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Staręga-Piasek, Joanna. "Local government, social policy and social assistance: development paths since 1989/1990." Praca Socjalna 35, no. 4 (August 31, 2020): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3587.
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The paper discusses the first and second local government reform in Poland. The article describes the essence of social assistance institutions: social assistance centers, county family assistance centers and regional social policy centers. The article ends with consideration of the place of social assistance in local government social policy.
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Malczyńska-Biały, Mira. "Consumer Policy in Poland in the Period of Transformation." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 35, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2017-0009.
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Abstract The article is based on an analysis of Polish and international legal acts, government programs and literature, and aims at presenting the concept and the scope of consumer policy in the period of systemic transformation in Poland. The publication features an analysis of the major factors shaping consumer policy in Poland in the years 1989-2004. Selected international legal acts affecting consumer protection in the years 1989-1997 were also analyzed. Elements of consumer policy present in selected governmental economic programs in the period of transformation were synthesized. It was assumed that consumer policy in the period of systemic transformation indirectly resulted from the economic policy of the government. Its shape was primarily affected by the social and economic transformation occurring since 1989 and the birth of free market economy. The process of adjusting the Polish legislation to the European Union standards, which began in 1991, and subsequent accession to the European Union in 2004 also played an important role.
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Fedorowicz, Krzysztof. "National Identity and National Interest in Polish Eastern Policy, 1989–2004." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 3 (July 2007): 537–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701368761.
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The processes of democratic social and political changes in Poland that have gained momentum since 1989 have radically altered the foundations and the goals of Polish foreign policy. In addition to re-establishing Polish interests as the basis for foreign policy, they have also started the process of establishing a new element of Polish diplomacy, namely its eastern policy. In these altered political conditions it was the right time to ask the question of how to establish new relationships in the East, how to normalize relations with the USSR and, finally, what stance should be adopted towards the increasing independence claims of individual Soviet republics. The process of establishing a democratic Poland was concurrent with the reconstruction, and later, with the fall of the USSR. In addition, the convoluted history of Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Lithuanian relationships from the very beginning hindered the attempt of Polish diplomacy to establish new contacts with its eastern partners.
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Anioł, Wlodzimierz. "On three modernisation narratives in Poland after 1989." International Journal of Social Economics 42, no. 9 (September 14, 2015): 777–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-03-2015-0075.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to look at the process of socio-economic modernization experienced by Poland in the period following the fall of communism in 1989 through the lens of three major narratives in domestic public discourse: the neoliberal, the conservative and the social democratic. Each of them distributes differently the accents, not only as regards preferred values and directions of change but also the modality, methods and pace of their introduction. Design/methodology/approach – The reflections are inspired by a constructivist approach, stressing the large impact of ideas, narrative and discourse on social change. Moreover the author proposes in the analysis his own identification of three types of modernization: from below, from above and from beyond. Findings – At least two conclusions follow from the paper. The first asserts that across the entire 25-year period from 1989 to 2014, the most powerful presence in the discourse has been marked by the neoliberal modernization narrative, although the popularity of conservative narrative has been important too. The other conclusion can be expressed in a nutshell as a thesis that impacts “from beyond” have had greatly shaped not only particular narratives but also the very systemic transformation of Poland. Those impacts have assumed forms of various transfers (ideological, institutional, financial and policy), with important roles being played by western governments, epistemic communities and integration structures of the western world. Originality/value – The following analysis of the public discourse about the modernization of Poland in the recent 25 years is an attempt to develop an original approach to the said issue from the perspective of the three narratives identified by the author. The emphasis on international factors in explaining the nature of Polish transformations after 1989 appears to be another asset of the paper.
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Antonowicz, Dominik, and Mateusz Grodecki. "Missing the goal: Policy evolution towards football-related violence in Poland (1989–2012)." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 53, no. 4 (August 5, 2016): 490–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690216662011.
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The article aims to analyse the evolution of governmental policy in regard to football-related violence in Poland. The investigation is seen through a broader political prism of the country’s modernization efforts that were symbolically framed by two major events: the partially free parliamentary elections in 1989 and the finals of Euro 2012 co-hosted by Poland. The paper offers a discussion on policy dynamics stemmed from politicization and instrumentalization of the complex problem of hooliganism. By doing so, it demonstrates how, under external political pressure and in search for internal popularity, the governments introduced superficial legal and institutional solutions thoughtlessly imitating policies adopted in other countries (mainly England), and how this approach led to masking and sidelining social problems rather than offering actual solutions.
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Podgórzańska, Renata. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy of the State. Analysis from the Perspective of Polish Foreign Policy." Reality of Politics 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201505.
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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.
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Millard, Frances. "The Influence of the Catholic Hierarchy in Poland, 1989-96." Journal of European Social Policy 7, no. 2 (May 1997): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879700700201.
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Kolodko, Grzegorz W. "A two-thirds of success. Poland’s post-communist transformation 1989–2009." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 3 (August 13, 2009): 325–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.07.005.
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The progress toward institutional changes should be evaluated through the prism of their influence on a country’s development abilities. In Poland, during the twenty years of comprehensive systemic shift, gross domestic product (GDP) has increased more than in any other post-communist country. While judging the transformation progress, not only the improvement of competitiveness and growth in terms of quantity must be taken into account, but also social and cultural aspects. There have been five distinct periods in Poland, from the viewpoint of economic growth. Had there been a better policy coordination of systemic change and socio-economic development, GDP over the periods considered could have increased by a half more. This opportunity has been missed due to the intermittent implementation of wrong economic policies based on wrong economic theories. Poland’s transformation can be seen as a success, but only to the extent of two-thirds of its potential.
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Inglot, Tomasz. "The politics of social policy reform in post-communist Poland: Government responses to the social insurance crisis during 1989–1993." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 28, no. 3 (September 1995): 361–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0967-067x(95)00018-p.
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Keryk, Myroslava. "‘Caregivers with a Heart Needed’: The Domestic Care Regime in Poland after 1989 and Ukrainian Migrants." Social Policy and Society 9, no. 3 (June 1, 2010): 431–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474641000014x.
