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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Polarization (Social sciences)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Norton, Mike. "Papers on the polarization of Congress." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ce87b5b-2d2f-403e-b2d4-85f23b2a14cc.

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This dissertation, a collection of independent papers, explores the polarization of the United States Congress through the lens of primary elections, campaign finance, and party structures during a pivotal moment in American political history. Paper 1 focuses on the top two primary format and its potential in producing moderate candidates and legislators, while Paper 2 expounds on the deleterious consequences it poses for the party system as a whole, particularly in this modern era of both high polarization and high fragmentation. Paper 3 examines the Downsian median voter theorem from the perspective of primary election voters, asking if general election wins/losses beget the nomination of more ideological/moderate nominees next cycle. Ultimately, the article illustrates that the parties instead retain consistent records through both election wins and losses, linked to credibility concerns from position changes as well as the inability of members to disentangle from national party identities. Its companion paper, Paper 4, takes that Downsian question to elites in Washington, D.C. Through original interviews with twenty-three individuals including former members of Congress, leadership, congressional staff, and think tank scholars, I describe the electoral and legislative pressures that prevent officeholders from responding to their median voter, especially among those in swing districts most exposed to the risks of partisan behavior. Paper 5, the final paper, brings together the themes of those preceding it by analyzing the ways in which outside interference, specifically political action committees and more inclusive primary elections, propagates legislative caucus fragmentation and weakens official leadership. This work plays one minor role in providing prescriptive steps to improve and empower channels of dialogue in the U.S. legislative brancha - in spite of larger systemic sorting along geographical and partisan lines - and ensure the mediation of ideology between voters and their elected representatives results in policy solutions rather than gridlock.
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2

Fadji, Sama Serena Dean. "What is the True Cost of Mass Polarization? : A Study of the Relationship Between Political Polarization and Trust in Political Institutions in the United States." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-79954.

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Democracy is defined by the element of competition. Elite party competition has become one of the most discussed contemporary developments in the United States. Elected representatives from the main parties have become internally homogeneous, deepening the divide of ideologies between one another. This thesis seeks to establish the relationship between mass partisan polarization and the level of trust in political institutions across the United States. What happens when the public trusts the Elites more than Congress? Elite polarization has divided the masses so deeply in the U.S by electing representatives from the two major parties whom carry ideologies so distinct from another that the public begin change their ways of forming opinions. This thesis acknowledges that there is high elite and mass political polarization in the U.S., which is attributed to the heterogeneity in ideologies across the three main political parties (Democrats, Republicans and Independents) and intra-party homogeneity. The elite partisan theoretical framework expounds the relationship such that the public tends to hold a low level of trust towards the U.S. congress because majority of voters’ partisan motivated decision making is influenced by political endorsements. The implication is that the public is more likely to hold a considerable level of trust towards their political parties as opposed to the U.S. congress.
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3

Edwards, Marlene. "The social organization of a secondhand clothing store : informal strategies and social interaction amongst volunteer workers." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phe2655.pdf.

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4

Gallagher, Ryan. "Disentangling Discourse: Networks, Entropy, and Social Movements." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2017. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/724.

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Our daily online conversations with friends, family, colleagues, and strangers weave an intricate network of interactions. From these networked discussions emerge themes and topics that transcend the scope of any individual conversation. In turn, these themes direct the discourse of the network and continue to ebb and flow as the interactions between individuals shape the topics themselves. This rich loop between interpersonal conversations and overarching topics is a wonderful example of a complex system: the themes of a discussion are more than just the sum of its parts. Some of the most socially relevant topics emerging from these online conversations are those pertaining to racial justice issues. Since the shooting of Black teenager Michael Brown by White police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri, the protest hashtag #BlackLivesMatter has amplified critiques of extrajudicial shootings of Black Americans. In response to #BlackLivesMatter, other online users have adopted #AllLivesMatter, a counter-protest hashtag whose content argues that equal attention should be given to all lives regardless of race. Together these contentious hashtags each shape clashing narratives that echo previous civil rights battles and illustrate ongoing racial tension between police officers and Black Americans. These narratives have taken place on a massive scale with millions of online posts and articles debating the sentiments of "black lives matter" and "all lives matter." Since no one person could possibly read everything written in this debate, comprehensively understanding these conversations and their underlying networks requires us to leverage tools from data science, machine learning, and natural language processing. In Chapter 2, we utilize methodology from network science to measure to what extent #BlackLivesMatter and #AllLivesMatter are "slacktivist" movements, and the effect this has on the diversity of topics discussed within these hashtags. In Chapter 3, we precisely quantify the ways in which the discourse of #BlackLivesMatter and #AllLivesMatter diverge through the application of information-theoretic techniques, validating our results at the topic level from Chapter 2. These entropy-based approaches provide the foundation for powerful automated analysis of textual data, and we explore more generally how they can be used to construct a human-in-the-loop topic model in Chapter 4. Our work demonstrates that there is rich potential for weaving together social science domain knowledge with computational tools in the study of language, networks, and social movements.
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5

