, 2016): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x16676498.
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Public involvement is an ill-defined but important part of government policy. This paper suggests that there are lessons police agencies can learn from the National Health Service in the UK with regard to evaluating public involvement, which is a fundamental activity within the democratic policing model. A study undertaken by the author has enabled an understanding of public and patient involvement (PPI) in terms of its real nature. The study recognises the value of PPI for patients, members of the public and the National Health Service (NHS), and suggests that it is critical to evaluate the outcomes of PPI interventions in order to ensure that the rhetoric of PPI becomes reality and is of value. An evaluation model is outlined which the author suggests could be adapted for use by police agencies not only for the purpose of public involvement but also in relation to improving all services delivered by the police.
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Srinivasan, Nara, and Lydia Hearn. "Policing in a Multicultural Society: A Changing Society, a Changing Police Culture?" International Journal of Police Science & Management 3, no. 4 (October 2001): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146135570100300404.
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For many years Australia has been known for its all-white policy, but in recent years the government has undertaken a series of radical measures to improve ‘access' and ‘equity’ of all groups living in Australia — a process which has involved improving the ability of government bodies to understand the intricate relations which arise within a multicultural society so that they can better attend to the different values and needs of the various groups. In this paper, the authors look at an innovative, proactive programme entitled ‘Policing in a multicultural community’ set up by the Western Australian Police Service, the Department of Multicultural Affairs, the Ethnic Communities Council and Edith Cowan University, in coordination with the Northern Suburbs Migrant Resource Centre. The programme is based on the premise that ‘only through understanding people's needs, expectations and fears can compatibility between police and society be achieved’. The findings of this comprehensive evaluation showed that by fostering a sense of partnership it is possible to achieve significant impacts in terms of promoting an understanding of cultural diversity among police officers, and overcoming issues which in the past have prevented ethnic minority groups from accessing police services.
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Giwa, Sulaimon Abiodun Olawale, Carmen H. Logie, Karun K. Karki, Olumide F. Makanjuola, and Chinonye Edmund Obiagwu. "Police violence targeting LGBTIQ+ people in Nigeria: Advancing solutions for a 21st century challenge." Greenwich Social Work Review 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21100/gswr.v1i1.1108.
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The Government of Nigeria passed the Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act (SSMPA) in 2014, emboldening the human rights violations of LGBT Nigerians by state and nonstate actors. Nigerian police enforce morality laws that criminalize same-sex relations, but their role as perpetrators of violence has not been well studied. Using six-year (2014 to 2019) administrative data, this article investigates the severity, prevalence, and typology of police violence and abuse of LGBT Nigerians. Since SSMPA, violence against LGBT Nigerians has risen by 214 percent. Survivors frequently report arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention, invasion of privacy, physical assault and battery, and blackmail/extortion. This study is the first to present serial, cross-sectional findings of LGBT Nigerians’ experience with the police. Available administrative reports and data were synthesized to produce a general picture of the situation on the ground. Findings point to actionable social and policy recommendations that can be taken to promote police accountability and improve police-LGBT community relations.
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MacLennan, Stuart. "Safer and Stronger? The Decline of Managerial Competence and Liberal Welfarism in Justice Policy." Scottish Affairs 25, no. 1 (February 2016): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2016.0111.
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Since the SNP came to power in 2007, they have sought to pursue two objectives with respect to matters of justice: to demonstrate managerial competence; and to ‘re-tartanise’ Scottish justice policy. While the headline figures present a generally positive figure of the SNP's nine years in government, belying these figures is an increasing tendency towards illiberal and authoritarian justice policies, as well as mismanagement on the part of ministers. This article considers the SNP's approach to and management of justice policy, and whether or not they have been successful in the pursuit of their twin objectives. It considers the degradation of ministers’ once-strong relationship with the legal professions, the management of the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service, the establishment of Police Scotland, and the Scottish Ministers’ increasing deference to the police on ‘operational matters’. It further considers the continuation of the ‘ned-bashing’ agenda of the Scottish Government and concludes that, while ministers might rhetorically seek to appear liberal and welfarist, in contrast to England and Wales, the reality has been the pursuit of punitive policies that are arguably even less liberal, and less welfarist, than that of their predecessors, or their counterparts in England and Wales.
