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Academic literature on the topic 'Police – Germany – Prussia'

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Published: 27 July 2024
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Journal articles on the topic "Police – Germany – Prussia"

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Turk, Eleanor L. "The Berlin Socialist Trials of 1896: An Examination of Civil Liberty in Wilhelmian Germany." Central European History 19, no. 4 (December 1986): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011146.

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Punctually at 8:00 A.M. on 26 November 1895, teams of police officers in Berlin began to search the homes of nearly eighty members of the Social Democratic Party, and the city offices of their organizations. These surprise raids, over by 10:00 a.m., were ordered by the Prussian Minister of Interior, Ernst Köller, to obtain evidence that the Socialist organizations had been working with one another to promote their political goals. In 1895 it was illegal in Prussia, and in most of the other states of the German Empire, for political associations of any kind to work together. Yet the evidence so efficiently confiscated on that gray November morning ultimately put not only the Socialists on trial, but government policy and the fundamental political rights of German citizens as well. Neither the national constitution nor the federal law codes provided protection for the rights of association or assembly at that time. In the absence of such guarantees, the political organizations had to cope with the particularities of the various state laws.
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Bespalova, L. N. "“Kulturkampf” as the confrontation of the catholic church and the imperial government of Germany in the 70s of the XIX century." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/02.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the origins and content of the kulturkampf policy initiated by the German Reich Chancellor in the 1870s. The Struggle for Culture played a decisive role not only in the formation of the Center party as one of the most influential political parties of the Reichstag in the second half of the 19th century, but also in the history of Germany as a whole. The political orientation of the first German Reich Chancellor towards the strong secular state controlling and limiting church structures was initially in favor of the empire united in 1871 and in line with the trends of the times. But the Reich Chancellors harsh, restrictive laws led to police arbitrariness and infringement on the Catholic population of the German Empire. The author identifies the main reasons that led to the persecution and repression of the Catholic minority of the German Empire. The problems of the unification of the German Empire, particularism, federalism, ultramontanism and confessional conflicts are considered in close connection with the topic under study. The research is based on the works of Russian and German researchers and on the legislative acts of Prussia and the German Empire. In addition, the materials of parliamentary debates presented in the verbatim records of the Reichstag and extracts from the memoirs of contemporaries of the event were used.
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Dudarev, Vasiliy. "The Russian Direction of the Prussian Kingdom's Foreign Policy. 1851—1871. The Source Studies Aspect." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019138-0.

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This article presents a description of the source base for studying the Russian direction of the Prussian Kingdom's foreign policy on the eve and during the years of German unification: 1851—1871. Taking into account the current state of German and Russian historiography, the author draws attention to the fact that only a comprehensive study of public documents, official correspondence of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of both Prussia and Russia, a significant part of which is stored in the archives of Germany and Russia, periodicals and documents of personal origin can contribute to the widest coverage of this topic. The vast majority of these documents has not been introduced into scientific circulation before, so their use will enrich the study of Prussian-Russian relations on the eve of the formation of the German Empire with new information.
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Sterkhov, Dmitrii. "The Hanoverian Question and Prussian Foreign Policy in the Early Nineteenth Century (1801–1806)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018318-7.

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This study explores the significance of the Hanoverian Question for Prussian foreign policy in the early nineteenth century. The author looks at the origins of the Hanoverian Question and analyses Prussian motives for annexing Hanover in the first part of the article. Special attention is paid to the relationship between Prussian foreign policy and Prussian domestic stability. The political system in Prussia was severely unbalanced by the capture of vast swathes of Polish territory to the east, populated mostly by Catholics. To restore the balance, the Prussian state badly needed a German-speaking and Evangelical province to the west, and only the Electorate of Hanover met these requirements. The Hanoverian Question went hand in hand with the neutrality policy pursued by Prussia between 1795 and 1806. After the unsuccessful occupation of Hanover in 1801, Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm III committed himself solely to the peaceful annexation of the Electorate, which had to be recognised internationally, above all by France, Great Britain, and Russia. Forced to manoeuvre between Napoleon and the Anti-French Coalition, Prussia eventually gained possession of Hanover, but found itself at war with both Great Britain and France. Thus, the delicate Hanoverian Question paved the way for the War of the Fourth Coalition of 1806–1807, which ended in Prussia's worst defeat. One can conclude that Prussia failed to resolve the Hanoverian Question satisfactorily, yet this diplomatic setback was instrumental in changing Prussian foreign policy. After 1806 Prussia finally abandoned its policy of neutrality and manoeuvring appeared more willing to use force to achieve its goals.
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Vögele, Jörg. "Monitoring Disease: Cause-of-Death-Registration in Prussia During the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 40, no. 1 (December 8, 2022): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sho.2022.40.1.002.