Barber, Jessica. "Attitudinal Responses to Mixed Evidence: The Role of Attitude Extremity and Political Ideology in Effecting Change versus Resistance." VCU Scholars Compass, 2012. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/327.

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Four studies investigated the effects of attitude extremity and political ideology on the degree and direction of changes in issue attitudes following the presentation of mixed evidence. Based upon previous work, it was predicted that those holding relatively more extreme attitudes would resist changing those views when presented with a mixture of supporting and opposing statements and would potentially adopt more extreme evaluative positions – a phenomenon known as attitude polarization (Lord, Ross, & Lepper, 1979). Evaluative entrenchment or intensification was also expected among more politically conservative participants, based upon prior work describing cognitive rigidity and resistance to change as more characteristic of the political right than left (e.g., Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). An interaction of attitude extremity and political ideology was also hypothesized, such that liberal individuals with moderate attitudes were expected to demonstrate the least propensity to polarize. Participants’ attitudes regarding abortion rights (Study 1), gun control (Study 2), tax increases (Study 3), and environmental preservation (Study 4) were assessed before and after reading statements that both opposed and supported the issue. Political ideology was also assessed, along with several individual difference factors. Across all four studies, attitude extremity significantly predicted evaluative change, although the pattern of that effect varied. Political ideology did not emerge consistently as a predictor of attitude change; however, significant interactive effects of extremity and ideology were found. In addition, several individual difference factors (i.e., gender, need for cognition, issue importance) were found to moderate the effects of the primary predictors on attitude change, and some divergent result patterns were found when comparing data from a college and non-college sample in Study 4. Taken together, these studies provide evidence that attitude extremity and political ideology influence the degree and direction of evaluative change following the presentation of mixed evidence. In addition, they identify other factors at work in effecting change versus resistance, thereby highlighting the multi-faceted and complex nature of persuasion in a political context.
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6

Pobiega, Tim, and Filip Bertilsson. "En svensk höghastighetsjärnväg - receptet för tillväxt och regional jämlikhet?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23221.

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Sverige kan inom kort komma att stå inför sitt största och mest kostsamma byggprojekt genom tiderna - en höghastighetsjärnväg med målet att sammankoppla landets tre största städer. Höghastighetsjärnvägen kommer med säkerhet att ha stor inverkan på den fysiska miljön och på förutsättningarna för fortsatt tillväxt - både i regionerna som kommer innefattas i systemet och i regionerna som utelämnas. Denna uppsats belyser beslutsprocessen inom Sverigeförhandlingen, den förhandlingsprocess med bl.a. kommuner på vilken framtida politiska beslut ska baseras.Genom en djupgående dokumentstudie och flertalet intervjuer med processens nyckelaktörervisar denna uppsats att många av de argument som framhärdas av projektets tillskyndare är svåra att belägga. Mest problematisk framstår sättet på vilket de negligerar uppenbara spänningar som projektet sannolikt kommer resultera i - framförallt spänningar avseende förhållandet mellan nationell tillväxt och tilltagande geografisk polarisering. Vår studie understryker behovet av tydliga målsättningar i infrastrukturplaneringen för att kunna fastslå vilka åtgärder som har förutsättningar att generera de största samhälleliga nyttorna. Den typen av tydliga och transparenta målsättningar är någonting vi hävdar att Sverigeförhandlingen har misslyckats med att ställa upp.
Sweden is potentially facing its largest infrastructure project in modern days - a high-speed railway with the main goal of connecting the nation’s three largest cities. The high-speed railway is likely to have a great impact on the physical environment and on the precondition for continued growth - both in the regions which will be included in the railway system, and the regions that will not. This thesis sheds light on the process of decision making within Sverigeförhandlingen, a negotiation process with local governments on which future national political decisions will be based.Through a profound literature review and several interviews with key actors involved in theprocess, this thesis proves that many of the arguments used by the project’s advocates are difficult to substantiate. Most problematic seems to be the way in which they neglect obvious tensions that the project is likely to result in - especially tensions concerning the relationship between national growth and increased geographic polarization. Our study emphasizes the need for distinct goals in infrastructure planning in order to ascertain which measures generate the greatest societal benefits. This is something we argue that Sverigeförhandlingen has failed to do.
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7

