Journal articles on the topic 'Poland – Politics and government – 1945-'
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1
Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Fatalski, Marcin. "Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.
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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.
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Noskova, Albina. "The Polish-British Agreement and the Protocol of August 25, 1939: Objectives of the parties and the significance in the history of Poland (autumn 1939 — spring 1945)." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2022): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.1-2.1.07.
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The Mutual Assistance Agreement between the United Kingdom and Poland and the secret Protocol to it of August 25, 1939 is one of the most important documents for the history of Poland. It largely determined the current situation, politics and future of the Polish government until the settlement of the “Polish question” by the heads of the “Big Three” in 1945. The article analyzes this document based on specific historical information accumulated in Soviet, Russian, Polish historiography, and documentary material on the history of international relations on the eve and during the Second World War. Signed after the conclusion of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the document obliged Britain in the event of a German attack to immediately provide Poland with “all support and assistance.” In the case of the Soviet threat, there was no such British commitment. This allowed W. Churchill, after June 22, 1941, to not support Poland openly in the territorial dispute with the USSR and, “playing along” with Stalin, to force the weak ally to agree to the “Curzon Line” in order to return the government to the country. The latter did not agree with Churchill’s intentions and, as a result, was defeated on the issue of borders and power in the country.
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Olejnik, Maciej. "A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (2020): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-178.
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Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.
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Brenk, Mikołaj. "Opieka społeczna w powiecie tureckim w pierwszych latach po zakończeniu działań wojennych (1945-1949)." Polonia Maior Orientalis 6 (2019): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/27204006pmo.22.009.15852.
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Artykuł dotyczy aktywności samorządowej na polu opieki społecznej w powiecie tureckim w Wielkopolsce w skrajnie trudnych, powojennych warunkach Polski Ludowej. W pierwszych miesiącach po zakończeniu okupacji udało się zorganizować miejscowym społecznikom podstawową pomoc w formie ratowniczej dla osób najbardziej potrzebujących – głównie dożywiając ludność i tworząc domy dla starców i inwalidów. W ciągu pierwszego roku stworzono i sprawnie nadzorowano we wszystkich gminach sieć Gminnych Komitetów Opieki Społecznej. Dzięki nim możliwe było względnie dokładne rozpoznanie potrzeb w terenie, a także adekwatne do potrzeb rozdzielanie pomocy – również tej płynącej od organizacji międzynarodowych. Oczywiście problemy natury organizacyjnej, finansowej, politycznej i in. powodowały, iż opieka społeczna była taktowana jako jedna z ostatnich „spraw do załatwienia” podczas tworzeniu struktur powojennych samorządów. Niemniej jednak opisane pięć lat jej funkcjonowania charakteryzowało się wyraźnym rozwojem. Social welfare in the Turek country in the first years after the end of military activities (1945-1949). The article concerns self-government activity in the field of social welfare in the Turek Country in Greater Poland in the extremely difficult post-war conditions of the People’s Poland. In the first months after the end of the occupation, it was possible to organize basic help in the form of rescue operations for the most needy – mainly feeding the population and creating homes for the elderly and invalids. During the first year, a network of Communal Welfare Committees was created and supervised in all municipalities. Thanks to them, it was possible to identify the needs in the area, as well as their adequate allocation – also the one coming from international organizations. Of course, the problems of the organizational, financial, political and other nature caused that social care was treated as one of the “issues to be dealt with” during the creation of structures of post-war local governments. Nevertheless, the described five years of its functioning was characterized by a clear development.
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Tomkiewicz, Ryszard. "An outline of the role of local government in the territorial administrative system in Poland after 1945." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 295, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134988.
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In post–war Poland, there was a specific system of administration in which the structures of the general authority with its representative bodies and the fragmented, temporary, territorial self–government co-existed. The nature of the introduced system became particularly visible after 1950, alongside the strengthening of the ruling body and the realisation of the vision of the “unification of state power” in the field. In essence, local self–government was liquidated. This solution, as it was envisaged, was intended to guarantee the widespread democratisation of public life and the transparency of state governance. In practice, the non–democratic system of local administration ensured, amongst other things, a means of conducting the elections, limited the possibilities for decision–making by local councilors on matters relating to their districts and a lack of financial autonomy of the administration, which was the essence of self–government. The political and administrative supervision of local government bodies operating in the area of national councils was subordinated in an unnatural way to the ruling party. At the same time, the diffusion of the com�petences and activities of the general administration and national councils was not an isolated phenomenon, in practice causing the actions of individual members of the administration to be unclear, slow and ineffective.
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Kossewska, Elżbieta. "Between Communism, Zionism, and Statehood: Władysław Broniewski in Palestine." Polish Review 66, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 78–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.4.0078.
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Abstract This article focuses on Władysław Broniewski’s political activities in Palestine during his stay there from February 1943 to November 1945. His personal history is presented against a backdrop of the political and intellectual life of Polish refugees in the Middle East. Broniewski, a revolutionary and avant-garde poet who belonged to the left-wing world, is depicted against the backdrop of events and tensions occurring at that time in Zionist communities, as well as in the centers of Polish power—both the communist government in Warsaw and the Polish government-in-exile in London—and the dispute between them concerning the future of Poland. The article presents Broniewski’s friendships and acquaintances during his stay in Palestine. Extensive epistolary material as well as other archival and press sources were used. The article also explores the subject matter of Broniewski’s literary output. The poems he wrote in Palestine are some of his most interesting works, exemplifying the most expressive poetry in the canon of literature written by refugees.
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Hryciuk, Grzegorz. "The “Emigration Commission”: The Chief Representative for the evacuation of the Polish and Jewish population from the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the evacuation apparatus: A description." Wrocławskie Studia Wschodnie 24 (May 17, 2021): 69–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1429-4168.24.4.
