Journal articles on the topic 'Police abolition'
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Maynard, Robyn. "Police Abolition/Black Revolt." TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 41 (December 2020): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia-009.
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Gillespie, Kelly, and Leigh-Ann Naidoo. "Abolition Pedagogy." Critical Times 4, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 284–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9093094.
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Abstract As the South African student movement of 2015–16 began to develop a deeper critique of the character of the transition out of apartheid and its minimal effect on the institutions of colonialism and apartheid, the administrators of postapartheid universities worked with the managers of the security infrastructure of the state to orchestrate a national police shutdown of the student and worker movement. This essay is an effort to sustain an objection to that coordinated effort, and to work through a proposal for how the new managers of the postapartheid state and university could have—should have—acted otherwise. This proposal is called abolition pedagogy, a refusal of the long-standing relationship between education and violence, and a reading of the pedagogic labor involved in antiviolence work. In the midst of the recent student protests, a 1969 exchange of letters between Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse—in which Adorno justifies his having “called the police” on the student movement in Germany—was used to justify calling the police on South African students some fifty years later. This article unpacks the citation, and uses Adorno's own commitment to critique as a “force field” to show up the limitations of his position, and to call for a different mode of engagement with the difficulties and possibilities of ongoing struggle. Adorno's “force field” is contrasted with his poor reckoning with jazz and his inability to see the work of critique in jazz and by implication in many other forms. Abolition pedagogy pursues a transformative orientation to histories of violence, asking how to sustain strategies for their unmaking.
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Asafo, Dylan. "Freedom Dreaming of Abolition in Aotearoa New Zealand: A Pacific Perspective on Tiriti-based Abolition Constitutionalism." Legalities 2, no. 1 (March 2022): 82–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/legal.2022.0030.
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The global resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement in May 2020 led to an unprecedented reckoning with the racism within Aotearoa New Zealand’s police and prison systems. For Pacific peoples, this led to reflections on the racism of the police during the dawn raids of the 1970s and the racist police violence that Pacific peoples and Māori continue to face today. Notably, when the state apologised for the dawn raids in August 2021, it failed to acknowledge, let alone make amends for, this ongoing racist violence. Therefore, as a Pacific abolitionist legal scholar, in this article I argue that Pacific peoples and wider society in Aotearoa New Zealand must hold the state to account for the inherent racism of not only the police, but prisons as well. Specifically, I argue that we must ‘freedom dream’ ( Kelley 2002 , np) of police and prison abolition by supporting calls by Māori and other criminal justice advocates to achieve abolition through constitutional transformation premised on honouring te Tiriti o Waitangi. In making this argument, I draw on Black American abolitionist legal scholar Dorothy Roberts’ concept of ‘abolition constitutionalism’, which challenges abolitionists to grapple with whether abolition can be achieved within existing constitutional frameworks ( Roberts 2019 , 122). Accordingly, I offer a Pacific perspective on Tiriti-based abolition constitutionalism which further develops the case for why abolition cannot be achieved within current constitutional arrangements within which te Tiriti o Waitangi has long been, and will continue to be, undermined by Parliament.
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Gramlich, Jack Post. "Are police obsolete in Minneapolis? Racial capitalism and police abolition." Social Science Quarterly 102, no. 7 (November 7, 2021): 3149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13089.
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Bey, Marquis, and Jesse A. Goldberg. "Queer as in Abolition Now!" GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 28, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 159–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-9608091.
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Abstract “Queer as in Abolition Now!” introduces the special issue “Queer Fire: Liberation and Abolition.” The issue brings together scholars, artists, and writers working at the intersections of queer theory, critical race studies, and radical activist movements to consider prison abolition as a project of queer liberation and queer liberation as an abolitionist project. Pushing beyond observations that prisons disproportionately harm queer people, the contributors demonstrate that gender itself is a carceral system and demand that gender and sexuality, too, be subject to abolition. Drawing on methodologies from the social sciences, humanities, and fine arts, contributors offer fresh vocabularies and analytical lenses to the ongoing work of constructing liberatory futures without prisons, police, or the tyranny of colonial gender systems.
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Sandler, Matt. "The necessity of abolition." Soundings 78, no. 78 (August 1, 2021): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.09.2021.
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The international outpouring of abolitionist sentiment in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in the spring of 2020 came as a surprise even to experienced activists and researchers. The context of the pandemic had thrown into stark relief the consequences of fraying commitments to social welfare and excess commitments to security, policing, and incarceration. This essay argues that the moment laid bare the necessity of abolition, not only of police and prisons but also of the industries which exacerbate ecological disaster. To support this argument on the basis of political theory and intellectual history, it returns first to W.E.B. Du Bois's account of "abolition-democracy" as prompted by a recognition of necessity. The essay then goes on to define "necessity via the philosophical dialectic of freedom and necessity, before finding that conception of abolition as necessity expressed in nineteenth century Black abolitionist thought. It concludes by returning to the present, in which the pathological freedoms of neoliberalism seem to call up the necessity of abolition in response.
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Petrychyn, Jonathan. "A Gay Killer on the Police Force: Cruising and Queer Police Abolition." Public 33, no. 65 (June 1, 2022): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/public_00110_4.
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Phelps, Michelle S., Anneliese Ward, and Dwjuan Frazier. "FROM POLICE REFORM TO POLICE ABOLITION? HOW MINNEAPOLIS ACTIVISTS FOUGHT TO MAKE BLACK LIVES MATTER." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 421–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-4-421.
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The murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) officers in 2020 was a watershed moment, triggering protests across the country and unprecedented promises by city leaders to “end” the MPD. We use interviews and archival materials to understand the roots of this decision, tracing the emergent split between activists fighting for police reform and police abolition in the wake of the initial Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests in Minneapolis. We compare the frames used by these two sets of movement actors, arguing that abolitionists deployed more radical frames to disrupt hegemonic understandings of policing, while other activists fought to resonate with the existing discursive structure. After years of police reform, Floyd’s death and the rebellion that followed gave abolitionist discourses more resonance. In the discussion, we consider the future of public safety in Minneapolis and its implications for understanding frame resonance in Black movements.
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Okechukwu, Amaka. "WATCHING AND SEEING." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 18, no. 1 (2021): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x21000035.