Bergman, Fredrik. "Polariseringens geografi : Regionala effekter av finanskrisen 2008." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Kulturgeografi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-148978.

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This paper documents macro-economic change in Swedish regional labor markets during the last great recession (2008). This is made by using Swedish macro-data and analyzing employment flows over the period 2003-2013. The findings point to the fact that there is great disparity in the geography both when it comes to how the regions resist crises and recoup in the aftermath (Resilience) and how the crisis effect the labor market and its momentum in the recovery phase (polarization). The findings indicate that the 2008 financial crisis affected the Swedish regional labor market in a polarized development. Regions that showed patterns of this behavior before the recession managed to go through the crisis and recoup well, whereas the regions that didn’t show a polarized pattern before 2008 had a much harder time recuperating after the crises. With these findings we can generate a more sophisticated knowledge how regional economies can resist and recoup after financial recessions and use this to reduce the impact of future recessions.
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8

Woodard, Niki L. "Red state, blue state, red news, blue news." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/3639.

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9

Michaelsen, Katherine. "Integrative Medicine: Cooperation or Polarization? : Integrating complementary and alternative medical practice in a biomedical environment: theory and practice." Thesis, Linköping University, Tema Health and Society, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9603.

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Alongside the complementary and alternative medicine movements, a new concept is emerging: integrative medicine. Though more and more authors have begun to use this term, they use it to refer to widely varying concepts of health care. This study begins with a theoretical look at integration and continues with an examination of current integrative efforts. These general discussions are followed by the presentation of the situation in Sweden, and at the Vidarklinik in particular. Finally the study turns to an empirical study investigating the communication between the Vidarklinik and the outside biomedical system. The research suggests a much more comprehensive picture of integrative medicine than those put forward by most authors and finds that to create and maintain an integrative system, all the levels of health care must be actively engaged in the system and the entire spectrum of care must be coordinated for the patient. Attempts at integration are found in diverse local efforts, which are all limited by lack of cooperation between different levels of health care. The study of communication at the Vidarklinik in Sweden illustrates that communication is crucial between all levels of health care in order for even relatively localised efforts in integration, and further that various factors limit whom various individuals and groups can communicate with, while in-person dialogue mitigates some of these factors.

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10

James, Wynona Yvonne. "Imprint of Racism: A Phenomenological Study on White Adult Males' Exposure to Racial Antipathy, Historical Stereotypes, and Polarization Towards African Americans and Their Transformational Journey Towards Racial Reconciliation." Thesis, NSUWorks, 2018. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/117.

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Since the election of the first African American president in 2008, race relations have deteriorated in the United States. In May 2017, the emergence of the “alt-right” movement advocating for white nationalism caused further polarization between the races. This transcendental phenomenological research examined how white adult males’ exposure to racist ideologies influenced their perceptions towards African Americans, and how they emancipated from environments that promoted racist tenets. The study was guided by three research questions: How have white males been impacted by their exposure to racial antipathy and discrimination? What events or circumstances have white males experienced that led them to denouncing negative racial stereotypes and/or participation with hate groups? And, what efforts have they made to reconcile with individuals or groups they have harmed in the past? The literature review revealed racial conflict is a social phenomenon evolving from historical narratives posited by fear, social class, and white superiority. By employing qualitative data analysis, interviewing eight participants, and applying the theoretical lenses of critical race theory, social Darwinism, hate theory, and regenerative justice, the primary essence of the phenomenon acknowledged individuals are mentally and emotionally affected by negative historical narratives about racism. Six major themes evolved: 1) Familial Influences, 2) Southern White Experience, 3) Education and Race Relations, 4) Spiritual Convictions, 5) Immersion into the African American Experience, and 6) Physical and Mental Emancipation. The findings in this study contribute to the field of conflict resolution by advocating for advanced exploration into socio-psychology, racial reconciliation, and restorative justice.
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11