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The changes of political borders between Poland and the Soviet Union in 1944–1945 were accompanied by a relocation campaign lasting until autumn 1946 and affecting the Polish and Jewish populations of Eastern Galicia, Volhynia and Northern Bukovina. An agreement for mutual resettlement of Poles, Jews and Ukrainians, formally referred to as evacuation, was concluded on 9th September 1944 in Lublin between the Polish Committee of National Liberation and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The organisation of the relocation was entrusted to a special apparatus subordinated to evacuation representatives of both sides. The Chief Representative for the evacuation of the Polish and Jewish population from the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was based in Lutsk. Initially, he oversaw seventeen and then eighteen regional representatives in larger cities located in the so-called western oblasts of the Ukrainian SSR. Together with representatives of the Ukrainian side they were to carry out a registration campaign and organise transport for the relocated population and its possessions. The relocation apparatus began to be organised by a group of employees who arrived in Lutsk from Lublin in October 1944 with the first Representative, Stanisław Pizło. The process was viewed with distrust and hostility by the Poles, who were reluctant to leave their homeland. The several hundred staff of the resettlement apparatus struggled, similarly to the local population, with numerous problems relating to provisions and subsistence. The Soviet security services saw many officials working for the Representative as individuals hostile to the Soviet authorities. Consequently, Polish officials were quite often arrested, having been accused of collaborating with the Polish independence underground and of sabotaging the resettlement campaign. A lack of a sense of security led to a considerable staff turnover among the resettlement staff. As most of the people entitled to be evacuated from the various resettlement regions left, from the second half of 1945 the staff working for the evacuation apparatus were gradually dismissed. The transfer of population ended in November 1946 and the final protocol closing the post-war resettlements under the agreement of 9th September 1944 concluded between the Polish Committee of National Liberation and the government of the Ukrainian SSR was signed in May 1947.
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Chmielewski, Witold. "Wyższe Studium Polskie przy Bibliotece Polskiej w Paryżu w 1945 roku." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 34 (October 12, 2018): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2016.34.4.
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Following the German occupation of the French capital city, an idea sprang up in the Polish intellectual circles to intensify propagation of Polish culture and knowledge of Poland among young Polish and French people. This concept was to be implemented in the Polish Library in Paris by a series of lectures organized by the Department of Science of the Polish YMCA1 in France in late 1944. The success of the lectures encouraged the Polish Library to launch the Polish College with the goal of making available to primarily Polish youth, studying and working in Paris, the achievements of Polish science and culture and to prepare the young people for work in Poland. The curriculum was developed and, as expected, the College’s operations were financed by the YMCA. Wacław Grzybowski, Ph.D., a former ambassador of Poland to the USSR, was appointed director of the College. The lecturers included illustrious intellectuals: priest Augustyn Jakubisiak, Ph.D., Franciszek Pułaski, Zygmunt Dygat, Irena Gałęzowska, Wieńczysław d’Ercville and many other. The College enjoyed considerable popularity among the students. The changing political situation in Poland put a stop to the promising operations of the College. To some extent, it was continued in the Catholic University of Paris ( the Institut Catholique de Paris). Since 1945, the University hosted the Centre for Slavic Studies where the Polish Section (Section Polonaise) was established. It is worth emphasising that an ambitious attempt at establishing studies for young Poles abroad was made in Madrid, on the initiative of the Polish ambassador, count Józef Potocki, representing in Spain the Polish government in London.
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Krzyzanowski, Lukasz. "Holocaust Survivors and the Restitution of Jewish Private Property in Two Polish Cities, 1945–1948." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab056.
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Abstract Despite a growing historiography on Holocaust survivors, few scholars have focused on the fates of those who returned to their places of origin in Poland in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Even less is known about those who attempted to recover their property in medium-sized Polish cities in the late 1940s. The following article analyzes court cases in two such cities: Kalisz (in the former German territorial administration of the Warthegau) and Radom (the former General Government). By addressing the problems related to the appropriation and recovery of Jewish private property, the author sheds light on the agency of Holocaust survivors and the social processes that shaped postwar Central and Eastern Europe.
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CHO, Kang Sok. "THE RECOGNITION AND REPRESENTATION OF POLAND IN MODERN KOREAN LITERATURE – FOCUSING ON 2 NOVELS WRITTEN IN LATE COLONIAL PERIOD." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 2 (November 29, 2016): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2016.02.02.
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This paper examines the aspects of the recognition and representation of Eastern Europe in modern Korean literature, especially focusing on the case of Poland. The late colonial period(1930~1945) needs to be considered as significant phase when we are trying to grasp the major aspects of representation and recognition of Poland and Eastern Europe in modern Korean literature. In the literary works written by writers of late colonial period, such as Kim Kwang-gyun (김광균), Lee Hyo-sok (이효석), and Lee Tae joon (이태준), we can observe that there were much similar historical and political situations between Poland and Korea. That’s why Korean writers often tried to mention Poland’s situation in metaphorical and analogical ways to express their political opinions, avoiding the censorship of Japanese government. This paper deals with those aspects in modern Korean literature.
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Przybyll, Anna. "Analiza polskiego i austriackiego przekazu medialnego wokół 72. rocznicy wyzwolenia byłego niemieckiego obozu koncentracyjnego KL Gusen." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 26 (September 28, 2018): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2018.26.07.
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This article concerns the media coverage of the 72nd anniversary of the liberation of the German Nazi concentration camp KL Gusen in 2017. It was attended by the representatives of the Polish and Austrian authorities, i.e. the Secretary of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Jan Dziedziczak, the Undersecretary of State in the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage Magdalena Gawin and – for the first time – by Austrian President Alexander Van der Bellen. The revival of remembrance about KL Gusen has become one of the priorities in the politics of memory pursued by the current Polish government. For Poles, the Gusen camp is of special significance because it was built with the intent of destroying the Polish intelligentsia. The Austrian government sees Polish efforts to commemorate their victims in the context of nationalist and protectionist tendencies in Poland. A just fight for historical truth is overshadowed by the mutual lack of understanding in the countries, which both suffered under German occupation between 1939 and 1945.
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Trachtenberg, Marc. "The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945: A Reassessment." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.94.
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This article reassesses U.S. Cold War policy in 1945, with particular emphasis on Eastern Europe. The article considers how the U.S. government proposed to deal with the Soviet Union in the postwar period more generally. The article looks closely at U.S. policy toward Poland and toward Romania and Bulgaria and sets these policies into context in order to determine whether U.S. leaders had “written off” the East European countries by the end of the year, consigning them to a Soviet sphere of influence. The article traces the strategic concept underlying U.S policy and analyzes key aspects of Secretary of State James Byrnes's policy at the July 1945 Potsdam conference and in the October–December 1945 negotiations with the USSR about the occupation of Japan.
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Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Dansk arkæologi i hagekorsets skygge 1933-1945." Kuml 54, no. 54 (October 20, 2005): 145–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v54i54.97314.