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AbstractThis article explores grassroots practices of community safety and security in Brooklyn, New York through a framework that centers the abolitionist practices imbedded in Black neighborhood collective action. Literature on safety and security often conflates the two concepts, not considering how grounded applications of the two may produce different outcomes and approaches to community well-being. Additionally, we know little about how Black communities build safety and security from the ground up. And while academic scholarship on abolition provides a robust theoretical foundation, more examples of how communities could and do employ police abolition are needed. Utilizing archival research and oral history interviews, I argue that a crisis of police legitimacy compelled alternatives to formal policing in New York City during the urban crisis, or the postwar period of massive urban divestment and hyper-ghettoization. These efforts included masculinized security practices such as neighborhood patrols and protests, while community safety practices included forms of neighborhood sociality grounded in feminized and queer relationships of care and concern. These efforts, which critiqued institutional racism and neglect and emerged from the indigenous knowledge base and social networks of community members, provide considerations for recovering abolitionist practices in Black neighborhood collective action and implications for building alternatives to policing. This article contributes to literature on Black communities, collective action, and abolition by offering an intersectional analysis of the various ways Black social and political engagement centers on practices of safety and security and does not always fixate on conscripting a police response.
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McDowell, Meghan G., and Luis A. Fernandez. "‘Disband, Disempower, and Disarm’: Amplifying the Theory and Practice of Police Abolition." Critical Criminology 26, no. 3 (July 20, 2018): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-018-9400-4.
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Khosa, Dee. "Gender and Police Leadership: An Analysis of Metropolitan Police Departments in South Africa." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.153.
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Despite a number of initiatives aimed at improving the representation and progressive of women in the law enforcement. Studies continue to document the persistence of gender inequality within law enforcement agencies all over the world and South Africa is not an exception. This article bring to light gender inequalities in the law enforcement sector where women in leadership ranks remains low. Historically, the police career was male-dominated and females were not allowed to work in the police. Therefore, equal gender representation in the workplace should by now be at an advanced developmental stage in South Africa since the abolition of discrimination rules. The Commission on Employment Equity of South Africa reported that women comprised 44.8% of the economically active population, yet males were still in charge of senior management positions in South African industries including the law enforcement environment. The data was collected from female officers from Metropolitan Police departments in Gauteng province. The findings suggest that culture, stereotypes, economic and socio-political dynamics, and physical fitness were perceived as barriers that hindered the representation of women into senior leadership positions.
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Anderson, Heather, and Charlotte Bedford. "Prisoner radio as an abolitionist tool: A scholactivist reflection." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00093_1.
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Prisoner and prison radio – audio production and broadcasting that services prisoner and prison communities – has existed in a variety of forms in a diverse range of countries for over 30 years and has recently seen a surge in popularity and awareness. At the same time, the prison abolition movement has also gained momentum and visibility, after an equally long presence and history. Recently in the United States, the New York City Council voted to close Rikers Island by 2026 in response to community campaigning driven by an abolition agenda. Likewise, the Black Lives Matter movement has introduced an abolitionist discourse (especially around defunding police services) to the mainstream vernacular. This article considers the relationships between broadcasters/audiences and the State – embodied through government departments responsible for managing the incarceration of its citizens, and how these impact on prisoner radio’s capacity to act as an agent of change. To do so, we take a scholactivist approach to critically reflect on our experiences as prisoner radio practitioners and researchers and consider the potentials for prisoner radio to either support or hinder a prison abolition agenda. Can the genre contribute to the prison abolition movement when it often requires the support of the prison-industrial complex to exist?
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Beh, Iasia Beh. "RACE, MEDIA, AND POLICE PRACTICES: HOW THE MEDIA INFLUENCES POLICE INTERACTIONS WITH BLACK AMERICANS." International Journal of Law, Ethics, and Technology 2022, no. 2 (October 28, 2022): 148–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.55574/fgjw9060.
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The spring of 2020 saw mass protests all across the country against the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer. They demanded justice and they demanded change. How can there be positive, permanent change to policing, which, since its implementation, has targeted Black communities? This paper will talk about one of those changes: the abolition of all police forces. First, the paper will discuss the media and how it is used to perpetuate negative stereotypes about Black people. It will go over three prominent Black stereotypes; the Mandingo, the Sapphire, and the Savage. After that, it will discuss how to use popular culture to change how Black people are perceived in society. Next, it will go over news media and how that is an avenue for negative Black stereotypes. Then it will go over how to dispel those stereotypes through different journalistic techniques. Second, the paper will talk about stop and frisk, or Terry stops. It will define what stop and frisks are and when the police are allowed to stop and frisk. It will then talk about the issues involved with the practice and then discuss different reforms, such as elimination, that can alleviate the issues involved with stop and frisk. Next, the paper will explain about what a chokehold is. There are two different types of chokeholds, the carotid restraint and a chokehold. Then the paper will go through a case and discuss the implications of having chokeholds in police practices. Next, it will go through all of the different reforms, such as defunding, training, and abolition, to fix the issues brought on by how chokeholds are being implemented today. Next, the paper will discuss the three automobile exceptions: stop and frisk, search incident to an arrest, and the automobile exception. This section will discuss when the police can order someone out of their car, when they can search the car, and why they can search it. The paper will then discuss the implications of allowing police discretion to choose which cars to search and discuss the racial disparities in the stops and searches. Next, the paper will discuss reforms that can be made to alleviate the issues involved with the automobile exceptions. Lastly, what will happen to society if there is no police? The paper will go over the possibilities of funding and programs that can be implemented in the place of the police. It will discuss the debate over what will be done to combat dangerous crime.
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Van Hellemont, Elke, and James Densley. "If crime is not the problem, crime fighting is no solution: policing gang violence in the age of abolition." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 13, no. 2/3 (June 24, 2021): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-12-2020-0561.