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In Germany, the recording of the causes of death has had a long tradition and goes back a long time in history, but remained unsystematic and nonuniform as it was an autonomous matter of the different German states. This article pursues the question of how the cause-of-death statistics developed in Prussia, the largest territorial state of the later German Reich. It is asked how these statistics, organized by the Prussian Statistical Bureau, have been related to the nationwide health policy since the 1870s. The historical development of official statistics in Prussia reveals that it is neither self-evident which information was collected, nor the criteria according to which this was done. Rather, the data actually recorded are the result of complicated negotiation processes between different actors, not only within the statistical offices, but also between the most diverse interest groups from science, politics and the state.
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Dudarev, Vasiliy. "The Dispute over the Imperial Title: the Traditionalism of William I and the Policy of State Interests of Otto Von Bismarck." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (2022): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018256-9.

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The logical conclusion of the Franco-German War was, according to many contemporaries, the proclamation of the German Empire headed by King William I of Prussia. At the very last moment, a bitter dispute erupted between him and the Iron Chancellor of the North German Confederation, Otto von Bismarck, over the need for the imperial title and its form. There are several interesting sources related to this largely unexplored subject, and their examination will complement the history of the proclamation of the German Empire, bringing to light one of the most dramatic episodes in the long history of the relationship between the Emperor and his Chancellor. Bismarck associated the assumption of the imperial title with the success of the continued process of imperial integration. That was beyond the mere desire of Wilhelm I for the German princes to recognise the supremacy of the Prussian crown in Germany. The result of Bismarck's initiative in preparing the Kaiserbrief was that Wilhelm I agreed to assume the imperial title. The date of 18 January 1871 was chosen for the proclamation of the German Empire – a symbolic date, since the Prince-elector of the Margraviate of Brandenburg, Friedrich III, was crowned King of Prussia on 18 January 1701. The dispute between Wilhelm I and Bismarck continued over the form of the title. The difference between the title of “Emperor of Germany”, as insisted upon by Wilhelm I, and that of “German Emperor”, as suggested by Bismarck, was not simply a matter of drawing on different historical traditions. The title “Emperor of Germany” carried with it the danger of a territorial claim by the Reich to German lands that were not part of the newly created empire. This dispute culminated in the Grand Duke of Baden Frederick I declaring a triple hurrah for William I in the Hall of Mirrors of the Palace of Versailles.
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Donges, Alexander, and Felix Selgert. "Do Legal Differences Matter? A Comparison of German Patent Law Regimes before 1877." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 60, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 57–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2019-0004.

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Abstract In this article, we give an overview of the differences in German patent legislations between 1815 and 1876. German patent laws differed in particular with regard to the application and approval system, the treatment of foreign applicants, and patent fees. Differences in the former two categories provide an explanation why the number of patents was considerably lower in Prussia than in other states. While the number of Prussian patents per capita almost stagnated between 1840 and 1872, it increased in Baden, Bavaria and Saxony. Formal differences in patent law do not fully explain this pattern, but Prussian patent policy does. The Prussian patent authority set high barriers to get a patent by applying a thorough technical examination and a strict definition of novelty. Furthermore, we show that states using a registration system granted a considerably higher number of patents than states with technical examinations.
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Matveeva, Anna. "The Polish Minority in the German Empire — the Agrarian Aspect of Government Policy and the Opposition of the Polish Population in the Late 19th — Early 20th Centuries." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016172-8.