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Danish archaeology in the shadow of the swastika, 1933-1945 With Hitler’s takeover in 1933 and the emergence of the National Socialist regime, Prehistoric archaeology in Germany was strengthened, both on the economical and the scholarly level. Prehistoric archaeologists entered into a Faustian bargain with the new government, and arguing the presence of Germanic peoples outside the borders of the Third Reich, they legitimated the Nazi “Drang nach Osten”. With the Fuhrer’s lack of interest in German prehistory, the fight for control of this field became a matter between two organisations, the Ahnenerbe, which was attached to Heinrich Himmler’s SS, and the competing Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte under NSDAP’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg’s “Amt Rosenberg” (Figs. 1-2). When the Second World War broke out in 1939, Ahnenerbe appeared as winner of the fight over the German prehistory. However, the archaeological power struggles continued in the conquered territories until the end of the war.Immediately after the Nazi takeover in 1933, leading staff members of the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen, such as Mouritz Mackeprang, Poul Nørlund, and Johannes Brøndsted (Figs. 3-4) dissociated themselves from the political development south of the border. However, in the course of time, and in conformity with the official Danish accommodation policy towards Germany in the 1930s, the opposition changed their attitude into a more neutral policy of cultural adjustment towards Nazified German colleagues.The Danish government’s surrender on the 9th of April 1940 meant a continuing German recognition of Denmark as a sovereign state. From the German side, the communication with the Danish government was handled by the German ministry of foreign affairs in Berlin, and by the German legation in Copenhagen. Denmark was the sole occupied country under the domain of the ministry of foreign affairs, and from the beginning of the occupation it became a regular element in the policy of the ministry to prevent other political organs within the Nazi polycracy to gain influence in Denmark. Not until the appointment of SS-Gruppenfuhrer Werner Best (Fig. 5) as the German Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark in November 1942, the SS and the Ahnenerbe got an opportunity to secure their influence in Denmark. However, due to the chilly attitude in the Danish population towards the German culture propaganda, practiced mainly through the German Scientific Institute in Copenhagen, and the gradual worsening of the political conditions following the resignation of the Danish government on the 29th of August 1943, the Ahnenerbe, led by Wolfram Sievers (Fig. 6), was never firmly established in Denmark. The one result of Ahnenerbe’s influence in Denmark worth mentioning was the effort by the Kiel Archaeologist Karl Kersten (Fig. 7) to prevent German destruction of prehistoric Danish (Germanic) relics. Kersten began his work in 1940 and was met from the start with aversion from the National Museum in Copenhagen, which regarded the activities of the Ahnenerbe-archaeologist as German interference with Danish conditions. Yet, in time the work of the Kiel archaeologist was accepted and recognised by the muse- um, and he was officially recognized by the Danish state when in 1957, Kersten was made Knight of Dannebrog.Less successful than the Ahnenerbe rival was the prominent Nazi archaeologist Hans Reinerth (Fig. 8) and the efforts by Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte to gain influence on the Danish scene of culture politics. One of Reinerth’s few successes in occupied Denmark was a short contact with two Danish archaeologists, Gudmund Hatt and Mogens B. Mackeprang (Figs. 9-10). However, the connections with the RfDV-leader do not seem to have been maintained, once the Danish government had ceased to function from the 29th of August 1943.During the occupation, around 300 listed burial mounds and an unknown number of prehistoric relics below ground level were destroyed or damaged due to construction projects carried out by the German occupants (Figs. 11-12). The complaints about the damage put forward by the National Museum were generally met by understanding in the German administration and in the Bauleitung (construction department), whereas the Wehrmacht had a more indifferent approach to the complaints. As opposed to this, the Danish museums managed to get through the war with no damage or German confiscations worth mentioning, thus avoiding the fate of museums, collections, and libraries in countries such as France, Poland, and the Soviet Union.Lars Schreiber PedersenÅrhusTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle
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Denkiewicz-Szczepaniak, Emilia. "Działalność Poselstwa RP w Oslo w latach 1946–1947." Studia Scandinavica 24, no. 4 (December 2, 2020): 11–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2020.24.07.
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The activity of the Polish Legation in Oslo in the years 1946–1947 is one of the most important and, at the same time, one of the most difficult periods in the history of Polish-Norwegian relations. The introduction explains the reasons for such a late sending of a Polish representative, Mieczysław Rogalski, to Norway. Section I presents the biography of Rogalski as well as the experience he gained while working for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The next section describes the negative attitude that the Polish diplomat had during his contacts with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Utenriksdepartementet), especially in relation to further repatriation of Poles, which was started in autumn 1945 by the liaison officers of the Polish government in exile. Section III presents the diplomatic successes Rogalski had in his relations with Norwegian politicians and also indicates how good his orientation in Norway’s foreign policy was. Finally, the last section contains a description of Legation problems regarding mutual exchange of decorations and orders between Poland and Norway, including in particular political activities connected with the organization of celebrations commemorating the victory at Narvik.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. ""Agricultural Statecraft" in the Cold War: A Case Study of Poland and the West from 1945 to 1957." Agricultural History 83, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-83.1.5.
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Abstract This paper examines how the rise and fall of Polish agriculture affected the larger political and economic relationships among Poland and three key members of the western alliance--the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany--in the first decade of the Cold War. This period is revealing precisely because the reversal of fortunes in the Polish agricultural economy required the Polish government and some western counterparts to maneuver through periods of both agricultural advantage and disadvantage. Agricultural strategies as means and ends motivated the Polish, British, West German, and American governments to actions that bent, stretched, and limited some well-established practices in Cold War relations across divided Europe. By explicating the political consequences of changing flows of agricultural exports and imports in one specific context, this essay serves as case study of the role of agriculture in the global context of the Cold War.
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Szydłowska, Joanna. "Nie tylko do szuflady. Maria Dąbrowska o Ziemiach Zachodnich po 1945 roku." Ruch Literacki 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ruch-2014-0008.
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Abstract This article attempts to trace and characterize Maria Dąbrowska’s interest in the so-called Western Territories, ie. the eastern provinces of the German Reich handed over to Poland in 1945 as part of the post-war settlement. The analysis, based on the text of her Diaries, tries to establish the relative size and importance of her references to the WT, identify their themes and their contemporary social, political and cultural contexts. The article also examines Dąbrowska’s more or less explicit judgments of the policies of Poland’s postwar communist government with regard to the Western Territories
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Sierzputowski, Bartłomiej. "Public international law in the context of post-German cultural property held within Poland’s borders. A complicated situation or simply a resolution?" Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 4 (August 28, 2020): 953–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000461.
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AbstractThe article discusses the complicated situation of post-German cultural property held within Poland’s borders after the Second World War. On 2 August 1945, ‘the Big Three’ decided a new layout of power within Europe. They reached an agreement that Silesia, Pomerania, the Free City of Danzig (Gdańsk), and part of East Prussia (Regained Territories) along with all the property which had been left on site, should be a part of Poland. One of the post-war priorities of the Polish Government was to regulate the legal status of post-German cultural property left within these newly-delineated borders. Although the Second World War ended in 1945, there was still a threat that the majority of post-German property could be devastated, destroyed, or even looted. There are some documented cases where such cultural property was seized inter alia by the Red Army and then transported to Russia. Since 1945, Russian museums have exhibited many of these pieces of art. This article addresses the question concerning the legal status of post-German cultural property in light of public international law. Furthermore, the article responds to the question, whether Poland is entitled to restitution of post-German cultural property looted from the Regained Territories.