James, Alicia Shanti. "The Role of Social Motives in Affective Polarization." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1615216736068656.

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12

Taylor, James Benjamin. "Do Wedge Issues Matter?: Examining Persuadable Voters and Base Mobilization in the 2004 Presidential Election." unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04172009-110253/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.
Title from file title page. Sean Richey, committee chair; Richard Engstrom , Jason Reifler , committee members. Description based on contents viewed July 22, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 37-41).
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13

Ullman, Shaundra J. "Partisanship: An Analysis of Polarization." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/813.

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14

Dizor, Taylor J. "Network Heterogeneity and Opinion Polarization| The Effects of Diversity and Discussion on Young American Voters' Political Social Networks." Thesis, University of Louisiana at Lafayette, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10981266.

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This thesis is a partial replication of a previous study by Lee, Choi, Kim, and Kim (2014). This study was conducted in order to better understand how young American voters ages 18–35 interacted with their political social networks and how those networks influenced their political behavior through the lens of their social network sites—such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. Social Network Theory was used as a foundation for this study because it provides a theoretical explanation as to how social networks are formed and how humans typically interact with their networks. The variables Network Heterogeneity, Opinion Polarization, Social Network Site Usage, and Political Discussion were measured. A series of Pearson’s r correlation and stepwise multiple regressions were run in order to ascertain the relationships between the four variables. The major result of the study found a significant relationship between Network Heterogeneity and Opinion Polarization, which potentially indicates that having a diverse social network can lead to polarized political opinions. The results of this study lead to multiple opportunities for future study in both the fields of communication and political science.

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15

Anspach, Nicolas Martin. "The Facebook Effect: Political News in the Age of Social Media." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/368181.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
This dissertation extends the media effects literature into the realm of social media. Scholars have long known that partisan news contributes to political polarization, but claim that such effects are often limited to those who tune into politics. Social media, however, can filter political information to those typically uninterested in politics. Because social media feature entertainment and political news in the same space, entertainment-seekers may inadvertently see political news that they normally avoid in traditional media contexts. Through a combination of observational research, survey experiments, and field experiments, I demonstrate that social media facilitate personal influence, drawing new audiences to political news. This increased exposure to partisan media contributes to political polarization, regardless of the ideological congruence between source and receiver, or of news- or entertainment-seeking habits of the audience. But the most important contributions of this dissertation are how it demonstrates the need for scholars to use innovative methods that incorporate personal influence into social media studies, and that it draws scholarly attention to inadvertent media effects for entertainment-seeking audiences. Social media bring political news to new audiences numbering in the millions. Political communication scholars would be remiss not to investigate their influence.
Temple University--Theses
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Schneiderman, Maya Danielle. "THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN SOCIETAL RESPONSE TO THE HARM OF TOBACCO VERSUS THE HARM OF CLIMATE CHANGE: THE ROLE OF PARTY DISCOURSE ON THE POLARIZATION OF PUBLIC OPINION." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1528314554965568.

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Bendimerad, Djalal Falih. "Contribution à l'étude et à la mise en oeuvre de fonction de filtrage pour les brasseurs optiques dédiés au traitement multi-longueurs d'onde." Phd thesis, Institut National des Télécommunications, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00717600.