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The purpose of this article is to examine the agrarian aspect of the opposition to the Prussian policy of Germanization of the Polish population of the provinces of Poznań and West Prussia from a historical perspective, with the main focus on the 1880s — 1900s. The publication of the Colonization Law in 1886 and the creation of the Colonization Commission marked the beginning of attempts by the Prussian government to change the ratio of the Polish and German population of the provinces in favour of the latter. The German side in 1886—1902 acted exclusively through centralized budget financing of the colonization structures, which increased from year to year. However, this did not lead to the achievement of the goals set. To counteract the Prussian activities, the Poles set up a system of credit institutions, the main role in which belonged to the Land Bank. These financial institutions took over the crediting of land deals and the support of Polish landowners and farmers. The Polish side chose a much more effective method, which allowed it to gain the upper hand over the German strategy. The process of Germanization in the agricultural sector in the late 19th and early 20th centuries went through several stages, always being a direct reflection of the general direction of German government policy: from the creation of internal unity under Bismarck, through Caprivi’s “Era of reconciliation”, to the “Weltpolitik” of Bulow, when Polish policy became a part of the common colonial trend.
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Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.

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For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and Unification of Germany in 1871." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016148-1.

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Based on published sources, as well as documents from the Archive of the Foreign policy of the Russian Empire, introduced into scientific use for the first time, the article relates the place of Grand Duchy of Luxembourg during the Unification of Germany. The author analyses the attitude of European states — Prussia, France, Belgium and especially the attention of Russia — toward Luxembourg during the crises of 1867 and after the neutralization of Grand Duchy. Studying German policy over the XIX century in regard to Luxembourg, the author comes to the conclusion that economic dependence from Germany determined future foreign orientation of Grand Duchy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Police – Germany – Prussia"

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Murray, Scott W. "The origins of an illusion: British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28832.

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The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia. By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar".
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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2

Ďásek, Martin. "Politika Pruska a velmocí v závěrečné fázi sjednocení Německa 1865-1870." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-369794.

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The period of 1864/1865-1870 represents the final stage of the unification of Germany, during which Prussia adopted a resolute approach and in two quick wars succeeded in eliminating its enemies - Austria and France. The aim of the diploma thesis is to present and critically analyse the Prussian foreign policy based on the study of sources and relevant literature. The author assesses factors which influenced the Prussian prime minister and the representatives of the European powers in their decisions. He also asks the question whether Bismarck merely adapted to the circumstances which inevitably led to the war with Austria or whether he himself contributed to their creation and speeded up the whole process. The most attention is then paid to France which was the greatest opponent of the unification of Germany of all powers. The study looks into the methods and steps which enabled Prussia to prevent the great European powers from getting involved into its conflict with Vienna and Paris. Moreover, it points out the challenges of the research on circumstances which led to the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War. Key words Prussia, Great Powers, German Confederation, Unification of Germany, Austrian Empire, Austria-Hungary, foreign policy, Austro-Prussian War, Franco-Prussian War, Napoleon III
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Books on the topic "Police – Germany – Prussia"

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Lüdtke, Alf. Police and State in Prussia, 1815-1850. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

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Simms, Brendan. The impact of Napoleon: Prussian high politics, foreign policy and the crisis of the executive, 1797-1806. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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The Prussian Landeskunstkommission, 1862-1911: A study in state subvention of the arts. Berlin: Mann, 1986.

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Sternberger, Jürgen. Das Mirakel des Hauses Brandenburg: Die Schlacht von Kunersdorf 1759. Berlin: Pro Business, 2009.

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Atorf, Lars. Der König und das Korn: Die Getreidehandelspolitik als Fundament des brandenburg-preussischen Aufstiegs zur europäischen Grossmacht. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1999.

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Wróblewska, Teresa. Geschichte der Bildungs- und Erziehungsarbeit der polnischen gesellschaftlichen Organisationen in Pommern in den Jahren 1871-1914. Warszawa: Elipsa, 2005.

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Edward, Czapiewski, and Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Centrum Badań Śląskoznawczych i Bohemistycznych., eds. Józef Ignacy Kraszewski a Niemcy: Publicystyka pisarza w obronie polskiego stanu posiadania pod panowaniem pruskim i niemieckim. Wrocław: Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Centrum Badań Śląskoznawczych i Bohemistycznych, 1994.

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Biolik, Maria. Toponimia byłego powiatu ostródzkiego: Nazwy miejscowe. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Gdańskie, 1992.

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Hermann, Beck. The origins of the authoritarian welfare state in Prussia: Conservatives, bureaucracy, and the social question, 1815-70. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995.