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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
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Wiesen, S. Jonathan. "Overcoming Nazism: Big Business, Public Relations, and the Politics of Memory, 1945–50." Central European History 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900013017.
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In 1973 Yad Vashem, the international organization commemorating Holocaust martyrs and heroes, extended its highest honors to one of Germany's most influential business leaders. Berthold Beitz, head of the Krupp Foundation in Essen, was declared one of “the righteous among the nations” and was inducted into a very small group of individuals who had risked their lives to rescue Jews during the Third Reich. As a young manager in German-occupied Galicia, Beitz had been considered a rising star in the firm of Karpaten Öl. A trustee acting on behalf of the board of directors, Beitz was in a key position to witness the brutality of the SS in occupied Poland. In 1943, as he began to suspect his government's murderous intentions, Beits grew determined to risk his career, and possibly his life, to protect Jews from a tragic fate. Through various means of trickery and bargaining with the SS, Beitz took under his wing both young and old, skilled and unskilled, and employed them in scattered oil installations in eastern Galicia, ultimately protecting many of them from deportation and probable death in Belzec.
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Dubrouka, Alena. "Poland in International Relations in Europe: British Government Circles Assessments on the Еve of the Locarno Conference of 1925." Metamorphoses of history, no. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022233.
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The article is devoted to the identification and analysis of assessments by representatives of British government circles of Poland place and role in international relations in Europe on the eve of the Locarno Conference. The sources for the work were the documents of the Foreign Office, the Cabinet, and the parliamentary debates materials for the period from November 1924 to October 1925. The emergence of Cabinet members and parliamentarians assessments of Poland's place and role in international relations was facilitated by the solution of current foreign policy tasks in Europe: discussion of the Geneva Protocol, adopted on October 2, 1924 at the Assembly of the League of Nations, signing. Аfter the UK's rejection of it, guarantee pact drafts discussion, which ended with the signing of agreements in Locarno. The assessments made at the time were directly or indirectly related to such aspects of international relations as Polish-German, Polish-French relations, Poland's relations with the Baltic countries, primarily Lithuania, and policy towards Soviet Russia. It is shown that the dominant influence on the assessment of Poland's place and role in European relations by the British government circles at that time was exerted by current economic interests, ideas about national security tasks and the tradition of focusing in European politics exclusively on the "great powers", which led to some disregard for the interests of Poland.
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Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska, Agnieszka. "Pierwsza wizyta Bruno Kreisky’ego w Polsce w dniach 1–3 marca 1960 roku w świetle dokumentów Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 21 (April 26, 2013): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2013.21.03.
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Following World War II, Polish-Austrian relations developed in a climate of mutual interest and political support. Despite finding themselves on opposite sides of the Iron Curtain during the Cold War era, the communist People’s Republic of Poland (PRP) and the Republic of Austria worked for bilateral recognition and opportunities for trading collaboration from 1945 onward. During the early phase of post-1945 Polish-Austrian relations, occasional state visits were made by the highest echelons. The first such event occurred from 1st to 3rd March 1960, when the then Austrian Foreign Minister, Bruno Kreisky, visited Warsaw. On the Polish side, preparations for the minister’s visit were made with extraordinary care. Among the circle of Western states, sui generis breakthroughs which would offer the chance of instigating the economic and political exchange so essential to a new people’s democracy were being sought. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs Archive holds materials giving detailed descriptions of the preparations for, and the course of, the first visit made to Poland by the highest of Austrian echelons. In a document entitled Points for the Talks, we read that the Polish government did not exclude the possibility of cooperation with Western states, including those which belonged to NATO, as well as of its desire to be appropriately prepared for that collaboration. In the minds of Polish diplomats, the Republic of Austria was to help in breaking the political isolation which afflicted the PRP.
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Boiarska-Khomenko, Anna. "Adult Learning Development in Poland in the 20th Century." Comparative Professional Pedagogy 7, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rpp-2017-0053.
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Abstract The article presents a retrospective analysis of adult learning development in Poland in the 20th century. Based on the study and analysis of historical and pedagogical literature, normative documents of the official bodies of Polish government, the periodical press of the 20th century, several stages of adult learning development, in the particular historical period, have been determined: 1905–1913 years were defined by the legalization of educational institutions for adults, the search for new forms and methods of education, the involvement of a wide range of people; 1914–1945 was the stage of world wars that had led to the destruction of the adult learning system, which led to the decline of educational institutions; 1950–1960 years were characterized by the restoration of adult learning institutions, the adaptation to the new political system, a new approach to formulating the goals and objectives of adult learning; in the 70s and 80s of the 20th century, there was the cardinal rethinking of the goals and objectives of adult learning, educational institutions practiced new forms and methods of teaching, the idea of lifelong education was widespread in the society; the period of the end of the 20th century had initiated the integration of adult learning in Poland into the Common Educational Space, which contributed to the intensification of the theoretical substantiation and practical implementation of the international concepts of adult learning. Among the criteria for determining the stages, there were socio-political, socio-economic, organizational and pedagogical factors that led to the change of subjects, goals, objectives, content, principles, forms, methods of organizing adult learning in Poland in the 20th century. The historical and pedagogical features of each stage are shown, the influence of historical events on the formation and development of adult education in Poland is taken into account and analyzed. In accordance with each stage, the leading forms and methods of adult learning are have been determined. The peculiarities of the activity of adult learning institutions at all stages have been demonstrated. The disadvantages of the adult learning system, as well as the difficulties of its development, have been identified.
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Arciszewska, Barbara, and Makary Górzyński. "Urban Narratives in the Age of Revolutions: Early 20th century Ideas to Modernize Warsaw." Artium Quaestiones, no. 26 (September 19, 2018): 101–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2015.26.6.