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The article discusses the welfare regime that emerged in Poland after the collapse of communism and the introduction of the market economy. It analyses policy in the sphere of child and elderly care, and household strategies related to care. It is argued that the care regime in Poland is a combination of the conservative and the social-democratic model. On the one hand, the state provides equal labour market access to women and men. On the other hand, publicly funded child and elder care is insufficient, resulting in a care deficit. The situation has created demand for domestic care workers, and while Polish women do such work, it is increasingly performed by migrant women, particularly from Ukraine. To summarise, the article argues how gender and care regimes in Poland boost the domestic work sector, where Ukrainian migrants play an important role, and how this development has contributed to changes in the Polish migration regime.
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Zamorska, Katarzyna. "Rola nauk społecznych w projektach programów i reform społecznych." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 23 (November 29, 2017): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.23.5.
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The role of social sciences in the projects of programs and social reformsThe subject of the article is the problem with applying social science knowledge to programs and projects of social reforms. Two aspects of the issue have been pointed out. The first refers to the role of social sciences as an intellectual backdrop for social reform programs, while the other shows the consequences of a specific definition of reform and assigning it a high or not position in the scale value of social activities and the practice of its implementation. The question arises about the nature of reforms in Poland, from the 1990s to the present. In three interrelated parts, the origins and development of social sciences have been presented, answering the question of how to support social policy with social science knowledge as useful knowledge, and a reference to social reforms in Poland after 1989 has been made. The article ends with a conclusion that the potential success of the reforms is affected by the cooperation between social sciences, the world of politics and society.
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Sikora-Fernandez, Dorota. "Rola władz lokalnych w zaspokajaniu potrzeb mieszkaniowych mieszkańców wspólnoty samorządowej – wybrane aspekty na przykładzie miasta Łodzi." Studia BAS 2, no. 66 (2021): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/studiabas.2021.20.
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The social-economic and political transformation which took place in Poland in 1989 changed the way of shaping the housing policy, having transferred a considerable part of the responsibility for satisfying housing needs to local governments. The purpose of this article is to assess the housing policy conducted by the city of Łódź to address the housing needs of its inhabitants. The research carried out allows to evaluate the activities of the city authorities in this area negatively as it has not caused substantial improvement in housing situation in the city. The author also claims that bigger support is needed from the state for the implementation of local housing policies.
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Kamosiński, Sławomir. "To Regulate or to Liberate? Business Development and the Dilemmas of the Authorities Regarding the Shape of Economic Policy in the Years 1989–1995." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 35, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2017-0008.
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Abstract In the history of Poland, it is very clear that the year 1989 is one of the most distinctive turning points - a final break with the political, social, and economic system built in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, and reinstatement of democracy and free market economy upon the will of the nation. The world had never witnessed a transformation process as large as the one that occurred in Poland after the year 1989. Importantly, this transformation could not be programmed. Therefore, economic policy implemented by governments of the time was constantly amended as problems arose. The course of ownership transformation was monitored. It was observed that the so-called Privatization Act of July 13, 1990 lacked regulations concerning environment protection. Freedom to establish truck transport companies resulted with many anomalies, as it enabled, for instance, the use of trucks in poor technical condition. New regulations in insurance law, which lifted mandatory insurance of production assets against damage from natural disasters, meant that many entrepreneurs decided not to have this insurance. Such was the shape of the economic reality in the first years of the transition, between 1989 and 1995. The state did not want to regulate all aspects of economic life. However, as time went by, politicians and MPs received information from the free market, indicating a need for solutions regulating some sectors of the economy. This article discusses the three aspects of economic life mentioned above, and points out how the governmental and parliamentary strategies towards these aspects of economic life changed in the first years of transformation (1989-1995).
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Zioło, Karolina. "From internationalism to the European Union: An ideological change in the Polish post-communist party?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 2 (May 17, 2009): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.04.003.
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The Polish post-communist party Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland (Socjal-demokracja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, SDRP) which survived almost unchanged in the dynamic Polish political scene of the 1990s was one of the leading political parties after 1989. This paper will attempt to explain the ideological journey, which has been taken by the former high-ranking Polish United Workers’ Party members after 1989. Their journey seems to start at the point of internationalism and socialism and ends in the victorious battle to join the European Union. Was this a simple modernized adjustment of the internationalist ideology or an opportunistic choice made in order to survive in the new political and social circumstances? Was choosing a pro-EU policy a choice or a necessity? This analysis will attempt to answer the above questions and describe this phenomenon of change or may be just an ideological continuity.
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Hunter, Jr., Richard J. "Poland’s Sustained “March to a Market Economy”: The Choice Between Competing Visions and Plans." Research in World Economy 9, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v9n1p61.
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This article is a study in contrasting economic philosophies. It describes the economic program instituted by Minister of Finance Leszek Balcerowicz in 1989 and the series of incentives initiated within Poland to attract foreign direct investment. The article then discusses the changes in economic and social policies brought about by Minister Mateusz Morawiecki as important policy perspectives brought by the election victory of Law and Justice (PiS) in 2015. The article then discusses key aspects of the Polish market and outlines both opportunities and challenges for the future.
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Czakon, Tomasz. "Freedom and Goodness. A Question of Freedom in Catholic Social Philosophy in Poland after 1989." Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych, no. 18 (2006): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2006.18.13.
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Kujawa, Jakub. "Between Progress and Backwardness. A Look at the Housing Policy of the Period of the People’s Republic of Poland from the Social and Economic Perspective After 1989." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 38, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2020-0003.
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Abstract The article deals with the issue of the place, role and significance of the achievements of the housing policy of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) and in the economy before and after 1989, observed from the contemporary social and economic point of view. In the period of systemic transformation, expert and opinion-makers were, in majority, critical of the achievements of the housing policy of the prior period. This led to the creation and subsequent consolidation in public discourse of the negative image of the housing construction of the PRL period. 30 years after the collapse of communism, during which time the free market economy developed and Poland became a member of EU, this topic requires a more objective look and a more focused approach to the range of socio-demographic and economic changes that took place during that period. The current perception of the problem is also influenced by the lack of solutions to the housing issue by successive governments of the Third Republic of Poland.
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David, Roman. "Lustration Laws in Action: The Motives and Evaluation of Lustration Policy in the Czech Republic and Poland (1989–2001)." Law Social Inquiry 28, no. 2 (April 2003): 387–439. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2003.tb00197.x.
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David, Roman. "Lustration Laws in Action: The Motives and Evaluation of Lustration Policy in the Czech Republic and Poland (1989-2001)." Law and Social Inquiry 28, no. 2 (2003): 387–439. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/378827.