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Purpose In their 1999 classic, Crime is Not the Problem, Zimring and Hawkins changed the way criminologists thought about crime and violence simply by forcing us to distinguish between them. In so doing, they advanced an agenda for a more effective response to the real “crime” problem in America – violence. In this short commentary, the authors apply this logic to gang research and responses. The authors argue police fall short in responding to “gangs” because researchers and policymakers have defined them in terms of criminal behaviour writ large, not the problem that really needs policing – the precise social and spatial dynamics of gang violence. The purpose of this paper is to stand on the shoulders of others who have stated violence trumps gangs when it comes to policy and practice and provide a conceptual review of the literature that captures mainstream and critical perspectives on gangs and offers both sides some common ground to start from as they contemplate “policing” gangs with or without police. Design/methodology/approach A review of the extant literature. Findings The authors stand on the shoulders of others who have stated violence trumps gangs when it comes to policy and practice, to provide a conceptual review of the literature that captures mainstream and critical perspectives on gangs, in North American and European contexts, and offers both sides some common ground to start from as they contemplate “policing” gangs with or without police. Originality/value The paper is a conceptual piece looking at policing gang violence versus gang crime. The paper aims to restart the debate around the role of crime in gangs and gangs in crime. This debate centres around whether gangs should be understood as primarily criminal groups, whether “the gang” is to blame for the crime and violence of its members and what feature of collective crime and violence designate “gangness”. We use that debate to reflect past and current police practices towards gangs.
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Monar, Jörg. "Justice and Home Affairs in the EU Constitutional Treaty. What Added Value for the ‘Area of Freedom, Security and Justice’?" European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (May 19, 2005): 226–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002269.
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Area of freedom, security and justice. One of the most significant developments in European Integration. Assessment of the contribution of the Constitutional Treaty to further development. Formal abolition of pillar structure partially undermined by special provisions. Relevance of Charter of Fundamental Rights. Union powers strengthened, but likelihood of restrictive interpretation. Revised policy objectives: few new openings, but possibly important implications. Solidarity as a new integration principle. Is majority voting justified in particularly sensitive areas such as police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters? Monstrosity of the emergency-brake procedure. Strengthening of European Parliament and Court of Justice, but not overall. Perspective of enhanced co-operation.
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Davidson, Julia O'Connell. "‘Sleeping with the enemy’? Some Problems with Feminist Abolitionist Calls to Penalise those who Buy Commercial Sex." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001076.
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Feminists campaigning for the abolition of prostitution have long argued that it is men who buy sex, rather than prostitute women, who should be penalised and reformed. In recent years, the phenomenon of ‘trafficking’ in persons has provided feminist abolitionists with a more high profile platform from which to lobby on prostitution issues, and they have found policy makers increasingly receptive to calls to penalise men who buy sex. This has encouraged some feminist abolitionists to forge alliances with those who would more usually be viewed as ‘enemies’ of feminism and other progressive social movements (police chiefs calling for more extensive police powers and tougher sentencing policy, anti-immigration politicians calling for tighter border controls, and moral conservatives urging a return to ‘family values’). This paper is concerned with the dangers of such liaisons. It begins with a brief review of the findings of recent research on the demand for commercial sexual services, then puts forward some reasons why feminist abolitionists should be cautious about calling on the state to penalise sex buyers.
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Parry, Tyler D., and Charlton W. Yingling. "Slave Hounds and Abolition in the Americas*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz020.
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Abstract The lash and shackles remain two primary symbols of material degradation fixed in the historical memory of slavery in the Americas. Yet as recounted by states, abolitionists, travellers, and most importantly slaves themselves, perhaps the most terrifying and effective tool for disciplining black bodies and dominating their space was the dog. This article draws upon archival research and the published materials of former slaves, novelists, slave owners, abolitionists, Atlantic travelers, and police reports to link the systems of slave hunting in Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, and the US South throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Slave hounds were skillfully honed biopower predicated upon scenting, hearing, sighting, outrunning, outlasting, signaling, attacking, and sometimes terminating, black runaways. These animals permeated slave societies throughout the Americas and bolstered European ambitions for colonial expansion, indigenous extirpation, economic extraction, and social domination in slave societies. as dogs were bred to track and hunt enslaved runaways, slave communities utilized resources from the natural environment to obfuscate the animal's heightened senses, which produced successful escapes on multiple occasions. This insistence of slaves' humanity, and the intensity of dog attacks against black resistance in the Caribbean and US South, both served as proof of slavery's inhumanity to abolitionists. Examining racialized canine attacks also contextualizes representations of anti-blackness and interspecies ideas of race. An Atlantic network of breeding, training and sales facilitated the use of slave hounds in each major American slave society to subdue human property, actualize legal categories of subjugation, and build efficient economic and state regimes. This integral process is often overlooked in histories of slavery, the African Diaspora, and colonialism. By violently enforcing slavery’s regimes of racism and profit, exposing the humanity of the enslaved and depravity of enslavers, and enraging transnational abolitionists, hounds were central to the rise and fall of slavery in the Americas.
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Ahmedov, Chingiz. "State policy and public opinion on the formation of the institution of police village constables." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2020, no. 2 (July 21, 2020): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2020-2-10-18.
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The article is devoted to the history of the formation and legal regulation of the activities of the lower ranks of the county police of the Russian Empire from the first half of the XIX to the beginning of the XX century. The rea-sons for the introduction of police custody in the territory of Astrakhan, Baku, Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod, Perm, Samara provinces and the Kingdom of Poland are considered by the author. The position according to which in the second half of the XIX century the im-portance of protecting public order and public safety in rural areas was actualized in the state policy of the Russian Empire is substantiated by the author. The reasons for that were the reforms carried out at that time. The most important reform was the abolition of serfdom. The lack of a sufficient number of police officials in the coun-tryside, erforming law enforcement functions, was the reason for the introduction of the institution of police village constables. On the basis of archival and other historical sources, the article shows that the activities of police village constables from the state bodies and the liberal press were evaluated differently: state structures noted the positive results of the activities of police village constables to ensure public order and the safety of society and the state; in contrast, the liberal community absolutized the distrust of the activities of police village constables and the lack of their support from the population. The existing contradictions between society and the state were one of the reasons for the destruction of the law enforcement system and the collapse of the Russian Empire itself.
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Briscoe, Chaz. "The White Response to Black Lives Matter and Mike Brown." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 2 (April 2020): 311–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.2.311.
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Using the year 2015 to frame and contextualize the discussion, this article asks why white backlash is an expected reaction to black resistance. In short, white backlash is built into the liberal construction of race. Utilizing Joel Olson’s conception of Herrenvolk democracy, this article analyzes how the color-blind norm of race moves race into a sphere of discourse where it is omnipresent but also disempowered for any legal remedy. Policing becomes an institution by which race is made apparent, as the inequitable treatment by the police dictates who is protected by the color line. Drawn from polling surveys and government reports, data is provided with regard to the unchanging perceptions of racial attitudes. Black Lives Matter takes up the Black radical tradition in order to reassert Black humanity in the face of a system that normalizes racial violence, racial terror, and its own racial ignorance. In this way BLM displays the counternarrative to white hegemony. This counternarrative forces us to realize the depth of the race problem by mobilizing a language of abolition. Circling back to Olson’s abolition democracy, this article concludes by looking at how far we must go in terms of applying abolition to our discourse, language, conception of humanity, and democracy.