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La demande croissante des réseaux optiques actuels en termes de bande passante résulte en un besoin d'exploiter la capacité offerte par la fibre optique. Un des moyens indispensable pour permettre ceci est l'utilisation du multiplexage en longueur d'onde. Il en résulte la nécessité d'utilisation de dispositifs, parmi lesquels le filtre optique, agiles en longueur d'onde et transparents par rapport aux débits. C'est dans ce contexte que notre travail se situe. La technologie utilisée est celle des filtres interférentiels en polarisation. Contraint par un cahier des charges particulier aux applications télécoms, le principal objectif consiste en l'augmentation des performances de ce type de filtre d'une part, et l'association de fonctionnalités additionnelles nécessaires dans les réseaux d'autre part. En utilisant le principe physique des interférences en polarisation, une structure est alors implémentée, suivant les contraintes liées aux trois paramètres majeurs du filtre que sont le contraste, la fonction d'égalisation et la reconfiguration de la bande passante. Par ailleurs, les architectures des filtres optiques diffèrent selon l'emplacement dans le réseau. Ainsi, si une architecture des plus simples est utilisée à la réception, au niveau des nœuds du réseau, celle-ci devient beaucoup plus complexe, s'adaptant à différents degrés de nœuds, et portent le nom de multiplexeurs optiques à insertion/extraction de longueur d'onde (ROADM). Un dispositif de ce type, basé sur les filtres biréfringents, est donc présenté. Une approche système est ensuite menée dans le but de mettre en évidence les avantages et les limitations de la technologie utilisée
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18

Castillo, Camacho Sarah. "La tripolarisation territoriale en Bolivie : genèse et actualité." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00877869.

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Trois agglomérations majeures caractérisent le système territorial bolivien en concentrant près de la moitié de la population et des emplois nationaux. Ce constat amène à s'interroger sur le rôle économique de cette tripolarisation territoriale face au succès économique de Potosi et Tarija, territoires riches en ressources naturelles. Dans ce travail, nous examinons l'actuelle tripolarisation par l'étude de l'histoire économique de l'émergence de ces trois pôles, puis en examinant les données économiques les plus récentes, de manière à expliquer les forces et les faiblesses de ce tripôle. Chacun des pôles se localise dans un contexte géographique original. La Paz où siège le gouvernement se situe dans la région montagneuse des hauts plateaux à l'Ouest. Santa Cruz, à environ 900 km de La Paz, se localise à l'Est, au centre des plaines amazoniennes. Cochabamba se situe entre les deux, dans les vallées intermédiaires du centre. Cette tripolarisation est relativement récente : la hiérarchie urbaine, longtemps dominée par une ville primatiale n'a donné une configuration tripolaire qu'au cours du dernier demi-siècle. La situation actuelle résulte en partie du cadre particulier de l'émergence du tripôle, liée aux territoires disposant des ressources naturelles ; l'analyse est conduite à partir d'indicateurs d'activité économique et du rôle international de ces territoires. L'approche économique, combinée avec des éléments géographiques, démographiques, historiques, politiques et de développement humain, permet de mettre à jour deux logiques distinctes, mais qui se complètent d'une manière originale : une forme de domination territoriale du tripôle La Paz - Cochabamba - Santa Cruz, à la fois permise et fragilisée par le rôle clé de l'exploitation des richesses naturelles de Potosi et Tarija
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19

Hunsinger, Tiffany Alice. "The Silos of American Catholicism and Their Connections to Cultural and National Identities: An Examination of Contemporary Catholicism with Fr. James Martin, SJ and R.R. Reno." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1596812097965317.

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20

Maia, Carolina Moreira. "Job Polarization in the Portuguese Labour Market : Empirical Evidence for 2010-2017." Master's thesis, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/123707.

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Maia, Carolina Moreira. "Job Polarization in the Portuguese Labour Market : Empirical Evidence for 2010-2017." Dissertação, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/123707.

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Edwards, Marlene. "The social organisation of a secondhand clothing store : informal strategies and social interaction amongst volunteer workers / Marlene Edwards." Thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18614.

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Edwards, Marlene. "The social organisation of a secondhand clothing store : informal strategies and social interaction amongst volunteer workers / Marlene Edwards." 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18614.

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Bibliography: leaves [282]-290
vii, 290 leaves ; 20 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, 1988
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24

Young, Carolina Ferrerosa. "Under the Radar: Essays on Lobbying, Representation, and Responsiveness in the U.S. Congress." Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D82J7TS2.