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Dąbrowska, Danuta. "Jakiej tradycji Polacy potrzebują? Rekonstrukcje, celebracje, protestacje, zadymy." Załącznik Kulturoznawczy, no. 2 (2015): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zk.2015.2.08.
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The article takes the issues of contemporary understanding of cultural tradition and ways of cultivating culture after the 1989 breakthrough. Two basic thesis were accepted, with reference to Jerzy Jedlicki’s book entitled Jakiej cywilizacji Polacy potrzebują. Firstly, two tendencies clash in Polish culture – the conservative and the modernizing one, both present for a long time, but crystallized mainly in the nineteenth century. Secondly, the basic circle of tradition referred to in modern Poland remains the Romantic tradition, properly converted and adapted to the reality of modern Poland. It manifests itself both in the official celebrations of national anniversaries, as well as social protests scenarios and all kinds of historical reconstructions. Romantic cultural codes, symbols, gestures and rituals are used on these occasions. The modernization trends in Polish culture come to the fore especially after the Polish accession to the European Union, but their promotion often encounters various forms of resistance, since they are seen as a threat to Polish identity, understood as founded on patriotic and religious values.
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Drzewiecki, Andrzej. "Morski wymiar polsko-radzieckiej współpracy wojskowej w latach 1945-1989." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 2 (January 8, 2023): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8461.
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The term cooperation in reference to its Polish-Soviet dimension has few adherents today. The dominant terminology emphasizes our across-the-board dependence on the eastern "partner"; many of those people write and speak of "Soviet occupation". I think it is a consequence of a certain historical policy, which, on the one hand, aims at obliterating the real image of the People's Republic of Poland in the memory of contemporary generations, and, on the other hand, takes recourse to a quite common opinion about the hostility of the USSR (also of the Russian Federation) in order to shape anti-Soviet and anti-Russian attitudes of Poles. The political and military reality of the years 1945-1989 was more complex, also in the area of the Polish-Soviet naval cooperation, and hence I intend to reflect on it in order to deepen its understanding beyond the known and oft-repeated political clichés.
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Gawroński, Sławomir. "Media Relations in Polish Police – Rules and Tools of Social Communication Empirical Research Results." Social Communication 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sc-2021-0006.
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Abstract The existence of press offices in public administration, in uniformed forces, is not a new phenomenon– even in Poland. This profession did not appear in the nineties as it may have seemed, but had been present much earlier. The fact is that after the political transformation in 1989, it became less propaganda orientated and leant towards public relations. Nowadays, almost every uniform service has a smaller or bigger structure of media-related officers, who are capable of using strategies, tools and techniques from the field of social communication for the fulfilment of various goals. The Polish Police force is a service which was the first that started developing press services and built a system for managing media relations effects. Specific operation of uniform press services which is described in the article was based upon the internal police data and field research based on a research project “Marketing communication of uniformed forces in Poland”.
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Geblewicz, Olgierd. "Subsidiarity in the service of regional policy: The perspective from Poland’s West Pomerania region." European View 18, no. 1 (April 2019): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819847632.
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Poland’s local governments, introduced into the public administration system in two stages in 1989 and 1999, have become important actors in the development policy conducted at the national and local levels. Setting up voivodeships—the third-level units of local government—was particularly significant for building strong foundations for a comprehensive regional policy in Poland. Voivodeships create the conditions needed for the long-term economic and social development of their territories. That is why voivodeships should be governed by visionaries rather than administrators. The direct responsibility for regional development planning and programming positions their leaders as the coordinators of development activities in the region and the wise investors of EU funds. Their role must be reflected in the appropriate coordination of development activities at the local level and the ability to offer territorially sensitive financial tools to local communities.
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Biegańska, Jadwiga, Mirek Dymitrow, Elżbieta Grzelak-Kostulska, and Stefania Środa-Murawska. "From policy to misery? the state agricultural farms vs. ‘the rural’." Quaestiones Geographicae 38, no. 4 (December 26, 2019): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2019-0043.
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Abstract 1989 was a turning point in the socio-economic development in the former Eastern bloc, initiating a systemic transformation that affected the society at large. It also contributed to the crystallisation of certain cultural landscapes, hitherto largely illegible due to the inhibition of spatial processes encountered during socialism. In Poland, after a quarter-century of a free market economy, the focus on social problems began to expand to the spatial realm as well. It became apparent that the progressive social polarisation that followed was most prominent in environments striated by a particular landscape type – the former State Agricultural Farm (PGR). Considering PGRs as ‘the epitome of rurality’ subject to ideas informing about the direction of contemporary ‘rural development’ prompts a different way of looking at the problem. In this paper, we investigate the concept of rurality in the discursive tenor of implemented policy and contrast it with contextualised empirical examples. Our findings suggest that an efficient policy should be confronted with the expectations of residents at the local level, and introducing top-down actions usually ends in failure as in the case of post-PGR estates.
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Дуць-Файфер, Олена. "Станути і стати ся зас. Ревіталізацийны процесы серед Лемків по 1989 р." Rocznik Ruskiej Bursy 15 (December 30, 2019): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rrb.15.2019.15.01.
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To Rise and Become Again: Revitalization Processes Among Lemkos After 1989
The paper aims to assess the nature and effects of the changes in socio-cultural life of Lemkos after 1989. It suggests three critical dates relevant to these changes, which are related to political transformations in Poland and the emerging ethnic policy in the country. The characteristics and assessment of the changes are presented in three parts, which discuss organizations and identity; language, literature, and culture; research and education. Each part substantiates multidirectional quality of the changes, various antinomies and ambivalences in their assessment, and their close relationship with inconsistencies in Polish ethnic policy as well as with global cultural phenomena of the contemporary world. Apart from denoting negative consequences of these factors attention is also brought to notable achievements made in the last thirty years in all areas of cultural and social functioning of the Lemko ethnic minority. However the most important development is the fact there has arisen a Lemko elite of professionals who are fully aware of the endangered status of their ethnic culture and identity and strive to devise and successfully implement revitalization strategies. Opening a cognitive perspective sets the stage for self-reflection about one’s own ethnic positioning.
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Gabryszak, Renata. "The evolution of the positions on social issues of major political parties in Poland. Comparative analysis of the election programs of Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) from 2007, 2011 and 2015." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.7.