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In January 1906, in the turbulent period of 1905–1907, the poet, artist, and socialactivist Antoni Lange published in the Warsaw weekly Świat an essay called“Marzenia warszawskie” (“The Warsaw Dreams”). A several page text, illustratedwith woodcuts by the painter Andrzej Zarzycki, included a spectacular vision of metropolitanWarsaw of the future: a capital city with many public buildings and moderninfrastructure, a genuine center of Polish national and cultural life. The present essayanalyzes unexamined ideas of Lange in terms of the history of architecture, andin a double political and social context. “The Warsaw Dreams” was deeply rooted inthe political reality of the former Kingdom of Poland, addressing the issue of liberalizationof the Russian rule during the 1905 revolution. Using the vocabulary of urbanplanning and making a list of changes in the city’s architecture, Lange articulateda vision of the future space of Warsaw as a Polish metropolis of modernity, administeredindependently of Russia. In his essays he proposed to extend the city limits andremove its fortifications as well as introduce local government with significant prerogativesas an instrument of Warsaw’s great transformation – its aestheticization and construction of public buildings, such as national government edifices, schools,and cultural centers. The authors argue that by describing public architecture of thefuture Warsaw as a “dream” full of copies of well-known European architectural monumentsfrom Venice, Prague, and Cracow, Lange created a comprehensive politicalproject of autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland in the Russian empire. “The WarsawDreams” originally combined together architecture and politics, urban space and theproblems of Polish modernization, and the discourses of nationalism and socialism.Lange’s visionary proposal from 1906 is of the most imaginative responses to thechallenges of the development of Warsaw at the turn of the 20th century in the contextof Polish political and social problems of those times.
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Niedziałkowski, Krzysztof, and Renata Putkowska-Smoter. "What Is the Role of the Government in Wildlife Policy? Evolutionary Governance Perspective." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 428–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.4106.
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With the growing populations and range of large wild mammals in Europe, wildlife governance has grown in importance and provoked social conflicts, pressuring policy-makers to provide adequate policy responses. Some countries chose decentralised approaches, while others retain traditional top-down mechanisms. However, evolutionary mechanisms behind those changes and their impact on steering have attracted relatively little attention. We investigated the evolution of the governance of three wildlife species (European bison, moose, and wolf) in Poland (1945–2020) to map their existing paths and explore external and internal factors influencing steering patterns. The results suggest that despite the persistent dominance of state-centred governance and top-down hierarchical instruments characteristic for a post-socialist country, steering involved intense and often informal communication with influential actors. A growing diversity of actors and discourses in wildlife governance increased the state’s steering options and improved conservation outcomes. Concurrently, the government’s steering shifted from concrete policy results to managing tensions and interests within the field. These transformations helped to retain the effectiveness of steering in the changing context, while retaining state-dominated governance.
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Hrabovec, Emilia. "The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016710-0.
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The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.
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Kisielewski, Tadeusz. "Federalist Plans in Central and Eastern Europe and the Question of the Baltic States in the Context of Polish Politics During World War II." Lithuanian Historical Studies 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2004): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00901002.
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This paper deals with federalist plans of Central and Eastern Europe during World War II. The Polish government in exile and its Czechoslovak counterpart actively participated in the implementation of such plans. A Central- and Eastern European federation was to be an eventual alternative to Stalin’s plans of Europe’s Sovietization and to Hitler’s ‘New Europe’. For some time these federalist plans were supported by Great Britain and the United States. Besides, in British and American circles there were also other models for creating a European regional union. On 11 November 1940 Poland and Czechoslovakia managed to sign a declaration on the formation of a federation. However, soon disagreements concerning attitudes towards the Soviet Union as well as over Lithuania’s place in the federation arose.
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Yablonskyi, Vasyl. "Problems of Foreign Policy Choice of the State Center of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in 1939–1940." Kyiv Historical Studies 13, no. 2 (December 21, 2021): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.218.
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The Second World War was viewed by Ukrainians abroad and in Ukraine as a potential chance to restore Ukraine’s independence. At the beginning of the war, the main political forces of the Ukrainian emigration interfered in a state of mutual confrontation. Each of them tried to attract international contacts for support. The article examines the process of finding foreign policy allies by the State Center of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in exile at the first stage of World War II (1939–1940). The main attention is paid to the political processes in this part of the Ukrainian emigration, the disunity and the presence of three governing centers (in France, Czechoslovakia and Poland) and the foreign policy orientations of the emigration government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. For the first time, the document”Letters from the leading circles of the UPR” is published, which attempts to justify the need for a foreign policy alliance with Germany and criticizes the “francophilism” of some figures of the State Center of the UPR in Europe and America. The hypothetical circle of emigration politicians who could be the authors of these documents and their addressees is outlined. Attention is drawn to the fact that the conclusion of foreign policy agreements with Germany in the interwar period was a well-established practice for many countries at that time (France, England, the USSR, etc.). The reasons for the disinterest of the main players in world politics at this stage in the restoration of Ukraine’s independence are emphasized. As the government’s emigration status and military actions did not help preserve the archives, documents belonging to this period of Ukrainian history and diplomacy have come down to us in limited numbers. Publication and analysis of documents of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in exile, which relate to the foreign policy concepts of the Ukrainian emigration government, allow to more fully reveal the vision of ways to restore Ukraine’s independence after its territories were part of the USSR, Poland, Romania and Czechoslovakia.
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Briuchowecka, Łarysa. "Польща в українському кіно." Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (September 14, 2016): 25–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.5.
Full textAbstract:
POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka
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Briuchowecka, Łarysa. "Polska w kinie ukraińskim." Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (September 14, 2016): 89–150. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.6.
Full textAbstract:
POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka
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Shypik, Natalіa. "Local Records Management Documentation as a Source for Studying Local Government Measures for Organization of Reception and Accommodation of Ukrainian Resettlers from Poland on the Territory of Donetsk Region in 1945-1946." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 36 (June 2021): 112–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-112-119.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to identify the informative potential of the records of local authorities to highlight the main stages of settlement and the difficulties encountered by migrants during the adaptation in the areas of Donetsk region. The methodology of the research is based on a combination of general scientific (synthetic, analytical, logical), special-historical (chronological, historical-comparative), source-based (critical analysis) methods. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author for the first time revealed the informative capabilities of records management documents at the local level in studying the mechanism of implementation of state tasks in the organization of reception and accommodation of Ukrainians from Zakerzon and Donetsk region in the postwar period by local authorities. Some of the documents analyzed by the author are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Conclusions. Local record management documentation has significant information potential in studying the degree of implementation of measures to organize the accommodation, the course of the settlement of resettlers in the Donetsk region and the difficulties of the adaptation period. It contains a lot of detailed information, rich in facts, names and statistics, which can significantly supplement the source base of further research. The record management documents of the district authorities, whose representatives contacted the resettlers during the inspections of the condition of the resettlers' households, together with the statement of facts, contain evaluative judgments and elements of emotionality. The documents of the district authorities, whose representatives contacted the resettlers during the inspections of the condition of the resettlement farms, together with the statement of facts, contain evaluative judgments and elements of emotionality. In record management materials at the region level, party and Soviet officials often criticized district workers for underestimating the political significance of the issue of resettlement and adaptation of resettlers. The ideological attitudes of the ruling top of the Communist Party had a significant influence on the formation of their assessments. Most of the decisions of the Regional Committee of the CP(b)U were adopted jointly with the executive committee of the regional council of workers' deputies.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Ekonomista z Podola. Jerzy Zdziechowski – życiorys, poglądy oraz działalność publiczna." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 2 (January 8, 2023): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8450.