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Yang, Joshua S., Hadii M. Mamudu, and Timothy K. Mackey. "Governing Noncommunicable Diseases Through Political Rationality and Technologies of Government: A Discourse Analysis." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 12 (June 19, 2020): 4413. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17124413.
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In the last two decades, global action to address noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) has accelerated, but policy adoption and implementation at the national level has been inadequate. This analysis examines the role of rationalities of governing, or governmentality, in national-level adoption of global recommendations. Critical discourse analysis was conducted using 49 formal institutional and organizational documents obtained through snowball sampling methodology. Text were coded using a framework of five forms of governmentality and analyzed to describe the order of discourse which has emerged within the global NCD policy domain. The dominant political rationality used to frame NCDs is rooted in risk governmentality. Recommendations for tobacco control and prevention of harmful alcohol use rely on a governmentality of police mixed with discipline. The promotion of physical activity relies heavily on disciplinary governmentality, and the prevention of unhealthy diet mixed disciplinary measures, discipline, and neoliberal governmentalities. To translate global NCD prevention and control strategies to national action, acceptability for the political rationalities embodied in policy options must be nurtured as new norms, procedures, and institutions appropriate to the political rationalities of specific interventions are developed.
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Konisky, David M., and Paul Nolette. "The State of American Federalism, 2020–2021: Deepening Partisanship amid Tumultuous Times." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 51, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 327–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjab023.
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Abstract In this introductory article for the 2020–2021 Annual Review of American Federalism, we review notable developments in U.S. politics and policy during the last year, with an emphasis on their intersections with and consequences for federalism. We focus in particular on the 2020 elections and the COVID pandemic, along with policy developments in the areas of criminal justice and police reform, health care, environment, immigration, and equality and religious liberty. The events of the past year, especially those related to the pandemic and the fallout of the presidential election, led to a resurgence of public interest in federalism and a focus on the importance of government decision-making of state and local governments. Events during the last year have not only reinforced partisan polarization but have also deepened the existing divide of Americans along partisan lines and perhaps in new ways. Partisan differences have increasingly become cultural differences, so that political and policy differences have saturated American culture in notable ways.
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S.T. Quah, Jon. "Curbing police corruption in Singapore: lessons for other Asian countries." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 186–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2014-0029.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explain why Singapore has succeeded in curbing the problem of police corruption and to identify the six lessons which other Asian countries can learn from Singapore's experience. Design/methodology/approach – The paper analyzes the causes of police corruption in Singapore during the British colonial period and describes the measures adopted by the People's Action Party government after assuming office in June 1959 to curb police corruption. The effectiveness of these measures is assessed by referring to Singapore's perceived extent of corruption according to three international indicators and the reported cases of police corruption from 1965 to 2011. Findings – The Singapore Police Force has succeeded in minimizing police corruption by improving salaries and working conditions, cooperating with the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau, enhancing its recruitment and selection procedures, providing training and values education for its members, and adopting administrative measures to reduce the opportunities for corruption. Other Asian countries afflicted with rampant police corruption can learn six lessons from Singapore's success. Originality/value – This paper will be of interest to those policy makers, scholars, and anti-corruption practitioners, who are interested in learning how Singapore has succeeded in curbing police corruption.
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Poetrie, Sandy Tieas Rahmana. "DISKRIMINASI IMIGRAN KULIT PUTIH BERWARNA DALAM MASA KEBIJAKAN MULTIKULTURALISME PASCA PENGHAPUSAN WHITE AUSTRALIAN POLICY." Lakon : Jurnal Kajian Sastra dan Budaya 2, no. 1 (August 24, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/lakon.v2i1.1909.