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For many years after 1989, in the Polish socio-political discourse, the issues related to social policy were subordinated to economic matters, in accordance with the assumption that the construction of a stable market system is a priority for Polish transformations. High unemployment rate, growing poverty of Polish families, demographic collapse, and finally the global economic crisis of 2008, prompted the most important actors of political life to pay attention to social policy and to include discussions about its desired shape to the electoral agenda. The aim of the article is to characterize and analyze the evolution of positions on social issues of the largest political parties, i.e. Prawo i Sprawiedliwość and Platforma Obywatelska based on their electoral programs in 2007, 2011 and 2015.
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Rozbicka, Małgorzata. "The legacy of post-war architecture in Poland as a record of political, social and economic changes." Protection of Cultural Heritage, no. 3 (March 21, 2017): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24358/odk_2017_03_04.
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Polska powojenna architektura i urbanistyka to fenomen, który jest niezwykle zróżnicowany zarówno formalnie, jak i pod względem treści. Chociaż polscy architekci nie byli nigdy całkowicie odizolowani od architektury europejskiej i światowej, od 1945 do 1989 roku ich kreatywność architektoniczna była silnie uzależniona od przemian politycznych, społecznych i gospodarczych zachodzących w Polsce. Zjawisko to postrzegane przez jednych w negatywnym świetle, a pozytywnym dla innych, obrazuje różnorodne emocje i uczucia związane ze zmianami w materialnym dziedzictwie, obejmującymi również skrajne podejścia do idei ochrony dziedzictwa powojennego
Artykuł omawia osiągnięcia architektoniczne w okresie 1945-1949, kiedy polska architektura nie była jeszcze poddana totalnemu nacjonalizmowi i centralizacji wprowadzonej przez komunistów. W ciągu tych kilku lat, kiedy polska architektura była stosunkowo swobodna i pozostawała w bezpośredniej relacji z międzywojennym modernizmem, nastąpił okres silnego rozwoju ideologicznego. Podobnie jak w przypadku innych krajów pozostających w sferze wpływów Związku Radzieckiego, w latach 1949-1955 polska architektura naznaczona była walką kosmopolitycznego modernizmu przez totalitarny, neoklasycystyczny zamiar odzwierciedlenia społecznych i gospodarczych przemian socjalizmu (Socjalny Realizm). W okresie 1955-1960, znanym jako "odwilż październikowa", nastąpił krótki zwrot Polski w kierunku rozwoju architektury podjętego przez świat, natomiast w latach sześćdziesiątych w stronę socjalistycznego modernizmu (‘soc-modernizm’), który okazał się kluczem do powojennej modernizacji Polski w wymiarze politycznym i społecznym.Architektura niektórych obiektów publicznych była wciąż naznaczona eksperymentalnymi elementami awangardy. W tym samym czasie, szczególnie w przypadku budownictwa mieszkaniowego, pojawiały się pierwsze wystandaryzowane obiekty całkowicie podporządkowane technokratycznym dogmatom ‘realnego socjalizmu’, szczególnie rygorystycznym pod względem ekonomicznym i użytkowym.
Kolejna część artykułu opisuje nowoczesną architekturę socjalistyczną lat 1970-1980, kiedy to nastąpiło znaczne otwarcie Polski na Zachód zarówno w sensie politycznym, jak i ekonomicznym. Dekada wyjątkowo dynamicznego rozwoju w budownictwie mieszkaniowym (już częściowo uwolniona od dogmatu norm i skrajnej standaryzacji) w połączeniu z kredytami zaowocowała szeregiem ambitnych obiektów publicznych, w tym wielu bardzo interesujących kościołów, które powinny być wymieniane i opisywane na tle krajów tak zwanego Bloku Wschodniego. Zaprezentowano również osiągnięcia architektoniczne z lat osiemdziesiątych. Był to okres narastającego kryzysu społecznego i politycznego oraz trwająca likwidacja radzieckiego modelu komunizmu i zastąpienie go przez bardziej demokratyczne struktury. W polskiej architekturze oznaczało to uwolnienie rynku architektonicznego i powrót indywidualnej twórczości architektonicznej. Konsekwencją tego był bezprecedensowy rozwój, inspirowany głównie przez ideologię postmodernizmu i pluralizm stylistyczny. W latach dziewięćdziesiątych dodano do tego intensywnie rozszerzającą się komercjalizację i neoliberalizm dialogu architektonicznego, który w praktyce oznaczał koniec etosu społecznego architektury Modernizm w Polsce.
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Suchecki, Adam M. "An evaluation of the technical efficiency of cultural institutions in Poland: a case study of the regional system of public libraries." Argumenta Oeconomica 2020, no. 2 (2020): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15611/aoe.2020.2.07.
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The political transformation of 1989, as well as Poland’s accession to the European Union in 2004, had a significant impact on the cultural sector and the forms of its organisation and funding. These events also contributed to setting new directions for Polish cultural policy. This is a part of a wider public policy, understood as an intentional and deliberate process of achieving objectives in particular areas of public life. Currently, the library policy is an integral component of Polish cultural policy. It aims to achieve specific objectives and implement tasks in the field of the social circulation of library books and the preservation of the linguistic, cultural and civilisational heritage for future generations. Since 2001, public spending on culture in Poland has remained below 1% of the total expenditures of the state budget. The limited financial resources earmarked for culture in the national and provincial budgets are the main reasons for performing a comparative study of the technical efficiency of cultural institutions in Poland using the example of libraries. The Polish system of public libraries consists of national, educational, school, medical, agricultural, prison and military libraries. The operations of these institutions require adequate funding to guarantee meeting society’s reading and informational needs. The main aim of this paper is to gauge the efficiency of the regional system of libraries in Poland. The research focuses on analysing the public libraries operating in Polish provinces, using data from Polish Statistical Office resources (The Local Database), and one of the nonparametric methods, i.e. the results-oriented CCR model of data envelopment analysis (DEA). It was found that the major reason for the lack of efficiency in most Polish libraries is the insufficient amount of local government’s financial support combined with the lack of self-financing opportunities for such cultural institutions
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Bański, J. "Changes in agricultural land ownership in Poland in the period of the market economy." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 57, No. 2 (February 24, 2011): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/18/2010-agricecon.