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I situate this dissertation and its contributions at the edge of the literature on interest group political behavior and congressional responsiveness. In particular, I use new strategies and tools to study interest group influence. In the first essay, I find that a machine-learning text-analysis detects latent patterns in the frequency of lobbying by the telecommunications industry in 2015. Meanwhile, members of Congress primarily focus on healthcare and taxes when they discuss policy issues on social media. In the second essay, I measure the change in political behavior of interest groups by ideology after the surprise result of the 2016 presidential election. The evidence suggests there was an increase in political spending by ideologically polarized interest groups shortly after the election. Finally, the cornerstone of this dissertation evaluates the results of two field experiments measuring congressional responsiveness to issue advocacy with a non-profit, non-partisan political advocacy organization. Counter to expectations in the interest group literature, I find that members of Congress are responsive on social media to interest group requests on a low-salience, non-partisan issue. These findings have important implications for representation and responsiveness in the U.S. Congress by highlighting areas of research that need further study and deeper evaluation.
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Zorro, Paez Mauricio L. "La configuration spatiale et la hiérarchie urbaine en Colombie." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9135.

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Ce mémoire présente les résultats d'une recherche portant sur cinq villes colombiennes sélectionnées selon leur taille et le nombre d’emplois par secteur économique, d’après les données des recensements du Département Administratif National des Statistiques (DANE) qui s’étalent entre 1985 et 2005. La méthode d'analyse adoptée est de type descriptif et met l'accent sur des facteurs de taille et de nombre d’habitants afin d’évaluer la hiérarchie entre les villes entre 1985 et 2005, et de comprendre, pour la même période, la spécialisation des cinq villes à travers leurs données d’emplois respectives. Cette méthode est complétée par l’utilisation des outils d’évaluation régionale et urbaine pour comprendre le processus de polarisation en Colombie. L’économie colombienne est dominée par les villes de grande taille ou les régions métropolitaines qui constituent les plus grands marchés (économies d'agglomération). Cependant, ces zones (Bogota, Medellin, Cali, Barranquilla et Bucaramanga) ne sont pas intégrées. Par conséquent, la prédominance de ces centres s’est considérablement réduite.
This document presents the results of a study in five Colombian cities selected by size and the number of jobs by economic sector, according to census data from the National Statistics Administrative Department (DANE) between the years 1985 and 2005. The target is to describe, to put in prospect, and to articulate the economy of the great agglomerations, and the spatial configuration of Colombia. The analytical approach is descriptive and focuses on factors such as size and number of population in order to evaluate the hierarchy of the cities between 1985 and 2005. Likewise, it attempts to understand, for the same period of time, the specialization of these five cities through their respective employment data. This method is complemented by the use of measurement tools for urban and regional understanding of the polarization process in Colombia. The Colombian economy is dominated by big cities or metropolitan areas, which constitute the largest markets (agglomeration economies). However, these areas (Bogota, Medellin, Cali, Barranquilla and Bucaramanga) are not integrated. Therefore, the predominance of these centers has decreased significantly.
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"Three Facets of Online Political Networks: Communities, Antagonisms, and Polarization." Doctoral diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.55512.

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abstract: Millions of users leave digital traces of their political engagements on social media platforms every day. Users form networks of interactions, produce textual content, like and share each others' content. This creates an invaluable opportunity to better understand the political engagements of internet users. In this proposal, I present three algorithmic solutions to three facets of online political networks; namely, detection of communities, antagonisms and the impact of certain types of accounts on political polarization. First, I develop a multi-view community detection algorithm to find politically pure communities. I find that word usage among other content types (i.e. hashtags, URLs) complement user interactions the best in accurately detecting communities. Second, I focus on detecting negative linkages between politically motivated social media users. Major social media platforms do not facilitate their users with built-in negative interaction options. However, many political network analysis tasks rely on not only positive but also negative linkages. Here, I present the SocLSFact framework to detect negative linkages among social media users. It utilizes three pieces of information; sentiment cues of textual interactions, positive interactions, and socially balanced triads. I evaluate the contribution of each three aspects in negative link detection performance on multiple tasks. Third, I propose an experimental setup that quantifies the polarization impact of automated accounts on Twitter retweet networks. I focus on a dataset of tragic Parkland shooting event and its aftermath. I show that when automated accounts are removed from the retweet network the network polarization decrease significantly, while a same number of accounts to the automated accounts are removed randomly the difference is not significant. I also find that prominent predictors of engagement of automatically generated content is not very different than what previous studies point out in general engaging content on social media. Last but not least, I identify accounts which self-disclose their automated nature in their profile by using expressions such as bot, chat-bot, or robot. I find that human engagement to self-disclosing accounts compared to non-disclosing automated accounts is much smaller. This observational finding can motivate further efforts into automated account detection research to prevent their unintended impact.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Computer Science 2019
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27