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AbstractThis paper concern on the multiculturalism in Australia related to the immigration policy. Since the application of “White Australia Policy” which makes some restriction to people from other countries who are considered as different color and non-English speakers to come to Australia ended in 1907, the government attempts to eliminate the discrimination treatments to them all. This paper employs descriptive essay which was aimed to describe more aboutAustralian multiculturalism after the end of “White Australia Policy”. The technique of data collection was literary study from some sources like journals and some news from internet. The writer took three cases have ever happenedrelated to the multiculturalism in Australia to analyse the application of immigrants policy after “White Australia Policy” annulment. Those are Arabians beating in Sydney coast by Neo-Nazi, discrimination against Muslim minorityand Africans by police in Victoria, and also Muslim demonstration because of Muhammad humiliation. The study revealed that “White Australia Policy” still can not completely be eliminated. Those three cases, it shows that there arestill many discrimination treatments against coloured immigrants; on the other hand the government is still trying to implement a multiculturalism policy.
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Zainuddin, M. "KAJIAN DAMPAK KEBIJAKAN PENUTUPAN LOKALISASI TELEJU OLEH PEMERINTAH KOTA PEKANBARU." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 15, no. 2 (March 22, 2017): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v15i2.3846.
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This research to analyze the impact of closure policy Teleju brothel by Pekanbaru govermentin 2010. Guidelines for works are Pekanbaru Local Regulations No. 12 of 2008 on Social Order-liness. Closure this brothel inflicts positive and negative impact for society.The research wasconducted to obtain early stage formula for the government to take action against the prostitu-tion activities. This research uses policy research approach with a qualitative method, becausein prostitution activities and prohibition by goverment is an assessment that needs to be done byanalyzing documents and unstructured interview.The results showed that after the closing of the Teleju brothel have an impact on the deploy-ment of a prostitution and affect the economy of the surrounding residents. Government seeksto tackle prostitution in Pekanbaru by moving the brothel, conduct regular raids and providetraining. The effort is considered to be less than the maximum because the handling is not basedon the root of the problem and not programmed properly. There are several causes of failure ofgovernment to overcome the prostitution problem in Pekanbaru, including: policy content isless focus on the prostitution problem, the government did not proceeds with data, lack of finan-cial support, contra productive programs between local government with the police and TNI,and the policy object is difficult to be given understanding.
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Sathian, Brijesh, and Edwin R. Van Teijlingen. "Earthquake forecasting model for Nepal to improve prevention." Nepal Journal of Epidemiology 7, no. 4 (August 10, 2018): 700–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/nje.v7i4.20626.
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There is an urgent need of earthquake forecasting model for Nepal in this current scenario. It can be developed by the scientists of Nepal with the help of experienced international scientists. This will help the Nepalese to take timely and necessary precautions. We would argue that above all we need to use earthquake prediction knowledge to improve the disaster prepardness in local communities, service providers (hospitals, Non-Governmental Organizations, police, etc.), government policy-makers and international agencies. On the whole, both seismology and public health are most successful when focusing on prevention not on prediction per se. J Epidemiol. 2017;7(4); 700-701.
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Wilson, Tim J., Michael W. Stockdale, Angela M. C. Gallop, and Bill Lawler. "Regularising the Regulator: The Government's Consultation about Placing the Forensic Science Regulator on a Statutory Footing." Journal of Criminal Law 78, no. 2 (April 2014): 136–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/jcla.2014.78.2.905.
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This article comments on a recent Home Office consultation about making forensic regulation statutory and the government's response to the Law Commission's recommendations for reforming the admissibility of expert evidence in criminal trials. By suggesting a duty of ‘omissive disclosure’ we offer a possible solution to concerns expressed to parliamentary inquiries about the ‘fragmentation’ of forensic science evidence and how reform, including regulation, might bear on (and support) individual scientific and medico-legal experts, as well as organisations and methods. We welcome the regulation initiative, but suggest that government policy also needs to address interrelated and systemic problems that beset the production of scientific and medico-legal evidence. We argue that these problems stem from fragmented policy making between and within government departments, possibly a similar fragmentation in jurisdictional rule-making and, reflecting their economic influence, the degree of responsibility vested inadvertently in the police and the CPS. We also suggest that regulation is not an alternative to implementing the Law Commission's recommendations, which together with forensic regulation should not be confined to criminal courts.