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Płygawko, Danuta. "Prusy i Polska": Ankieta Henryka Sienkiewicza (1907-1909). Poznań: Wielkopolska Agencja Wydawnicza, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Police – Germany – Prussia"

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Walerski, Konrad. "From East to West. Modernization in the Western and Northern Territories of Poland (1944–1989)." In Roadblocks to the Socialist Modernization Path and Transition, 33–62. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37050-2_2.

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AbstractAt the end of World War II (1943–1945), the Soviet Union appropriated the eastern parts of Poland, while part of Germany was incorporated into the remaining Polish territory. This was a revolutionary transformation. The German population of Silesia, Pomerania, and Eastern Prussia was replaced by Poles mainly from the Polish eastern territories. This initiated a process of organizing a new social and economic reality in a socialist way: settlement, reconstruction of towns and villages, industry, administration, education, and encounters of different social groups, regional cultures, and mentalities. Till the end of the 1970s, these regions were seen by Polish sociologists as social laboratory in which the process of “Soviet-inspired modernization” took place at high speed.
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Hall, Sara F. "Prussian Police Reform and the Modernization of the Academy Classroom: The Advent of the German Police Training Film, 1919–20." In Policing Interwar Europe, 69–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599864_4.

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Kludkiewicz, Kamila. "Museums of a Stateless Nation, between History and Art." In Spaces for Shaping the Nation, 131–52. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839466940-007.

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In this article, Kamila Kudkiewicz is dedicated to the question of Polish national museums in the nineteenth century. At the end of the eighteenth century, the historical territory of Poland was divided among Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Each of these countries had its own laws and policies towards Poles: take, for example, the policies of Russification and Germanization implemented by the Russian and German authorities in their respective territories and, contrastingly, the autonomy granted to Polish Galicia in Austria-Hungary after 1860. Despite the differences between the regions, in the second half of the nineteenth century, Poles founded museums that were perceived to be 'national', whether on a de facto basis - as attested by publications and written sources from the period - or because they had the word 'national' in their very name. Although early initiatives to create museums with the designation 'national' were undertaken in Poland as early as the eighteenth century, actual national museums (or institutions considered to be such) only emerged after 1870. The latter consisted of : the Musee National Polonais (Polish National Museum) in Rapperswil, Switzerland (opened 1870), the Muzeum im. Mielzynskich w Poznaniu (Mielzynski Museum in Poznan, 1881), the Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie (National Museum in Krakow, 1883), the Muzeum Narodowe im. Krola Jana III we Lwowie (King Jan III National Museum in Lviv, 1908), and the Muzeum Sztuk Pieknych w Warszawie (Museum of Fine Arts in Warsaw), which was called after 1916 the Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie (National Museum in Warsaw). The most important Polish national museums were established in large urban centres, namely in regional capitals (i.e. Poznan, the capital of Greater Poland in the nineteenth century within the borders of Prussia, and Krakow, the main city of Galicia in the nineteenth century within Austria and later Austria-Hungary), but also in other nations (i.e. Rapperswil in Switzerland). They were founded by city authorities, learned societies, or private collectors. The fact that the museums were established and managed by various entities made their activities very diverse. However, one can observe two main areas of interest for Polish national museums in the nineteenth century: national (Polish) history, on the one hand, and Polish art, primarily contemporary painting, on the other. In some cases, like that of Rapperswil, the dominating elements of the collection were connected with historical elements that, at least initially, were also sentimental, nostalgic, and emotional in character. This sentimentality bespeaks the institution's intended influence on viewers. Elsewhere, the wish to exhibit and promote Polish art prevailed over the interest in objects related to national history (i.e. the Mielzynski Museum in Poznan). And certain museums underwent an evolution in their declared status, from that of a national gallery of painting to that of an institution attempting to show various aspects of Polish culture (National Museum in Krakow). The present analysis of the activity of these museums will focus on the discourse accompanying their creation, the goals set by their founders, and the curation of their exhibitions.
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Blackbourn, David. "The State Climbs Down." In Marpingen, 330–36. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198217831.003.0011.