"Hidden Fear: Evaluating the Effectiveness of Messages on Social Media." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.57340.

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abstract: The development of the internet provided new means for people to communicate effectively and share their ideas. There has been a decline in the consumption of newspapers and traditional broadcasting media toward online social mediums in recent years. Social media has been introduced as a new way of increasing democratic discussions on political and social matters. Among social media, Twitter is widely used by politicians, government officials, communities, and parties to make announcements and reach their voice to their followers. This greatly increases the acceptance domain of the medium. The usage of social media during social and political campaigns has been the subject of a lot of social science studies including the Occupy Wall Street movement, The Arab Spring, the United States (US) election, more recently The Brexit campaign. The wide spread usage of social media in this space and the active participation of people in the discussions on social media made this communication channel a suitable place for spreading propaganda to alter public opinion. An interesting feature of twitter is the feasibility of which bots can be programmed to operate on this platform. Social media bots are automated agents engineered to emulate the activity of a human being by tweeting some specific content, replying to users, magnifying certain topics by retweeting them. Network on these bots is called botnets and describing the collaboration of connected computers with programs that communicates across multiple devices to perform some task. In this thesis, I will study how bots can influence the opinion, finding which parameters are playing a role in shrinking or coalescing the communities, and finally logically proving the effectiveness of each of the hypotheses.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Computer Science 2020
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28

"Representation, Homophily, and Polarization in The U.S. House of Representatives in the Twitter Era." Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.38514.

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abstract: By collecting and analyzing more than two million tweets, U.S. House Representatives’ voting records in 111th and 113th Congress, and data from other resources I study several aspects of adoption and use of Twitter by Representatives. In the first chapter, I study the overall impact of Twitter use by Representatives on their political orientation and their political alignment with their constituents. The findings show that Representatives who adopted Twitter moved closer to their constituents in terms of political orientation. By using supervised machine learning and text mining techniques, I shift the focus to synthesizing the actual content shared by Representatives on Twitter to evaluate their effects on Representatives’ political polarization in the second chapter. I found support for the effects of repeated expressions and peer influence in Representatives’ political polarization. Last but not least, by employing a recently developed dynamic network model (separable temporal exponential-family random graph model), I study the effects of homophily on formation and dissolution of Representatives’ Twitter communications in the third chapter. The results signal the presence of demographic homophily and value homophily in Representatives’ Twitter communications networks. These three studies altogether provide a comprehensive picture about the overall consequences and dynamics of use of online social networking platforms by Representatives.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Business Administration 2016
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29

Freeze, Melanie Sue. "Rallying Around the Party: A Theory of Party Identity Linkage." Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/5560.

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This dissertation proposes that party identification, as a social identity, fundamentally alters individual processing of and reactions to political information and events. I present a party identity linkage theory in which I argue party identity can lead to heightened, specific emotional responses to threatening political competition and biased, polarized perceptions of politicalized objects if the link between self and party is sufficiently strong. Because people are strongly motivated to protect the positive perceptions they have of themselves, they should be motivated to maintain and protect their positive perceptions of groups that are linked to their self-concept through social identities. Furthermore, because people tend to engage in self-serving biases that result in a degree of positive illusions about themselves, especially when the positive self-view is threatened, evaluations of closely linked groups should also be subject to a degree of positive bias, especially when the positive image of the group is threatened. Drawing on both experimental and survey data, I provide evidence that strong partisans are fundamentally different from weak partisans and independents in the degree a party is included in their self-concepts, in their responses to candidates' changed party status, and in their responses to threatening inter-party competition.


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