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The article concentrates on the changes of ownership ongoing in Polish agriculture in the period 1989–2004. Since Polish agriculture was above all private in nature throughout the period of communism, the changes in question were actually more limited than in other Central and East European Countries (CEEC). Those that have taken place have first and foremost involved the privatisation of the old State Farms, whose assets were taken over by individually-owned farms or commercial-law companies, with the intermediation of the Treasury Agricultural Property Agency established for the purpose. A major element of the assets undergoing privatisation was agricultural land. The size of the ownership change has varied from region to region. In the West and North, where more than half of all farmland was in the State Farm hands to 1989, there was a marked increase in the share of land under private ownership. On the other hand, in Central and Eastern Poland, the changes were very limited, concerning only the transfer of land between private farms. Important reasons accounting for the limited activity on the market for land in this part of Poland include the agrarian overpopulation and the widespread treatment of land as a form of the "insurance policy" against job losses. The ownership changes have further encouraged polarisation where farm size structure is concerned. Farms increased in size in the regions where the large average area has long been a typical feature. In turn, the areas characterised by the excessive agrarian fragmentation have not seen any more major changes in the size structure over the recent period. A detailed analysis of the changes in ownership over the market economy period is preceded by a discussion of the history of land ownership in Polish agriculture, with a particular emphasis being placed on the Communist era. The legal and social bases conditioning ownership change are also discussed.
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Rathkolb, Oliver. "Austria's “Ostpolitik” in the 1950s and 1960s: Honest Broker or Double Agent?" Austrian History Yearbook 26 (January 1995): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004276.
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In literature on diplomacy, the term Ostpolitik refers to the new foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany introduced in 1966. The policy, was initiated by the grand coalition of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Social Union (CSU), and the Social Democratic party (SPD) and was continued after 1969 by the SPD and Free Democratic party (FDP) coalition. The policy aimed at reconciling Germany with Poland and the Soviet Union. Willy Brandt, the SPD foreign minister from 1966 to 1969 and chancellor from 1969 until 1974, and Walter Scheel, FDP foreign minister from 1969 to 1974, were the architects of this new “selective Détente.” From the beginning, Brandt's Ostpolitik was “controlled” by the Nixon administration, especially by Kissinger. The United States feared that Brandt and Scheel would go too far without taking account of Washington's geo-political point of view.
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Witek-Crabb, Anna. "CSR Maturity in Polish Listed Companies: A Qualitative Diagnosis Based on a Progression Model." Sustainability 11, no. 6 (March 22, 2019): 1736. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11061736.
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Transformation from a centrally planned economy to a market economy in 1989 created new challenges for the enterprises in Poland. Free market brought economic liberty, but also the need to take responsibility for the business’ impact on the environment. The last 20 years have brought intensive development of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in Polish conditions: The institutional context supporting CSR has improved and so did the implementation of the CSR by the business. Intensive growth of CSR practices demands a reflection on the effectiveness of the implementation. This study’s contribution is a comprehensive diagnosis of CSR maturity of the enterprises in Poland using a conceptual CSR maturity model. The model is comprised of three perspectives: CSR process maturity, CSR formal maturity and CSR developmental maturity. CSR practices of 93 listed companies from nine industries were studied in 2016–2017. A qualitative content analysis of the enterprises websites was used as the method of study. The main finding was that the level of CSR practices of the enterprises in Poland is still rather low. Forty-seven percent of the enterprises implement incidental CSR, 30% tactical CSR and 23% apply strategic CSR. CSR maturity level is company size- and industry-dependent.
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Kamionka, Mateusz. "October 2020 Protests in Poland. A Case Study of Olkusz." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2021): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.8.
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Introduction. In October 2020 the most extensive social protests took place in Poland since the democratic transformation in 1989. They were caused pertinently by the Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s decision and government policy on abortion. Numerous protests were held all over the country, both in larger cities, smaller towns and villages. Methods and materials. The study presents the results of the internet surveying method (CAWI) and snowball sampling. These were the only methods which can be used to study protest participants themselves (busy straightening in the streets), but also useful because of the pandemic situation in Poland. A 30 question survey was filled by about 200 people who took part in the protest in Olkusz city. Analysis. Research was made in time of “first main wave of protests” period, i.e. October 24–26, 2020. The author underlines the role of youth in the protests, and wants to answer two main research questions, first of all: what was the role of ‘Generation Z’ in October protests, and as well: what are the political views of the protesters. Researches about the first “hours” of protest are mostly extremely rare, the article also allows to see not only new youth Gen Z, but also modern civil protests. Results. Results show that the participants comprising mostly youth were not conservative, and could easily be considered a new generation of Poles – quite different from their older colleagues. But how and why are youngsters so politically different?
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Wierciński, Hubert, Natalia Sadowska, and MałGorzata Poniatowska. "Class, Urbanity and the Environment. The Ethnography of the New Middle/Creative Class Identity in Warsaw's Industrial Suburbs." Ethnologia Actualis 20, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 88–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2021-0005.
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Abstract In this article we analyse local community-based concepts and practices related to establishing a new middle-class identity when under social and “environmental” pressure. We based our ethnographic inquiry in “RA” – a Warsaw suburb – well-known as a former village but now a location for industry and waste-processing plants. Its vicinity, despite being populated, is polluted by heavy traffic, noise and an unpleasant odour, all of which recently have become the stimulus for social mobilisation and intense criticism toward the local authorities and an inconsiderate urbanisation policy. A key role here is played by two organisations, both exerting a strong influence on the new middle/creative class living in gated communities – a novel phenomenon for the local sociocultural landscape. We argue that this activism and struggle for a clean environment is rooted in the post-1989 Polish politico-economic transformation and the emergence of new middle-class identity projects. Thus, we reveal that sustainable urbanisation and “green policies” in Poland are embedded in middle-class identities, and gain momentum especially when class identity and image are under threat.
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Drėmaitė, Marija. "Housing-based Urban Planning and New Housing Standard in Vilnius, 1919–1939." Architecture and Urban Planning 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aup-2022-0014.
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Abstract Housing modernization played one of the most important roles in the modernization processes of interwar European cities. In this context, the development of housing in Vilnius, which belonged to Poland in 1919–1939, is researched. The research is based on the theory of “housing-based urban planning” developed by Yael Allweil and Noa Zemer. This theory conceives urban structure and urban housing as one single problem rather than disconnected realms of planning. Based on new findings and revised study of available sources, three planning processes by which policy makers, planners, and dwellers in Vilnius (Wilno) engaged in this housing-based urban vision are investigated: (1) the city as a housing problem; (2) the city as social utility for reform and reconstruction; and (3) housing-based urbanisation as self-help. The result is a new historiographic perspective on Vilnius’ modern urbanism focusing on the planning and construction of new housing.