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Abstract Was Prussia a state bound by the rule of law? Events in Marpingen caused many to doubt it. After the village schoolteacher Andre had been summarily transferred to Tholey, Father Schneider wrote to a clerical friend in Trier asking for legal advice on the situation. The reply was that an action of this kind was impermissible without formal disciplinary proceedings—’but in Russia everything is possible’. The equating of Prussia and Russia gives an indication of Catholic bitterness over Marpingen. A friend of Neureuter’s from Zwolle wrote in the following terms, in a letter that ironically enough was seized by the authorities, having arrived shortly after the parish priest had been taken into custody: ‘Are you ill or in prison; for anything is possible—silence is golden in Germany, even if elsewhere the problem is lead. Moreover, private letters should not be sniffed at by everyone and in Prussia-Germany only the cabinet of the chancellor is private.’ The actions of the state in Marpingen worried many beyond the ranks of Catholics, from the Frankfurter Zeitung on the left to the Kreuz-Zeitung on the right. For the latter, the dubious role played by Meerscheidt-Htillessem and the treatment of the visionary children were ‘weak points that the government might well find it difficult to defend’. Police measures had been an inappropriate choice of weapon, and the government might regret its methods if ‘absolutely tangible and convincing evidence’ of deliberate deception and criminal actions could not be produced.
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Tomaszewski, Jerzy. "Sophia Kemlein." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 14, 390–92. Liverpool University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774693.003.0033.

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This chapter reviews The Jews of Poznań 1815–1848: Development of a Polish Jewry under the Rule of Prussia. It shows how this book enlarges our factual knowledge and enables us to correct the errors of older publications. It also shows in what way and why Polish Jews in the Prussian partition gradually became loyal subjects of Prussia, and then Germans of Mosaic faith. An important gap which plagues not only scholars of the history of the Jews in the Prussian partition is the scarcity of sources relevant to the evolution of the attitudes of ordinary people. The chapter asserts that Sophia Kemlein was able to use important records and memoirs that originated from among the wealthy, especially the intelligentsia; but these only partly disclose the views of other strata within the Jewish community. With these limited resources, however, and using many other sources from German and Polish archives, Kemlein has managed to create a convincing picture of the evolution of the whole community.
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Lerman, Katharine Anne. "Bismarckian Germany." In Imperial Germany 1871–1918, 18–39. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199204885.003.0002.

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Abstract In the spring of 1870 a south German aristocrat, Prince Chlodwig zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, was visiting Berlin. Born of a Protestant mother, brought up a Catholic, and married to a Russian princess, Hohenlohe was liberal in his political views and, unusually for a man of his background, he had come to support the idea of a united Germany under Prussian leadership. Some twenty-four years later he would become the first chancellor of the German Empire who did not come from Prussia. But at the time of his visit in April 1870 the German Empire did not exist, and the only representative political institution linking the recently created North German Confederation with the German states south of the River Main was a customs parliament. Moreover, just six weeks before his visit, Hohenlohe had been forced to resign as chief minister of Bavaria because of his political views. Having spent three years working to improve relations between Prussia and the south German states after they had fought on opposing sides in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, Hohenlohe had finally accepted in March 1870 that his policies were out of tune with a Bavarian electorate that was increasingly clerical and anti-Prussian.
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Boa, Elizabeth, and Rachel Palfreyman. "Heimat Past and Present—A Land Fit for Youth Lenz’s Deutschstunde, Emil Nolde and Heimatkunst, Michael Verhoeven’s Das schreckliche Mäidchen." In Heimat A German Dream, 144–70. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198159223.003.0006.

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Abstract Deutschstunde (1968) by Siegfried Lenz (born 1926 in Lyck in Masuria, East Prussia), tells the story of Siggi Jepsen, a young man who has been arrested for art theft and sentenced to be held in an institution for delinquent youth (‘schwererziehbare Jugend’, literally ‘difficult-to-educate youth’). The story is told in the first person by Siggi who shares a name with his author—his full name is Siegfried Kai Johannes Jepsen. As part of his rehabilitation, Siggi has to write an essay on the topic of ‘The Joys of Duty’ and tells the story, set during the Second World War, of his father Jens Ole Jepsen, policeman in the northernmost police station in Germany, in Rugbiill, on the border between Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark. The story proves so long in the telling, however, that the narrator cannot complete it in the hour or so provided, but instead voluntarily spends several months in solitary confinement, so arousing the interest of educational psychologists such asWolfgang Mackenroth who embarks on a case study of this unusual inmate to be presented for a diploma.
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Colla, Marcus. "Politics." In Prussia in the Historical Culture of the German Democratic Republic, 78—C2.P75. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865908.003.0003.