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Mukhlis, Mukhlis, Safi Safi, and Rina Yulianti. "A THREE-PILLAR SYNERGISM REINFORCEMENT MODEL IN JUDICIAL FUNCTION POLICY AT VILLAGE LEVEL." UNTAG Law Review 1, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36356/ulrev.v1i2.593.
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<p>The poor people's difficult access to formal judicature system, in fact, has been a national problem, as indicated with previous studies. Although the largescale change of justice access has been made by government through a variety of policies such as justice program for everyone including poor people and marginalized group in Presidential Instruction Number 3 of 2010, mobile justice system, in fact, has not been able to give the way out. This study was a nondoctrinal/ socio legal research law taken place in Madura area. The objective of research was to formulate A Three-Pillar Synergism Reinforcement Model in Judicial Function Policy at Village Level as one of juridical instrument or legal basic argument for formulating and developing policy at village government. The result of research showed that in Madura area, considering inventorying and identification, the legal problem encountered by poor people in village included trading, inheritance, land, debt-loan disputes, drugs, domestic violence, murder, chicken fighting and different faiths. Law Number 6 of 2014 about Village Government, Article 28 obliges the Village Head to resolves a variety disputes occurring in village, it is also supported by Republic of Indonesia Police Head Regulation (Peraturan Kapolri) Number 7 of 2008 about Basic Guideline of People Policing Strategy and Implementation in Organizing Polri's Duty, and furthermore followed up with Telegram Letter of East Java Local Police Head Number: ST/38/I/2014/ DITBINMAS on January 2014 about the optimization of Pre-emptive activity by empowering the three pillars existing at village (bhabinkamtibmas, babinsa, and village head/lurah as well as society leader). Polri Institution's initiative to empower the community in Kamtibmas (society orderliness and security) field should be appreciated, as it will encourage the creation of justice access at village level cheaply, quickly, and simply. This three pillar legitimacy can be formulated in government policy model at village level with the reinforcement through Village Regulation.</p>
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Yesufu, Shaka. "Human rights and the policing of disorder in South Africa: challenges and future directions." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 3 (May 31, 2021): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2021.001861.
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Unarguably, the South African Police during the apartheid era was characterised by brutality and state repression, including the political executions of several South African citizens who dared oppose the apartheid regime. The post-apartheid era has also witnessed deaths of citizens at the hands of the police during demonstrations, demanding better service delivery, higher wages, improved working conditions, and an end to marginalisation and poverty. The author presents some cases of police human rights violations concerning policing citizen’s protests. This is a qualitative study, relying on extensive literature review by previous researchers. The findings of this study are: The South Africa Police Service continues to violate citizen's right to protest, which is enshrined in the Republic of South Africa’s constitution under chapter 2 “Bill of Rights” and other international legal jurisprudence. The South African police have failed to perform their duties professionally and effectively when it comes to policing protests. Crown management remains an elusive issue both during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. The author recommends a demilitarization of the police consistent with the South African government policy recommendation, found in the National Development Plan 2030.
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Abdullah, Muh Tang, Andi Ahmad Yani, Atta Irene Allorante, and Amril Hans. "Policy Advocacy Training for Women Victims of Violence in Maros Regency." Jurnal Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat (Indonesian Journal of Community Engagement) 7, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jpkm.38592.