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Wawrzyniak, Jan R. "The Utilitarian Stigma of Environmental Protection." Conatus 3, no. 1 (January 11, 2019): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/conatus.18368.
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In this paper I want to point out the multifaceted impact of utilitarianism as well as pragmatism, applied as the unified philosophy of environmental protection. Special attention is paid to the utilitarian aspect of Marxism, and a continuous (1988-2018), comprehensive case study from Poland – in the context of European economic realities – serves as an example of social receptionof the utilitarian paradigm in contemporary environmental protection policy.
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Žalnora, Aistis. "Janina Bortkiewicz and Public Hygiene Education in Popular Magazines Published in Vilnius, 1930–1939." Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis 43 (December 16, 2022): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v43i0.2489.
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Because General Żeligowski’s troops occupied Vilnius in the autumn of 1920 and Poland annexed it two years later, the health-care system that operated in Poland at the time began to be introduced in the city and the region. The official guidelines for health policy in Poland derived from the concept of hygiene proposed by Tomasz Janiszewski, the founder of the health system in the country, which focused on social hygiene. Universities played an advisory role in the Polish health system and were involved in educating the public on hygiene issues. In interwar Vilnius, the most prominent figure in this field was Janina Bortkiewicz-Rodziewiczowa, a researcher and senior assistant in the Department of Hygiene of the Faculty of Medicine at Stephen Bathory University. This article analyses her publications aimed at promoting science. It examines the means by which Bortkiewicz-Rodziewiczowa conveyed specific medical knowledge to a lay audience. It also discusses what topics she emphasised most and what reasons led to her choices, and how this correlated with priorities in medical science and health policy at that time. Finally, it touches on an interesting practical aspect, namely what public education strategies applied at the time can still be applied today.
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Bal, Wojciech, and Magdalena Czałczyńska-Podolska. "Architecture and Recreation as a Political Tool—Seaside Architectural Heritage of the Worker Holiday Fund (WHF) in the Era of the Polish People’s Republic (1949–1989)." Sustainability 14, no. 1 (December 24, 2021): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14010171.
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The Worker Holiday Fund (WHF) was set up just after the Second World War as a state-dependent organization that arranged recreation for Polish workers under the socialist doctrine. The communist authorities turned organized recreation into a tool of indoctrination and propaganda. This research aims to characterize the seaside tourism architecture in the Polish People’s Republic (1949–1989) against the background of nationalized and organized tourism being used as a political tool, to typify the architecture and to verify the influence of politics on the development of holiday architecture in Poland. The research methodology is based on historical and interpretative studies (iconology, iconography and historiography) and field studies. The research helped distinguish four basic groups of holiday facilities: one form of adapted facilities (former villas and boarding houses) and three forms of new facilities (sanatorium-type, pavilion-type and lightweight temporary facilities, such as bungalows and cabins). The study found that each type of holiday facility was characterized by certain political significance and social impact. Gradual destruction was the fate of a significant part of WHF facilities, which, in the public awareness, are commonly associated with the past era of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) as an “unwanted heritage”.
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GRABOWSKI, JAN, and ZBIGNIEW R. GRABOWSKI. "Germans in the Eyes of the Gestapo: The Ciechanów District, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 13, no. 1 (February 2004): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777303001450.
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The files of the Ciechanów (Zichenau) Gestapo – one of the few remaining archives of this kind from German-occupied Poland – offer interesting insights into the social policy of the Nazi state. The Germanisation of Polish territories occurred by deporting and exterminating the Jews, depriving Poles of their rights and supporting the local Germans and the ethnic Germans resettled from the East. The German minority living in this ethnically mixed region was required to adhere to strict codes of behaviour and was held accountable for all unauthorised contacts with their Polish and, even more so, their Jewish neighbours. The system of control and repression strove to isolate the various ethnic (‘racial’) groups, encouraging denunciations and thus instilling fear in the populace. This article pays particular attention to the actions of German citizens who fell under the scrutiny of the Secret Police.
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Kwiatkowski, Piotr T., and Jonathan Weber. "Polish Sociology in the Face of Social and Political Changes of the 20th Century." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 63, no. 4 (December 27, 2019): 193–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2019.63.4.10.
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The author of this essay deals with the specificity of sociology in Poland, reaching for the book of Antoni Sułek A Mirror on the High Road. Chapters from the History of Social Research in Poland (2019). Chapters of this book taken as a set constitute a review of the key issues that Polish sociologists strived to tackle in the 20th century. For approximately half of the book (6 chapters) Sułek focuses on issues of Polish sociology from the mid-1950s to the turn of the 1990s: the first is the change of theoretical and methodological paradigms in Polish sociology in the second half of the 20th century; the second is the successes of Polish sociology, but also its weaknesses — the author devoted much space to the theoretical limitations that prevented sociologists from predicting the formation of Solidarity in 1980. The third topic is the historical analysis of surveys conducted in the last decade of communism — their reliability as well as social and political functions. Finally, Sułek’s vision of socially-involved sociology appears. The strength of such sociology lies in its methodology, with which specific phenomena can be correctly defined, impartially analysed, and systematically investigated. And this in turn enables evidence-based debate and policy.
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Kosiorek, Małgorzata. "International education programmes as an element of educational change in the Polish education system." Studia z Teorii Wychowania XIII, no. 2 (39) (July 18, 2022): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.9260.
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The main aim of the article is to present selected international education programmes implemented in Poland (International Baccalaureate, Advanced Placement, International General Certificate of Secondary Education) in the context of educational change. The background of the analyses is the metamorphoses in the Polish education system after the period of political transformation. Literature in the field of education policy, theory of educational systems, normative documents of educational law, European Union directives and programme documents of international organizations conducting and accrediting IB, AP, and IGCSE programmes were used for the research. The author argues that the educational change that took place after 1989 in the organization and structure of the education system made it possible to implement international education programmes and contributed to the democratization and socialization of the Polish education system. Currently, international education programmes constitute an attractive educational offer that provides a chance for continuing education at renowned foreign universities, makes it possible to efficiently find oneself on the global labour market, and also prepares young people to be active members of civil society, guided by such values of political and social life as respect for human rights, democracy, solidarity, freedom of speech, and tolerance.