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Abstract This chapter addresses the political meanings attached to Prussian history in the GDR during the era of the ‘Prussia-Renaissance’. It argues that the political ‘rehabilitation’ of Prussian history in the GDR from the 1970s onwards must in part be understood within a specifically German Cold War context, as each German state sought to make an exclusive claim over the pan-German historical inheritance. Not only were acts such as the restoration of the Frederick the Great equestrian statue in East Berlin, or the ‘Prussia-Exhibition’ in West Berlin, symbolic statements made within the specific political conditions of the German Cold War, they also assumed new meanings and interpretations in the eyes of domestic and international observers alike. Because of this, the East German ‘Prussia-Renaissance’ followed its own logic, as the GDR’s political and cultural elites sought to refashion their historical policy into a form that meaningfully distinguished it from that of the Federal Republic.
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Bookbinder, Paul. "The Prussian police experiment." In Weimar Germany. Manchester University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526183811.00011.

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Wertheimer, Jack. "Administrative Solutions." In Unwelcome Strangers, 42–74. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065855.003.0004.

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Abstract During the first decade after German unification, government officials devoted scant attention to the issue of Jewish foreigners in the Reich. For one thing, a great many other, more pressing matters needed to be resolved. For another, the number of Eastern Jews arriving in Germany in the 1870s, though representing an upswing in immigration, did not pose a significant problem. Several states, including the border states of Saxony and Bavaria, extended their exclusionary policies from the era before unification: the former continued its ban on the naturalization of foreign Jews, and the latter refused to permit indigent Jews from Poland and Russia from even settling in its territory. Only Prussia received a significant new population due to the influx of Jews fleeing harsh conditions in northwestern Russia. While Bismarck and his Prussian ministers expressed some concern about the leniency of existing regulations and urged greater stringency i the enforcement of border controls, neither Prussia nor other German states initiated new policies regarding Jewish immigrants during the decade of the seventies.
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Conference papers on the topic "Police – Germany – Prussia"

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Bręczewska-Kulesza, Daria. "Architecture of Prussian asylums in Prussian Poland as a reflection of the development of German psychiatry and health policy in 19th century." In PROCEEDINGS OF THE 10TH WORKSHOP ON METALLIZATION AND INTERCONNECTION FOR CRYSTALLINE SILICON SOLAR CELLS. AIP Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0106630.

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Szmitkowska, Agata. "FROM THE LUFTWAFFE HEADQUARTERS TO A SANATORIUM”. THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE HOLIDAY RESORT OF THE WARSAW EXECUTIVE BOARD OF THE TRADE UNION OF THE BOOK, PRESS AND RADIO EMPLOYEES IN GOŁDAP, MASURIA." In GEOLINKS International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/geolinks2020/b2/v2/26.

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This article presents the architecture, origin and the vicissitudes of the holiday resort which was dedicated to employees of the state media institutions of that time and which is representative of Polish holiday centres in Poland in the 1970s. It was developed near a town called Gołdap in northern Poland in the area of the Masurian Lake District which constituted a part of German East Prussia before 1945. The centre was planned in the land which operated as the Main Headquarters of the General Command of Luftwaffe during II World War. One of the key principles assumed by the designer of the holiday resort was not only the use of the natural advantages of the place but also the maximum adaptation of the preserved facilities, the foundations of the buildings and the infrastructure of the former military complex. The unusual architecture, attractive location and the scale of the constructed complex bespoke of the investors’ considerable wealth. The history of the centre entwined closely with important events in general history and the political and economic changes which occurred in Poland after 1989 determined the decision to introduce a new function of a sanatorium to the facility. The complex was then partially reconstructed and developed. This article was based on a number of researches. A detailed analysis was made of the related archival materials and scientific publications. A comparative analysis was conducted of the architecture of the centre and other facilities used for the same purpose which had been built in the 1960s and 1970s in Poland. The required field studies and photographic documentation of all the premises were performed simultaneously.
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