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Zdziechowski Jerzy (1880–1975) was a politician, economist and economic activist. In the years 1917–1918 he was a member of the Polish Council of the Inter-Party Union in Russia and a co-organizer of the Polish Corps in Russia. In 1919, he was one of the main participants in the failed coup d’etat attempting to overthrow the government of Jędrzej Moraczewski. In the years 1922–1927, he was a member of the Sejm from the Popular National Union. In the years 1925–1926, he was the Minister of the Treasury in the government of A. Skrzyński. He developed the economic and financial program for stabilizing the Polish zloty, which caused such side effects as, i.a.: reduced employment, lowered wages, and reduced exports of agricultural products, as well as significant increases in taxes and prices. However, the program allowed for achieving a balanced budget. The program’s implementation resulted in the withdrawal of the Polish Socialist Party from the ruling coalition and led to the fall of the government. In the years 1926–1933, he was a member of the Council of the Camp of Great Poland, which was founded and led by Roman Dmowski. Until 1939, he was an activist of economic organizations. From September 1939, Jerzy Zdziechowski resided abroad. After World War II, he was the chairman of the Executive Department of the Political Council in London on behalf of the National Party. Jerzy Zdziechowski was characterized by theoretical eradication and the ability to achieve macroeconomic goals within the framework of economic policy, which he proved by managing financial matters in the years 1925-26 as well as by his creative criticism of the politics in 1926-39.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Poles and Finns under Russian rule." Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 8 (December 30, 2019): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.03.
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An attempt to compare Russian Tsar Alexander I was the head of the Grand Duchy of Finland, which the Russian army captured in 1809 as a result of the Russo-Swedish war. The final act of the Congress of Vienna of June 1815 decided to establish the Kingdom of Poland. Beside the title of Grand Duke of Finland tsar, Alexander I was awarded the title of the King of Poland. From that moment on, for over one hundred years, the fate of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the Kingdom of Poland was intertwined during the rule of five Russian tsars.
The aim of this paper is to answer the question whether two different ways on the road to independence – romantic Polish way with national uprisings, and pragmatic Finnish, relative loyal to the Russian tsars – had an impact on their policy towards both nations. The Kingdom of Poland and the Duchy of Finland were autonomous, were in a personal union with Russian tsars, had their own constitutions, parliaments, armies, monetary systems and educational structures, and official activities were held in Polish (Polish Kingdom) and Swedish (in the Grand Duchy of Finland). Both countries also had their own universities.
The first national uprising in the Kingdom of Poland, which broke out in November 1830, resulted in a wave of repression. The Constitution was replaced by the so-called The Organic Statute, the Sejm (the Parliament) and the independent army were liquidated. The Kingdom was occupied by the mighty Russian army, and in 1833 martial law was introduced. The second national uprising of January 1863 led to another wave of repression and intensive Russification of Polish territories. In 1867, the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland, its name and budget were abolished. From 1872 the Polish language was only an optional choice. After 1863, the policy of the Russian authorities changed towards the Grand Duchy.
A session of the Finnish parliament (Eduskunta) was convened for the first time since 1809, the new parliamentary law allowed the dissemination of the Finnish language. After the deadly assault on Alexander II in 1881, his son Alexander III made attempts to limit also Finland’s autonomy. The years 1899–1904 were called the first period of Russification in Finland (“the first period of oppression”). The Manifesto of June 1900 introduced obligatory Russian language in correspondence of officials with Russia. In 1901, the national Finnish army was liquidated. In Russia this was the beginning of the process of the empire’s unification into one cultural, political and economic system. After a short thaw as a result of the 1905 revolution in Russia, the Grand Duchy of Finland, the so-called “second period of oppression” and anti-Finnish politics took place. During the great war of 1914–1918, the Grand Duchy was on the side of Russia. The territories of the former Kingdom of Poland were under German rule since 1915. After the outbreak of the revolution in Russia, the Eduskunta (on 6 December 1917) passed a Declaration of Independence. After a short period of regency, on 19 July 1919, the Finns adopted the republican system with a parliamentary form of government.
On 11 November 1918 Germany surrendered on the Western Front. On that day, the Regency Council in Warsaw handed over military authority to the Polish Legion commander Józef Piłsudski. Although Poland still had to fight for the final shape of the state, the 11th of November 1918 is considered the first day of recovered Polish independence.
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Matsiuk, H. P. "Towards a typology of language situations in historical sociolinguistics. The language situation in Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia in 1815-1915." Movoznavstvo 318, no. 3 (July 2, 2021): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33190/0027-2833-318-2021-3-002.
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The article seeks to study a new period in the typological characteristics of language situations related to the functions of the Ukrainian language. The purpose of the article is to analyze the changes in the language situation and the causal interaction of social functions of languages used by the indigenous Ukrainian population on the outskirts of ethnically Ukrainian territory of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia in 1815–1915. In order to reach this goal, the author reveals the political factors that led to a variety of language situations, communicative practices, and assimilation processes. The analysis is based on the results of interdisciplinary research on the history, politics, and culture of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia, as well as the works on historical sociolinguistics. The sources of analysis include travel records, memoirs, and documents, to which the method of sociolinguistic interpretation and reinterpretation is applied, as well as comparative and biographical methods, elements of discourse analysis. The results testify to three geopolitical influences that changed the directions of development of the language situation: the transition of territories within the Kingdom of Poland to the Russian Empire in 1815; military actions on the territory of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia during the First World War in 1914– 1915; the arrival of the new occupation authorities in 1915. In early 20th century, there was a decrease in the number of native speakers of the Ukrainian language: after the permitted conversion from Orthodoxy to the Roman Catholic faith under the tsarist law of 1905 and in connection with the deportation in 1915. Communicative practices of Ukrainians in different spheres of life included a combination of languages: colloquial Ukrainian and Polish, literary Polish, Russian and occasionally Ukrainian, Church Slavonic with Ukrainian and Russian pronunciations, and the German language. Based on the assimilative interaction of the languages, it might be suggested that the life of Ukrainians took place in the face of Polonization. This was particularly a manifestation of the resistance of the Polish and non-Polish population to the tsarist government as an occupation after the uprisings of 1831 and 1863–64, and after 1875, and Russification as a result of the planned conversion of Greek Catholics to Orthodoxy, the creation of new educational institutions and separation on the basis of Lublin and Siedlce Voivodeships
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Boyko, Ihor. "LIFE PATH, SCIENTIFIC-PEDAGOGICAL AND PUBLIC ACTIVITY OF VOLODYMYR SOKURENKO (TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS BIRTH)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 72, no. 72 (June 20, 2021): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2021.72.158.