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Moreno, Teresa Helena. "Beyond the police: libraries as locations of carceral care." Reference Services Review 50, no. 1 (December 17, 2021): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rsr-07-2021-0039.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to make visible the connections libraries have to carceral systems and how library workers replicate carceral behavior through care.Design/methodology/approachThis paper uses interdisciplinary research methods in the fields of library science, criminology, feminist studies, Black studies and abolition to examine the role of libraries as locations of carceral care.FindingsLibraries, through their history and funding as well as their roles within society as educators and social service providers, have the components necessary to act out carceral care; libraries by extension can and do participate in forms of carceral care.Originality/valueThere has been much work on carceral care in the fields of social work and education, but to date, there has been little to no scholarship on how libraries work within the landscape of carceral care. This article builds upon the work of others to help understand how it applies to libraries.
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Litvinov, Vyacheslav Petrovich. "On the Problems of Police Services in the States of the Muslim East: the Middle Ages and the Modern Period." Islamovedenie 12, no. 3 (October 31, 2021): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-12-3-102-113.
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The article is devoted to the history of the police in the states of the Muslim East in the Middle Ages and the modern period. According to the author, the police appeared in the tribal com-munities of this region even before the emergence of the state and performed, among other things, the functions of political investigation. In the countries of the Muslim East, the formation of the police was determined by the general regularities of global change, as well as the specificity of Islam as a religion and Sharia as legislation. The article identifies the historical models and reveals the na-ture of the institution of the police in the Muslim world, including their national security functions. Much attention is paid to the activities of the religious police in Central Asia. According to the au-thor, their abolition in Russian Turkestan revealed many negative phenomena that had existed earli-er in the life of Muslim society in the pre-Russian period. The author concludes that in the states of the Muslim East as a whole the police played a historically positive role in the development of the region.
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Lee, A. J. Yumi. "Repairing Police Action after the Korean War in Toni Morrison’s Home." Radical History Review 2020, no. 137 (May 1, 2020): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8092810.
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Abstract Narrating the fictional story of an African American veteran of the desegregated Korean War, Toni Morrison’s 2012 novel Home links the violence of US military “police action” in Korea to the long history of police violence at home. This article argues that Home’s critical portrayal of the Korean War punctures two enduring 1950s myths: the myth of a peaceful domestic “color-blind” society and the myth of heroic US military intervention abroad. The article reads Home as an allegory that invites readers to imagine forms of justice outside of a policing framework, both globally and domestically, through its narrative of repairing trauma and harm through community care rather than punishment or retribution. This reading shows that Morrison’s rewriting of the 1950s in Home places the contemporary idioms of police and prison abolition and transformative justice in a broader historical and global imaginative frame.
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Ryazanov, Sergey M. "Urban growth and city police in the Urals in the 60s – 80s of 19th century." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 195 (2021): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-195-275-286.
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The development of the city police of the Ural region, starting with the police reform in the second half of the 19th century, is considered. The relevance of the study for domestic science lies in the fact that, despite a serious study of the Ural city police, no generalizing works about it still exist. The aim of the study was, therefore, to study the development of the police in the cities of the Urals in close relationship with the processes of imperial modernization, which significantly accelerated after the abolition of serfdom. The theory of modernization of Russia proposed by B.N. Mironov. The methods of research are “classical” methods of historical science, formulated by I.D. Kovalchenko: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological, historical-systemic. The result of the research was a comprehensive study of the institute of the police in the above geographical and chronological framework. The results obtained can be used in teaching courses: “History of the Urals”, “History of Russian Law Enforcement Agencies” and others. It is concluded that the Reform of 1862 failed to create police bodies in the Urals adequate to the rapid modernization processes that began during this period. Further strengthening of the police was greatly hampered by the limited funds of local budgets and the reluctance of the city authorities to increase police spending.
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Martensen, Kayla M. "Teaching abolition to future police officers: a reflective essay on pedagogies of response and care." Contemporary Justice Review 23, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580.2020.1755848.
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Sarychev, Alexander, Ivan Arkhiptsev, and Karina Kandabarova. "Police Action at Mass Events." Legal Concept, no. 1 (May 2022): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lc.jvolsu.2022.1.11.
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Introduction: the relevance of the chosen topic is because today mass events in Russian society are characterized by high popularity. They provide the satisfaction of the needs of modern man in his involvement in political life, sports achievements, culture, and art. At the same time, the successful holding of mass events is impossible without the activities of police officers who protect public order, as well as maintain public safety in a stable state. The purpose of the study is to characterize the legal regulation and specifics of the activities of police officers at mass events. Methods: the methodological framework includes a set of research methods, including the formal-legal method, the structural and functional method, the method of analysis and synthesis. Results: the authors have examined the current domestic regulatory framework governing the actions of police officers at mass events, on whose basis they have identified the features of their powers characteristic of each specific stage of the event. Conclusions: as a result of the study, the role of police action as an integral element of a comprehensive system that ensures order and security at various mass events has been revealed. It is determined that the police functionality varies depending on the period of the event. At the preparatory stage, proactive and preventive actions are implemented; at the executive stage, order and safety are directly ensured during the event; at the final stage, actions are deployed aimed at the smooth outflow of participants of the event, the abolition of restrictions imposed and the withdrawal of forces and means. Together, the whole tactics boil down to one thing – the protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens.
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Moskvitin, Yu N. "Police Department in the Kuznetsk, Barnaul, and Biysk Districts (Parishes) in the Second Half of the XIX Century." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-1-48-57.