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Cases of violence against women in Maros Regency are quite high. For example, in 2016, according to Department of Women Empowerment and Child Protection (DP3A) data, there were 68 cases and 21 police data cases. Likewise, divorce data in the Religious Courts are more caused by domestic violence. Of course, this social problem must be immediately addressed through local government policies. However, in fact, no policy specifically regulates the handling of this problem. Therefore, community service in the form of policy advocacy training for village women victims of violence needs to be carried out. This advocacy training was attended by 25 participants from various villages. Participants were provided with policy advocacy materials covering (1) government policies and programs on the protection of women; (2) the concept and practice of policy advocacy; (3) issues of violence and protection of women; (4) technical public speaking and lobby strategy, and (5) public opinion and press release materials. The results of the training evaluation resulted in an increase in knowledge and skills for participants after following the entire set of materials provided. Recommendations for activities are suggested to immediately take more concrete action in the form of policy advocacy to encourage the issuance of the Regional Regulation (Perda) of Maros Regency concerning Protection of Women from Violence.
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Kiche, Justus Odongo. "Ascertaining the Influence of Government Dynamics on Juvenile Criminality in Nakuru Sub-County, Kenya." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.2.1.128.
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The issue of juveniles engaging in criminality is rampant and it is considered as one of the problems and concerns in Nakuru County Kenya. The study focused on ascertaining the influence of government dynamics on juvenile criminality in the Nakuru sub-county, Kenya. The target population was 144 individuals that included 73 police officers from Bondeni police station, 35 juveniles drawn from children remand home, 35 parents/guardians of the said juveniles, and one chief from Bondeni location. The researcher selected a sample size of 102 respondents composed of 62 police officers, 32 juveniles, seven parents/guardians, and one chief. The researcher used a questionnaire and an interview schedule to collect data. The validity of this study was achieved through a thorough consultation with the supervisors and other specialists. Reliability was used to focus on the degree to which empirical indicators are stable and consistent. A Cronbach’s coefficient alpha was used to measure the reliability of the research instruments. An alpha coefficient value of 0.7 suggested the instrument is reliable. The study adopted the mixed research methodology and the concurrent triangulation design. Quantitative data were analysed descriptively, while qualitative data was analysed thematically. The study found out that there was a positive association between all the measures of government dynamics and juvenile criminality in Nakuru sub-county. The government dynamics that I focused on included: Government policy, Government support, and Government partnership with other stakeholders. The study concluded that there was an influence of government dynamics and juvenile criminality in Nakuru sub-county, Kenya. The study recommends that the government should make efforts to encourage positive partnerships with other stakeholders in order to reduce juvenile criminality. Therefore, there is a need for the juvenile department to improve its policies and expected performance in regard to juvenile criminality.
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Schermuly, Allegra Clare. "Encounters between the police and the public: seize the day or practice avoidance?" Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 4, no. 2 (June 11, 2018): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-12-2017-0039.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of encounters on police legitimacy and levels of trust in the police in the Monash Local Government Area in the state of Victoria, Australia. Monash was chosen as it had experienced declining results in the official National Survey of Community Satisfaction with Policing in relation to police legitimacy and trust.Design/methodology/approachA qualitative case study comprising 18 interviews and six focus groups with community representatives from Monash is employed in the paper.FindingsWhen procedural justice approaches are applied during encounters between the police and the public, encounters contribute to securing legitimacy for the police. Contact between the police and the public in everyday situations also enhances trust in the police, depending on the way the police conduct themselves during such interactions.Research limitations/implicationsFindings from a qualitative case study are not able to be widely generalised but the conclusions are still useful for informing insights into processes impacting police legitimacy and trust.Practical implicationsContributes to informing evidence-based police practice around the way police conduct themselves during community interactions; informs policy decisions around allocation of funding for law enforcement with more officers required to carry out community policing; emphasises the importance of prioritising partnerships with communities; demonstrates that positive police/community relations have wider social cohesion implications in a contemporary era of counter-terrorism priorities.Originality/valueThe majority of research in this field to date has been quantitative. A qualitative approach provides fresh insights into the mechanisms of police legitimacy, especially the role of encounters and procedural justice.