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The life path, scientific-pedagogical and public activity of Volodymyr Sokurenko – a prominent Ukrainian jurist, doctor of law, professor, talented teacher of the Lviv Law School of Franko University are analyzed. It is found out that after graduating from a seven-year school in Zaporizhia, V. Sokurenko entered the Zaporizhia Aviation Technical School, where he studied two courses until 1937. 1/10/1937 he was enrolled as a cadet of the 2nd school of aircraft technicians named after All-Union Lenin Komsomol. In 1938, this school was renamed the Volga Military Aviation School, which he graduated on September 4, 1939 with the military rank of military technician of the 2nd category. As a junior aircraft technician, V. Sokurenko was sent to the military unit no. 8690 in Baku, and later to Maradnyany for further military service in the USSR Air Force. From September 4, 1939 to March 16, 1940, he was a junior aircraft technician of the 50th Fighter Regiment, 60th Air Brigade of the ZAK VO in Baku. The certificate issued by the Railway District Commissariat of Lviv on January 4, 1954 no. 3132 states that V. Sokurenko actually served in the staff of the Soviet Army from October 1937 to May 1946. The same certificate states that from 10/12/1941 to 20/09/1942 and from 12/07/1943 to 08/03/1945, he took part in the Soviet-German war, in particular in the second fighter aviation corps of the Reserve of the Supreme Command of the Soviet Army. In 1943 he joined the CPSU. He was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 1st degree and the Order of the Red Star (1943) as well as 9 medals «For Merit in Battle» during the Soviet-German war. With the start of the Soviet-German war, the Sokurenko family, like many other families, was evacuated to the town of Kamensk-Uralsky in the Sverdlovsk region, where their father worked at a metallurgical plant. After the war, the Sokurenko family moved to Lviv. In 1946, V. Sokurenko entered the Faculty of Law of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University, graduating with honors in 1950, and entered the graduate school of the Lviv State University at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law. V. Sokurenko successfully passed the candidate examinations and on December 25, 1953 in Moscow at the Institute of Law of the USSR he defended his thesis on the topic: «Socialist legal consciousness and its relationship with Soviet law». The supervisor of V. Sokurenko's candidate's thesis was N. Karieva. The Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Culture of the USSR, by its decision of March 31, 1954, awarded V. Sokurenko the degree of Candidate of Law. In addition, it is necessary to explain the place of defense of the candidate's thesis by V. Sokurenko. As it is known, the Institute of State and Law of the USSR has its history since 1925, when, in accordance with the resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of March 25, 1925, the Institute of Soviet Construction was established at the Communist Academy. In 1936, the Institute became part of the USSR Academy of Sciences, and in 1938 it was reorganized into the Institute of Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1941–1943 it was evacuated to Tashkent. In 1960-1991 it was called the Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In Ukraine, there is the Institute of State and Law named after V. Koretsky of the NAS of Ukraine – a leading research institution in Ukraine of legal profile, founded in 1949. It is noted that, as a graduate student, V. Sokurenko read a course on the history of political doctrines, conducted special seminars on the theory of state and law. After graduating from graduate school and defending his thesis, from October 1, 1953 he was enrolled as a senior lecturer and then associate professor at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv State University named after Ivan Franko. By the decision of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Higher Education of the USSR of December 18, 1957, V. Sokurenko was awarded the academic title of associate professor of the «Department of Theory and History of State and Law». V. Sokurenko took an active part in public life. During 1947-1951 he was a member of the party bureau of the party organization of LSU, worked as a chairman of the trade union committee of the university, from 1955 to 1957 he was a secretary of the party committee of the university. He delivered lectures for the population of Lviv region. Particularly, he lectured in Turka, Chervonohrad, and Yavoriv. He made reports to the party leaders, Soviet workers as well as business leaders. He led a philosophical seminar at the Faculty of Law. He was a deputy of the Lviv City Council of People's Deputies in 1955-1957 and 1975-1978. In December 1967, he defended his doctoral thesis on the topic: «Development of progressive political thought in Ukraine (until the early twentieth century)». The defense of the doctoral thesis was approved by the Higher Attestation Commission on June 14, 1968. During 1960-1990 he headed the Department of Theory and History of State and Law; in 1962-68 and 1972-77 he was the dean of the Law Faculty of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University. In connection with the criticism of the published literature, on September 10, 1977, V. Sokurenko wrote a statement requesting his dismissal from the post of Dean of the Faculty of Law due to deteriorating health. During 1955-1965 he was on research trips to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Austria, and Bulgaria. From August 1966 to March 1967, in particular, he spent seven months in the United States, England and Canada as a UN Fellow in the Department of Human Rights. From April to May 1968, he was a member of the government delegation to the International Conference on Human Rights in Iran for one month. He spoke, in addition to Ukrainian, English, Polish and Russian. V. Sokurenko played an important role in initiating the study of an important discipline at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv University – History of Political and Legal Studies, which has been studying the history of the emergence and development of theoretical knowledge about politics, state, law, ie the process of cognition by people of the phenomena of politics, state and law at different stages of history in different nations, from early statehood and modernity. Professor V. Sokurenko actively researched the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of Ukrainian legal and political thought. He was one of the first legal scholars in the USSR to begin research on the basics of legal deontology. V. Sokurenko conducted extensive research on the development of basic requirements for the professional and legal responsibilities of a lawyer, similar to the requirements for a doctor. In further research, the scholar analyzed the legal responsibilities, prospects for the development of the basics of professional deontology. In addition, he considered medical deontology from the standpoint of a lawyer, law and morality, focusing on internal (spiritual) processes, calling them «the spirit of law.» The main direction of V. Sokurenko's research was the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of legal and political studies. The main scientific works of professor V. Sokurenko include: «The main directions in the development of progressive state and legal thought in Ukraine: 16th – 19th centuries» (1958) (Russian), «Democratic doctrines about the state and law in Ukraine in the second half of the 19th century (M. Drahomanov, S. Podolynskyi, A. Terletskyi)» (1966), «Law. Freedom. Equality» (1981, co-authored) (in Russian), «State and legal views of Ivan Franko» (1966), «Socio-political views of Taras Shevchenko (to the 170th anniversary of his birth)» (1984); «Political and legal views of Ivan Franko (to the 130th anniversary of his birth)» (1986) (in Russian) and others. V. Sokurenko died on November 22, 1994 and was buried in Holoskivskyi Cemetery in Lviv. Volodymyr Sokurenko left a bright memory in the hearts of a wide range of scholars, colleagues and grateful students. The 100th anniversary of the Scholar is a splendid opportunity to once again draw attention to the rich scientific heritage of the lawyer, which is an integral part of the golden fund of Ukrainian legal science and education. It needs to be studied, taken into account and further developed.