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The research featured the changes associated with the abolition of serfdom, which affected the law enforcement system of the state and, most of all, the police. In Siberia, police reforms were conducted several years after they had been introduced in the Central European part of the state. While the reforming of the police system of the Tomsk province was inevitable, the process was especially difficult for three parishes (uyezds), namely, Kuznetsky, Barnaul, and Biysk. The problem was that on these territories there were eight mining areas, or volosts: two in Barnaul (Pavlovsk and Suzun), one in the Kuznetsk (Salair), and five in Biysk (Loktev, Kolyvansk, Riddersk, Zmeinogorsk, and Zyryanovsk). The abolishment of the mining police in the mining volosts predetermined some specifics of the local police forces. In the newly emerging conditions of interaction between the authorities of the Altai mining district and Tomsk, contradictions often arose on the issues of appointment to the posts of police officials in mining villages. Each institution wanted to gain control over the population of the volosts. When municipal and district (uyezd) police had to merge together under the command of the uniform police officer, this process was also extremely painful. In the post-reform period, the tsarist government sought to adapt existing rules to new conditions. As a result, provincial audits became one of the forms of control over the activities of police officers. However, the autocracy failed to start a comprehensive reform of the police in order to relieve the burden of extrinsic functions.
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MAGALONI, BEATRIZ, and LUIS RODRIGUEZ. "Institutionalized Police Brutality: Torture, the Militarization of Security, and the Reform of Inquisitorial Criminal Justice in Mexico." American Political Science Review 114, no. 4 (August 3, 2020): 1013–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000520.
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How can societies restrain their coercive institutions and transition to a more humane criminal justice system? We argue that two main factors explain why torture can persist as a generalized practice even in democratic societies: weak procedural protections and the militarization of policing, which introduces strategies, equipment, and mentality that treats criminal suspects as though they were enemies in wartime. Using a large survey of the Mexican prison population and leveraging the date and place of arrest, this paper provides causal evidence about how these two explanatory variables shape police brutality. Our paper offers a grim picture of the survival of authoritarian policing practices in democracies. It also provides novel evidence of the extent to which the abolition of inquisitorial criminal justice institutions—a remnant of colonial legacies and a common trend in the region—has worked to restrain police brutality.
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Kim, Pil-Seung. "A Study on the Physical Evaluation of Female Police Officers by the Abolition of Gender Separation." Korean Journal of Sports Science 29, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35159/kjss.2020.04.29.2.123.
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Hodge, David R., and Stephanie Clintonia Boddie. "African Americans and Law Enforcement: Tackling a Foundational Component of Structural Reform—Union Disciplinary Procedures." Social Work 67, no. 2 (January 21, 2022): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/swac002.
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Abstract Despite numerous high-profile deaths of African Americans at the hands of law enforcement, little attention has been paid to the issue of police reform in the social work literature. To address this gap, this article focuses on a topic that has been singled out as the most important area of potential reform: restructuring the disciplinary provisions embedded in the contracts negotiated between police unions and municipalities. These provisions frequently shield problematic officers from public accountability by hindering their identification, sanctioning, and dismissal. Given that collective bargaining agreements are typically negotiated behind closed doors, social workers can play an essential role by advocating for public negotiations between municipal and union leaders, so provisions that obstruct public accountability for unfit officers can be identified and eliminated. The article concludes by delineating three alternative models to the status quo—increased neighborhood policing, disbanding or defunding police departments, and police abolition zones—and notes that no model can be successful if those who abuse their power cannot be removed from their positions of public trust. The authors suggest that social workers collaborate with African American residents in a given community to ensure that their preferences regarding community justice are enacted in a manner that reflects their aspirations.
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Ahmedov, Chingiz. "Problems of interaction between police village constables and magistrates as a form of reflection of the essence of bourgeois reforms of the second half of the 19th century in Russia." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2020, no. 4 (December 11, 2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2020-4-10-17.
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The article is devoted to the insufficiently studied problem of interaction between the institutions of the magistrate’s court and police officials in the second half of the 19th century. The powers of a magistrate, as a representative of the judiciary, enshrined in the Charter of Criminal Proceedings, the Charter on Punishments Imposed by Justices of the Peace, were not limited to considering the case and bringing the guilty persons to justice, but made it possible to issue warnings to police officials. The procedural status of a police village constable was regulated by the charter of criminal proceedings and departmental regulations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Having consistently studied literary sources and archival materials, the author comes to the conclusion that procedural powers have found their application in the activities of police village constables. However, the lack of professional training and sufficient knowledge of regulatory legal acts became an obstacle in the implementation of the procedural powers of a police village constable. For the admission of violations of the fulfillment of the assigned duties when drawing up procedural acts against the guilty persons, the justices of the peace issued warnings to the police officials and reported this to the prosecutor. A commission created with the participation of representatives of the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the second and the third sections of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancery to discuss the issue «On the abolition of the right granted to the magistrate courts by article 53 of the charter of criminal proceedings of the right to issue warnings to police officers» considered the powers of the magistrate court to prosecute police officials.
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Simes, Jessica T., and Jaquelyn L. Jahn. "The consequences of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act for police arrests." PLOS ONE 17, no. 1 (January 12, 2022): e0261512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0261512.
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Background & methods National protests in the summer of 2020 drew attention to the significant presence of police in marginalized communities. Recent social movements have called for substantial police reforms, including “defunding the police,” a phrase originating from a larger, historical abolition movement advocating that public investments be redirected away from the criminal justice system and into social services and health care. Although research has demonstrated the expansive role of police to respond a broad range of social problems and health emergencies, existing research has yet to fully explore the capacity for health insurance policy to influence rates of arrest in the population. To fill this gap, we examine the potential effect of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on arrests in 3,035 U.S. counties. We compare county-level arrests using FBI Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program Data before and after Medicaid expansion in 2014–2016, relative to counties in non-expansion states. We use difference-in-differences (DID) models to estimate the change in arrests following Medicaid expansion for overall arrests, and violent, drug, and low-level arrests. Results Police arrests significantly declined following the expansion of Medicaid under the ACA. Medicaid expansion produced a 20–32% negative difference in overall arrests rates in the first three years. We observe the largest negative differences for drug arrests: we find a 25–41% negative difference in drug arrests in the three years following Medicaid expansion, compared to non-expansion counties. We observe a 19–29% negative difference in arrests for violence in the three years after Medicaid expansion, and a decrease in low-level arrests between 24–28% in expansion counties compared to non-expansion counties. Our main results for drug arrests are robust to multiple sensitivity analyses, including a state-level model. Conclusions Evidence in this paper suggests that expanded Medicaid insurance reduced police arrests, particularly drug-related arrests. Combined with research showing the harmful health consequences of chronic policing in disadvantaged communities, greater insurance coverage creates new avenues for individuals to seek care, receive treatment, and avoid criminalization. As police reform is high on the agenda at the local, state, and federal level, our paper supports the perspective that broad health policy reforms can meaningfully reduce contact with the criminal justice system under historic conditions of mass criminalization.