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Back, Sinchul, Sadhika Soor, and Jennifer LaPrade. "Juvenile Hackers: An Empirical Test of Self-Control Theory and Social Bonding Theory." International Journal of Cybersecurity Intelligence and Cybercrime 1, no. 1 (August 15, 2018): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52306/01010518vmdc9371.
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In accordance with a similar growth in information technology, computer hacking has become a pervasive issue as a form of crime worldwide in recent years. Self-control theory and social bonding theory have frequently been employed to explain various types of crimes, but rarely to explore computer hacking. Drawing from Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) self-control theory and Hirschi’s (1969) social bonding theory, the purpose of this study is to empirically examine the suitability of these two theories in explaining juvenile computer hacking offenses. The self-report survey data utilized for the present study was derived from middle school and high school students in the United States, Russia, Spain, Venezuela, France, Hungary, Germany, and Poland. The current study hypothesizes that hackers’ self-control and social bonding are significant predictors for the commission of computer hacking offenses. The findings of this study provide strong support for Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) self-control theory. In addition, the findings can be interpreted as partially supportive of Hirschi’s (1969) social bonding theory. The authors conclude with a discussion on policy implications.
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Gajownik, Tomasz. "Polityka państw bałtyckich wobec Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej i III Rzeszy na przełomie marca i kwietnia 1939 roku w ocenie wileńskiej ekspozytury oddziału II Sztabu Głównego Wojska Polskiego." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 359–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3450.
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Polish military intelligence had prepared a lot of analysis about political and military situations in the countries around the Republic of Poland. It was a kind of belaying towards potential Polish-German conflict. The issues of the Baltic States were interested a military intelligence’s field station in Vilnius. A few months before the Second World War has begun, Vilnius’s station prepared some analysis of domestic and foreign policy of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. One of them had discussed most important consequences of occupation of Klaipeda by German’s Wehrmacht. Additionally, in these documents, one can be read about multilateral policy of the Baltic Entente.
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Carley, M. J. "A Near-Run Thing: the Improbable Grand Alliance of World War II (1929–1942)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-1-17-75-95.
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This is a chapter from a draft manuscript of some 2000pp. in English being prepared for publication on relations between the USSR and various European powers, large and small, and the United States in the lead-up to World War II and then beyond until 1942. The author discovers and illustrates social and cultural aspects of diplomatic activities. The topic is Soviet relations with Nazi Germany and Poland in 1933. The larger context is the origins and unfolding of World War II, a subject of importance both intrinsically and politically in relations between the Russian Federation and the western powers. President Vladimir Putin has himself taken an interest in these questions, insisting on an honest, frank historical treatment of that period. How did the USSR and in particular the Narkomindel react to Adolf Hitler’s assumption of power in Germany at the end of January 1933? What additional information do the Russian archives contribute to our knowledge of the origins of the war? The methodology is that of a historical narrative based on archival research, especially in the AVPRF in Moscow. The objective is to explore the policies of the Narkomindel, and in particular the personal views of its leaders, M. M. Litvinov, N. N. Krestinskii, and B. S. Stomoniakov, on the interconnected issues of Soviet relations with Germany and Poland. Let’s call it an histoire des mentalités. 1933 was a year of transition in Soviet relations with the outside world moving from the so-called Rapallo policy of correct relations with Germany to a new policy of collective security and mutual assistance against Nazi Germany. In this chapter one can follow the evolution of ideas in the Narkomindel in reaction to Hitler’s rise to power: from immediate anxiety to a growing conviction that Rapallo was dead and that the USSR had to form stronger relationships in the west and with Poland. This may surprise some readers who think that the Soviet preference, or at least Stalin’s, was always a German orientation. As for Poland, in what may also surprise some readers, and especially many Poles, the Narkomindel sought better relations with Poland to counter the Nazi danger. It was the Polish government which did not want them, preferring a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany (January 1934). Could Poles and Russians ever bury the hatchet after centuries of animosity? In a tragedy amongst many, they could not do so.
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Szymoniczek, Joanna. "Polska opinia publiczna wobec Niemiec i wydarzeń 1968 roku w Niemczech." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 20 (March 30, 2012): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2012.20.04.
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The media system formed in Poland after the Second Word War was subordinated to political practice. The ruling communist party treated the radio, press and television as one of the most important tools for exercising power and controlling social processes. All the content being conveyed was scrupulously censored. The same applied to articles concerning the Federal Republic of Germany. Throughout the entire era of the People’s Republic of Poland, the RFG was ‘the villain of the piece’. The press published numerous articles in reminder of the Second World War and successive anniversaries of specific crimes, incessantly recalling their scale, the destruction and the number of victims. The texts frequently referred to the revisionist policy of the post-war RFG. West Germany was thus presented as a militaristic state, striving to obtain nuclear weapons and rockets, exerting pressure on her Western partners to push armament programmes and frustrating disarmament, a state where the left was suppressed and the German Communist Party was persecuted by the police while the Nazis (NDP) grew in strength. In view of Bonn’s obsession with regard to the re-unification of Germany, Poland, went the narrative, could not trust West Germany. Such an image of the RFG in the Polish media was congruent with the objectives of Poland’s foreign policy toward that country.In 1968, the events occurring in the FRG, the youth’s protest on a mass scale, the brutal methods of the police, the passing of emergency laws which restricted citizens’ freedoms, were reported accurately, emotionally and with a propaganda bias. These reports were given an additional emphasis by their tone, which was alarmist, often hysterical and with no shortage of loaded headlines, which usually made reference to the Second World War and the perpetual threat posed to both Poland and the other Eastern Bloc states by the FRG. There were few references in the Polish press to 1968 in Germany. They were recalled, in principle, only when criticising the Western life style and the ‘moral collapse of the West’, reporting terrorism-related events in Germany, in particular, the Red Army Faction in the 1970s and the appointment of Joschka Fischer as foreign minister of the FRG in 1998. On the other hand, mention was frequently made of the events related to the Second World War, associating them with the German expectations of apologies for the expulsions, statements puing a question mark over the Oder and Lusitian Neisse rivers, and so forth. Throughout these years, a relatively considerable amount of column space was devoted to the German political scene, expressing interest in particular elections. In the entire period analysed here, the Polish media were very eager to report German problems and troubles such as the titles. the fall of a government, economic woes, terrorism, the excesses of the young people, the defeat of Germany’s national football team, or the FRG’s ‘only’ winning a silver medal in the Olympics. Pre-1989, this willingness to pesent the FRG unfavourably is highly visible; later it becomes less direct, though it can still be perceived in some of the titles.