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Spade, Dean. "Solidarity Not Charity." Social Text 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-7971139.
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This article argues that, in the face of worsening conditions from climate change, enhanced border enforcement, a growing wealth gap, housing crises, and policing, social movements should focus on expanding mutual aid strategies. Mutual aid projects directly address survival needs, mobilize large numbers of people to participate in movements actively rather than solely participating online or through voting, and offer spaces to practice new social relations. The article looks at examples from efforts for migrant justice, police and prison abolition, disaster relief, and other contemporary struggles and discusses potential pitfalls of mutual aid strategies, such as supplementing and therefore stabilizing existing systems of maldistribution and adopting principles and practices from the charity frameworks that proliferate in capitalism.
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Paynter, Martha, Keisha Jefferies, and Leah Carrier. "Nurses for police and prison abolition/Infirmières pour l’abolition de la police et des prisons/Enfermeras para la abolición de la policía y las prisiones." Public Health Nursing 37, no. 4 (July 2020): 471–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phn.12766.
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Behlmer, George. "Summary Justice and Working-Class Marriage in England, 1870–1940." Law and History Review 12, no. 2 (1994): 229–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743744.
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England's criminal justice system has been depicted as evolving from a preindustrial form in which wide judicial discretion served to legitimate the social order, to a new form where the need to impose industrial discipline on an increasingly urbanized work force produced less harsh but more systematic punishments. According to this vision, the wheels of Victorian justice ground both more gently and more intrusively than they had a century before, since along with the abolition of many capital crimes and the diminishing resort to incarceration went an intensified examination of private lives. As Jennifer Davis has made clear, however, historians of crime often underestimate the degree of continuity between eighteenth- and nineteenth-century law enforcement, particularly at the local level. Significantly, both eighteenth-century justices of the peace and nineteenth-century police court magistrates enjoyed great latitude in their dealings with the poor people who appeared before them. Nowhere is the highly personal and unsystematic nature of modern summary justice more strikingly revealed than in the police court's adjudication of disputes between husbands and wives.
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Martins, Alexandre, and Caia Maria Coelho. "Notes on the (Im)possibilities of an Anti-colonial Queer Abolition of the (Carceral) World." GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 28, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-9608133.
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Abstract This article aims to reflect on the politics of contemporary carceral LGBT movements and to delineate the (im)possibilities of an anti-colonial queer abolitionism. From the southern Americas, the authors elaborate a brief genealogy of the punishment of queer bodies in Brazil, marking the impossible promises of safety made by the penal “cystem.” By elaborating a critique of carcerality in LGBT contemporary politics, the authors argue for a refusal of the colonial world's solutions to violence. Amid (im)possibilities, this article formulates some elements for anti-colonial, queer abolitionist practices that envision the end of prisons and police, as well as the abolition of gender, sexuality, class, and race as structures of this world. It presents the refusal, the imagination, an ethics of incommensurability, and an active daily building of other possibilities as imbricated elements of anti-colonial, queer abolitionist struggles. Those practices may well be a path to set on fire this world, this present prison house, in the name of queer abolitionist futures.
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Tyson, Thomas N., David Oldroyd, and Richard K. Fleischman. "ACCOUNTING, COERCION AND SOCIAL CONTROL DURING APPRENTICESHIP: CONVERTING SLAVE WORKERS TO WAGE WORKERS IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES, C.1834–1838." Accounting Historians Journal 32, no. 2 (December 1, 2005): 201–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.32.2.201.
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The paper describes the nature and role of accounting during apprenticeship – the transition period from slavery to waged labor in the British West Indies. Planters, colonial legislators, and Parliamentary leaders all feared that freed slaves would flee to open lands unless they were bound to plantations. Thus, rather than relying entirely on economic incentives to maintain viable plantations, the Abolition Act and subsequent local ordinances embodied a complex synthesis of paternalism, categorization, penalties, punishments, and social controls that were collectively intended to create a class of willing waged laborers. The primary role of accounting within this structure was to police work arrangements rather than to induce apprentices to become willing workers. This post-emancipation, pre-industrial formalization of punishment, valuation, and task systems furnish powerful insights into the extent of accountancy's role in sustaining Caribbean slave regimes.
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Kim, Taek Kyung. "Survival and Abolition of the Gendarmerie in Republican China: From the Perspective of the Integration of the Peking Police Agency." CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 119 (April 30, 2019): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.119.185.
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Garner, Guillaume. "Milieux marchands et institutions du commerce : La question du droit d’étape à Mayence de 1797 à 1814." Revue de Synthèse 142, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2021): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552343-14000047.
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Résumé Cet article étudie les débats sur l’abolition du droit d’étape de Mayence et Cologne entre 1797 et 1814. Lorsque les Français ont conquis la rive gauche du Rhin, ils proclament leur intention de libéraliser le commerce et la navigation sur le Rhin, en même temps qu’ils abolissent les privilèges dans les quatre nouveaux départements du Rhin. Ceci a relancé un débat ancien sur le droit d’étape : tandis que les chambres de commerce de Cologne et Mayence le défendent comme un moyen de police de la navigation et du commerce, les milieux marchands de villes allemandes (Francfort, Düsseldorf) et de certaines villes françaises (Coblence) demandent son abolition au nom de la liberté économique et des principes de la Révolution française. L’article analyse les raisons pour lesquelles le gouvernement français maintient et confirme, de la signature de la Convention de l’octroi du Rhin en 1804 jusque 1813, ce qui constitue un privilège.
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Liebman, Alexander, Kevon Rhiney, and Rob Wallace. "To die a thousand deaths: COVID-19, racial capitalism, and anti-Black violence." Human Geography 13, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620962038.
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In this short commentary, we discuss the ways in which racial capitalism has developed a historical and ecological landscape through which COVID-19 has emerged, spread, and created uneven impacts across long-standing racial divisions inseparable from capitalist accumulation and expansion. We argue that this perspective on COVID-19 (and infectious disease in general) creates strong alliances with calls for reparations rooted in abolition of policing and incarceration, especially in light of the conjuncture of pandemic and uprising in response to police violence in the United States context. By bringing long-standing Marxian notions of alienation and metabolic rift, crucial for understanding the ecological and epistemic fissures leading to COVID-19’s spread, in conversation with writing on racial capitalism and anti-Blackness, we hope to illuminate pathways to a more grounded historical and ecological analysis that supports a radical vision of ecosystem health.