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Cieślik, Łukasz. "20 lat trzeciego sektora w Polsce – doświadczenia i perspektywy." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.2.8.
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Year 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of ‘grass-root’ initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society’s self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.
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Regulski, J. "Polish Local Government in Transition." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 7, no. 4 (December 1989): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c070423.
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Poland is undergoing important political changes. The evolution of legal, political, and financial resources of local government since 1950 is discussed in this paper. In the last section are presented the Solidarity programme and governmental response at the historic ‘Round Table’ talks between the ruling Communist Party and the Polish opposition, which opened the way to the opposition's magnificent victory in the parliamentary elections in June 1989. In 1950 a very centralized organization of the state was imposed. But the postwar history shows expansions and limitations of local government power. These shifts and their causation are analyzed. The poor quality of the urban fabric, the need of social support for the ruling party, and important economic tasks of local government call for decentralization. Its implementation requires overcoming the barriers, which result from resistance by political and bureaucratic structures, bad economic situation, and lack of public interest in local democracy. Recently a decentralization policy is being implemented. Many legal openings have been made, but the political organization is still very centralized. It is argued that a deconcentration of tasks and means cannot be effective without changes in political structures. Therefore Solidarity asks for full self-government at the communal level, but the ruling Party has strong reservations against this.
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Delaney, John J. "Totalitarianism: Racial Values vs. Religious Values:Clerical Opposition to Nazi Anti-Polish Racial Policy." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654454.
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Hitler's wars for living space sent millions of Germans abroad and aggravated a severe labor shortage at home. German authorities recruited or forcibly transported up to seven million foreign workers to the Reich from 1939 to 1945. A great many of these civilian workers, POWs, and slave laborers came from Poland, the Ukraine, and western areas of the Soviet Union, that is, homelands the Nazi regime stigmatized as particularly “inferior.” Nazi racial thinking and wartime security concerns produced an extensive set of discriminatory measures aimed at the subjugation and strict control of Slavs. Nazi edicts required Poles and so-called Eastern Workers (Ostarbeiter) to wear a purple “P” or “Ost” badge on their outer clothing. Restrictive measures limited allowable movement to their immediate area of residence and work. The regime also imposed a system akin to apartheid. Racial law thus prohibited unnecessary social contact between members of the so-called master race and their “racial inferiors.”
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Stryjek, Tomasz. ",,Wojna o pamięć" o wydarzeniach lat trzydziestych-pięćdziesiątych XX wieku w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 2005-2010 — strategie polityki Litwy, Łotwy, Estonii, Ukrainy i Rosji." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 55, no. 4 (November 22, 2011): 191–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2011.55.4.10.
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In his article the Author examines the notion of remembrance policy, the importance of remembering the events of the period 1939–1953 for contemporary identity politics in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia as well as the course of a conflict about the memory, which escalated between those countries and Russia particularly between 2005–2010. The Author introduces a term “remembrance policy model”, which concerns the balance of powers among political actors in a given state, who influence the shape of this aspect of the state policy. He also analyses the state strategies of the remembrance policy in international relations within the region, with special attention to Lithuania and Ukraine. He examines reasons for the success of the policy of remembering the 1939–1953 events in Lithuania in 1991–2011 and a failure of such policy in Ukraine in 2005–2010. The sources of difference between the effects of these two policies lie, in his opinion, not only in far greater ethnic and identity homogeneity of the Lithuanian society, but also in the fact that the EU gave an early, clear and consistent support for economic, social and political transformation of that country, which was, unfortunately, not provided to Ukraine — either after its establishment in 1991, or after the Orange Revolution in 2004.
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Rudnik, Mariusz. "Political Marketing, or how to win elections?" Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 4 (2021): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.4.10.
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The subject of the presented article is the problem of political marketing as a way to electoral victory. Marketing, promotion and advertising are useful instruments for achieving political goals. The ability to apply these means in practice is an expression of growing professionalism in the field of political knowledge. Marketing instruments are useful not only during election campaigns, but also in the everyday activities of political leaders, social institutions, political parties, trade unions and other participants in political life. This may concern the design and practical application of various political strategies, creating the image of a politician of a newly established political organisation, advertising to the public the government's policy of significant importance for the state or promoting the image of a country, city or region . In recent decades, election campaigns have taken on a permanent character, not being limited as before to the closed periods immediately preceding voting. Thus, knowledge of marketing has become more important in the political environments of modern countries. The adaptation of professional marketing techniques to the sphere of political action and the use of the potential of modern media have significantly influenced the way politics is conducted. The goals, methods and strategy of a political campaign are, in a sense, determined by the audience and the media. The American campaign model has become a model for many countries, especially those – like Poland – which have embarked on the path of democratic transformation after 1989.
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Frejtag, Jakub. "Society of Workers’ Housing Estates and its attempt to overcome the residential crisis in interwar Poland." Budownictwo i Architektura 20, no. 1 (February 9, 2021): 025–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/bud-arch.2349.
Full textAbstract:
After the Great War, one of the most challenging obstacles of the newly recreated Polish state was to ensure residential space for the group of citizens most vulnerable to exclusion. Labourers indeed required an inexpensive and modest habitations maintaining modern sanitary standards. Such facilities were underrepresented in Poland at that time. Mostly overpriced and unsanitary flats were offered in 19th-century housing. Also new housing, although with all modern amenities, did not provide flats with parameters that could meet the expectations of the least wealthy of labourers. In such circumstances, at the end of 1934, a new state-owned company was created – the Society of Workers’ Housing Estate (Towarzystwo Osiedli Robotniczych). Its aim was to build and grant loans for the construction of residential areas with flats meeting the needs of the lower-class labourers. Despite the difficulties, up to 1939, thousands of new flats were built under the Society’s initiative. All these investments exemplify a successful and far-reaching social policy of Second Polish Republic that made residential crisis manageable.