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Basdeo, Vinesh. "The Constitutional Validity of Search and Seizure Powers in South African Criminal Procedure." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 12, no. 4 (June 26, 2017): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2009/v12i4a2747.
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An important part of crime investigation is the obtaining of evidence through the search and seizure of persons and things. The South African Constitution[1] recognises that state authorities should not be permitted untrammelled access to search and seize. It is a necessary incident to democracy that citizens must be protected from unjustified intrusions of privacy and property by agents of the state. Otherwise, arbitrary state actions could severely affect the personal freedom and associated fundamental rights that are intended to be a predominant feature of democratic society. In this article I consider whether or not certain provisions contained in the Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977 and the South African Police Service Act 68 of 1995 (hereafter the Criminal Procedure Act and the South African Police Service Act respectively) are in conflict with the Constitution. The provisions deal with search and seizure. I will also turn to the laws of foreign jurisdictions, specifically of the United States and Canada, for guidance and comparison. At the outset it should be pointed out that this article does not argue for the abolition of the search and seizure provisions contained in the Criminal Procedure Act and the South African Police Service Act. It is acknowledged albeit reluctantly, that there may still be a need for some of them. It is the investigative and enforcement measures provided for by these provisions, rather than the objectives, which are in issue here. It is submitted that there are search and seizure provisions contained in the Criminal Procedure Act and the South African Police Service Act, which are inconsistent with the spirit, purport and object of the Constitution.[1] Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996.
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Iheme, Williams C. "Systemic Racism, Police Brutality of Black People, and the Use of Violence in Quelling Peaceful Protests in America." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 15 (December 15, 2020): 224–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v15.5851.
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The Trump Administration and its mantra to ‘Make America Great Again’ has been calibrated with racism and severe oppression against Black people in America who still bear the deep marks of slavery. After the official abolition of slavery in the second half of the nineteenth century, the initial inability of Black people to own land, coupled with the various Jim Crow laws rendered the acquired freedom nearly insignificant in the face of poverty and hopelessness. Although the age-long struggles for civil rights and equal treatments have caused the acquisition of more black-letter rights, the systemic racism that still perverts the American justice system has largely disabled these rights: the result is that Black people continue to exist at the periphery of American economy and politics. Using a functional approach and other types of approach to legal and sociological reasoning, this article examines the supportive roles of Corporate America, Mainstream Media, and White Supremacists in winnowing the systemic oppression that manifests largely through police brutality. The article argues that some of the sustainable solutions against these injustices must be tackled from the roots and not through window-dressing legislation, which often harbor the narrow interests of Corporate America.
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Merung, Prisilla Viviane. "Kajian Kriminologi Terhadap Upaya Penanganan Kasus Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga (KDRT) Di Indonesia." Veritas et Justitia 2, no. 2 (December 27, 2016): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.25123/vej.2273.
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<p><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><em>Domestic violence had been and is still underreported. Inhibiting factor is the widely held perception that outside intervention in cases of domestic violence is unwelcome and asking outside help will bring shame to the family. It is and should be treated by family members among themselves. To make matter worse, there is the general tendency to shift the blame to the victim. This article discusses domestic violence, especially those directed against women, from the legal (normative) as well as criminological perspective. It is telling that after its recognition as a special crime by virtue of the Penal Code (in general terms) and by Law no. 23 of 2004 re. abolition of domestic violence, the public perception shifted for the better. Consequently, more and more victims of domestic violence, with the support of their families, report their case to the police.</em>
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Buttle, John. "Imagining an Aotearoa/New Zealand Without Prisons." Counterfutures 3 (April 1, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v3i0.6419.
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It is hard to remember a time when New Zealand has not been draconian in its attitudes towards punishment. A national desire seemingly exists for a high level of incarceration whose effect, at the very least, is a systemic and needless waste of human potential. This desire sees a rising number of prisoners locked within a dehumanising and persistently expensive prison system. An effective response to this problem requires that the prevailing ‘populist’ understanding of punishment be abandoned. Ultimately, it will require imagining a society that is without prisons. Prior to that stage being reached, however, an interim strategy of ‘decarceration’ is needed, one which reduces the levels of imprisonment such that the abolition of prisons becomes feasible. This involves the reform of elements within New Zealand’s criminal justice system that proceed incarceration: the police, the courts, and sentencing in particular. Reforming these elements requires a serious engagement with the well-documented racial bias that characterises the operation of those fields.
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Bourne, Jenny. "‘This is what a radical intervention could look like’: an interview with Barbara Ransby." Race & Class 62, no. 2 (September 9, 2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396820950142.
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An interview with Chicago-based Black historian, activist and writer Barbara Ransby in July 2020 as to how to understand the significance of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) uprisings across the US. Ransby defines the movement and the forces that made George Floyd’s murder a pivotal point for so many people, bringing them on to the streets in over 500 locations. She explains the gestation of the movement against ‘racial capitalism’ from 2012 onwards and its current political formation as made up of an array of forces. The largest most organised coalition is the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL). She traces the white Left’s unwillingness to see the Black working class as now the defining point of class politics and addresses issues of police violence, incarceration and white supremacy. Organic solidarity is developing between progressive groups around an abolition agenda, which is simultaneously about dismantling the carceral state and building new institutions.
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Bakshi, Shinjini. "Peer Support as a Tool for Community Care: “Nothing About Us, Without Us”." Columbia Social Work Review 19, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cswr.v19i1.7602.
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In the face of socio-political marginalization, frontline communities reclaim power by harnessing peer wisdom and resilience. The year 2020 marked the confluence of a global pandemic and widespread resistance against anti-Black racism and police violence, highlighting the value of peer voices and community perspectives. To dismantle and transcend carceral approaches to community care, the field of social work is invited to join a larger anti-carceral mental health movement that honors lived experience and works alongside peers to build identity-affirming structures of mental health care. This article examines the ways in which frontline communities benefit from expanded access to anti-carceral formal and informal peer support as a mental health safety net that interrupts harm and prioritizes agency, consent, and self-determination. This paper broadens social work’s conceptualization of peer support through theoretical frameworks of anti-carceral social work, abolition, and intersectionality. Social work and its adjacent fields are called to urgently center Black liberation, collective healing, and community care by advocating for the integration of formal and informal peer support into mental health policy and practice. This paper strategically leans into a lineage of critical peer thought scholarship by utilizing footnotes and citations to model the ethical acknowledgment of peer labor within human rights movements. This intentional structure promotes radical solidarity that resists the exploitation of people with lived experience.
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Choi, Woo Hyuk, and Geon Ha Baek. "Changes in the Relationship between Police and Prosecutors under the Revised Criminal Procedure Act : Focusing on the Abolition of Investigation and Command and New Control Device for Prosecutors in Police Investigations." Criminal Investigation Studies 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46225/cis.2021.06.7.1.161.
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Schoen, Quinn. "The Passbook, Deconstructed." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2022, no. 51 (November 1, 2022): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-10127139.
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The catalyst of millions of arrests, fervent protests, and a police-led massacre, the passbook is a haunting relic of apartheid South Africa. Operating as a colonial appendage to be carried, tucked away, and presented to police on demand, these pocket-sized identification books radically constrained the mobility and selfhood of Black South Africans. They also gesture toward a perhaps unanticipated symptom of South Africa’s democratic turn: the issue of confronting the stuff of apartheid, the archival debris left over from a system reliant on exhaustive administrative documentation to surveil and compel its subjects. This article contends with the material status of the passbook, examining legacies of haptic contestation enacted upon it in protest alongside a close study of Apartheid Scrolls (1995), a series of intaglio photo-etchings by South African artist Rudzani Nemasetoni, derived from the pages of his father’s thirty-year-old passbook. Tearing, collaging, flattening, printing, Xeroxing, and reconfiguring the document, Nemasetoni signals the fundamental instability of the passbook and the potential to upheave its function, composition, and materiality, and in doing so, joins a lineage of actions that deconstruct and delegitimize the object. Passbooks did not disappear with the abolition of pass laws nor at the end of apartheid. Preserved in institutional and personal archives, thrown in trash heaps, stored in drawers and closets, or configured anew in art, they survive as objects to be faced and contended with. Nemasetoni’s Apartheid Scrolls offers one such way.
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Langman, Lauren. "Capitalism, Crisis, and Contention: Race, Racism, and Resistance." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 20, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2021): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341588.
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Abstract For Marx, the alienation of wage labor and inherent crisis tendencies of capital would foster collective grievances and support for communist movements promising revolution and the abolition of private property, creating a society wherein “the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” But a combination of material factors, the rise of the welfare state, increased wages, and later consumerism as well as ideologies such as religion and/or nationalism, thwarted revolutionary fervor in industrial societies. Nevertheless, Marxist theory provides a number of important insights that help us understand contemporary social mobilizations beginning with noting how historical legacies, materials conditions, class interests, and episodic crises dispose many movements, even those that take place on cultural terrains in public spheres and spaces while political economic/historical factors may not be evident. This can clearly be shown by understanding the nature of racism and the massive protests following the murder of George Floyd. The roots of racism, qua white ‘superiority’ were rooted in the colonial era in which the settlers enslaved Africans and forcibly displaced the native populations for clear economic gains. This was ideologically ‘legitimated’ by the dehumanization of racialized Others, it also provided ‘superior’ status and identity to Christian Caucasians. Moreover, such ideologies were sustained through violence, whether armed plantation owners, slave catchers, militias, and later police. For a variety of reasons, slavery ended but racism endures to this very day. But that said, between the growing economic and educational status of Africans Americans and the more progressive cosmopolitan/inclusive values and practices of the young, racism, for many, has waned. But police violence has not. In the face of growing inequality, the pandemic crisis that led to an economic crisis, especially onerous for the young and peoples of color, the murder of George Floyd, going viral, indicated how a number of the crises of neoliberal transnational capitalism migrated to the culture and led to massive protests and resistance against racism and police brutality.
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Agbo, George Emeka. "The #EndSARS Protest in Nigeria and Political Force of Image Production and Circulation on Social Media." IKENGA Journal of Institute of African Studies 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2021/22/2/002.
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For many years, the unit of the Nigerian Police Force, Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was accused of violent crimes and violation of human rights of citizens. One wondered if SARS had dual operational duties – to kill and dehumanise those it ought to protect. Between October and November 2020, multitude of Nigerian youths took to the street to demand for abolition of SARS, thus #EndSARS protest. Photography was at the heart of the social movement. Employing digital methods including compositional analysis and audience interpretation, this paper examines a selection of #EndSARS-related photographs and their accompanying comments retrieved from social media in relation to the impact on the street demonstration. I investigate the modes of creating the images and how they produce political effects. I argue that the use of images in the #EndSARS protest illuminates the rising conviction among Nigerians that photography can aid in the transformation of their precarious living conditions. These include the use of the camera in the conventional sense of framing the fleeting world. Others are digital editing of photographs, staged production and appropriation of images that may have no connection with the protest. Then, I analyse as political act the sense of obligation with which the images are produced and circulated. These lines of enquiry contribute to the emerging work on how photography and social media are converging to transform the political sphere.
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Murádin, János Kristóf. "The Problem of Transylvania in the Emigration Correspondence of Count Béla Teleki from the End of the Second World War to the Abolition of the Communist Regime." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 14–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2021-0002.
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Abstract The aim of this study is to analyse the voluminous emigration correspondence of Count Béla Teleki in order to highlight his main thoughts about the future of Transylvania. Béla Teleki was one of the most important Transylvanian politicians in the middle of the 20th century. His political career reached its peak at the time when Northern Transylvania was regained by Hungary after the Second Vienna Award. At the end of the Second World War, Teleki was persecuted by the Secret Police of the new Hungarian Communist Regime. Starting from 1951, he lived in the United States until his death on 7 February 1990. During the decades of his life in emigration, he carried on a great correspondence with the leading personalities of the Hungarian emigration in the West, several members of the American Senate, and even with President Gerald Ford. In this way, Béla Teleki became one of the central personalities of the Hungarian emigration in the Western World. His opinion, his voice were determining. This study summarizes the most important theme Béla Teleki was preoccupied with, the future of Transylvania, as he imagined it, by making a short analysis of his correspondence consisting of thousands of letters.