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Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.
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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about.
At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
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Stelmasiak, Izabela. "Polityczna i pedagogiczna aktywność Janusza Jędrzejewicza na emigracji (1939–1951)." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 25 (March 6, 2019): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2009.25.3.
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The exile years of Janusz Jędrzejewicz (1939-1951), a prominent and reputed educator of the inter-war Poland, deserve much of our attention. After the outbreak of the war, Jędrzejewicz initially took some effort to return to active military duty but these attempts failed to be successful. Along with the evacuation of the government, the Jędrzejewiczs had to leave Poland for Romania and had to remain there as exiles. Dull, everyday routine in exile in Romania was interspersed with Jędrzejewicz’s involvement in teaching maths and in meetings with fellow exiles, the followers of Józef Piłsudzki. The years from July 1940 until the end of the year, Jędrzejewicz and his family spent in Turkey. In the dire straits he was in at the time, to minimize stress and inconvenience in housing, he managed to find some balance and relief in his political and social activity. Jędrzejewicz managed to establish contacts with other exiles, notably Tatar, Caucasian and Ukrainian exiles. As a result of the meetings with the non-Polish émigrés, the concept of the so-called “Międzymorze – Intermarum”, a proposed federation of countries stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, emerged. The years between 1940 and 1942 Jędzerzejowicz and his family spent in Tel-Aviv in Palestine. The local Polish political and military circles were closely associated with former “colonels” and Gen. Sławoj-Składkowski’s supporters and were labelled as “steadfast” or “unyielding”. In a straightforward way, the leadership of this group fell to Jędrzejewicz as the one who was the highest ranking Pilsudski-ite among them. The group became the core of the political movement founded upon a concept that underlined the ideas of the late marshal and represented their supporters in the Near East. Jędrzejewicz was very active in writing articles on social and political subjects and in giving lectures, including notably the one delivered on March 19, 1941 and entitled “On the occasion of the anniversary of the name day of First Marshal of Poland” He was also involved in talks with leaders of local Jewish and Arabic population. The presented concept of “Intermarum” was received with interest by politicians in exile from the Baltics, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary. It also formed an alternative to the realpolitik exercised by the government in exile.An important initiative of the group of the Pilsudski-ites was to publish Biuletyn Informacyjny (News Bulletin), and then to transform it into the official monthly Na Straży (On guard). The editor-in-chief of the periodical was Jędrzejewicz himself (from issue 18th onwards). In the course of time, still in Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem, the Piłsudski-ite groups grew more and more members. These circles, physically far from the government in exile in London and its influence, were thus more independent and formed a sort of a mutation and an alternative to the London-based Związek Pracy Państwowej (State Labour Union). Under the leadership of Janusz Jędrzejewicz, the Piłsudzki-ites in Palestine organized themselves in Związek Pracy dla Państwa (Union of Work for the State). The Polish political scene in exile was going through many dramatic changes and transformations. Political tension was aggravated further by Prof. Kot’s action who had returned from the Soviet Union in mid-1942. He perceived the activity of some of Polish exiles in the Near East as politically detrimental and anti-government. As for Prof Kot’s intense dislike for Jędrzejewicz, it was guided by the two following reasons: the latter’s influence in circles overtly reluctant to accept the stance adopted by the government represented by Gen. Sikorski, and, secondly, his personal grudge and resentment towards the former minister of religious affairs and education (Polish: MriOP). The political situation of the years 1944-1946 was decisive in creating the atmosphere less negative and more cooperative, and ultimately led to the emergence of the idea of a common platform for reconciliation and understanding for all splinter groups of Piłsudski followers. The common denominator for all was to be the Independence League, a political party in exile, of which, until 1947, Jędrzejewicz knew very little about. From 1942 the Jędrzejewiczs lived in Jerusalem, where they enjoyed good rapport and relations with local Arab leaders. Despite some health problems, Jędrzejewicz engaged himself in a series of lectures and continued to edit the periodical Na Straży. Soon, however, he was forced to step down this post due to aggravating health problems. Towards the end of 1946, the former prime minister was transferred to the reserve. This helped Jędrzejewicz to obtain a decision to be moved to Great Britain. Before he left Jerusalem, however, he spent half a year with his family in harsh conditions of El Kantara field hospital, which was also a transit camp for war refugees. The circles of the London-based Pilsudski-ites were very much counting on Jędrzejewicz’s Związek Pracy dla Państwa. The promoters of the Independence League also viewed the former prime minister, who was a one-time trustworthy aide to Marshal Piłsudski, as their potential leader. Jędrzejewicz himself was quite aware of his assets and the position he enjoyed within the hierarchy of values as a Piłsudski-ite and, despite bad health, was ready to support the League. In the first half of 1948, with the help of Jędrzejewicz, the fundamentals of the political program of the Poland’s Independence League were established. However, the following infightings and quarrels as to who was to head the League made Jędrzejewicz step down from the position of the leader of the League. From that time on, his activity was limited to writing articles and the participation in the work for the board of trustees of the London Piłsudski Institute. Jędrzejewicz’s last years of his life were undoubtedly influenced by his poor health (1948-1951). He was repeatedly hospitalized, which was taken advantage of by his political opponents in 1948. His physical state was very much influenced by his mental condition, which was a result the victimization and persecution he experienced between 1939-1943. An emotional shock for him was undoubtedly the news about his son who had been shot by the Germans in 1943, and the death of his former wife, Maria Stattler, in 1944. Eventually, all his energy was directed at administrative and research work. With his participation, or at his initiative, four research institutes were established at the time. The intention was to conduct historical or political science research there. Janusz Jędrzejewicz died on March 16th 1951. In exile, he was unfortunate enough to experience ostracism from fellow Poles, both as a politician and as a man. Still, he was far from shunning the world and, with dignity, he carried out his mission of executing the tasks once set by his Commander. As an exile, he was just as well a good representative of a Piłsudski-ite with a characteristic appropriate system of values that determined his life style. The ongoing internalization of the imponderables of his beloved Commander was though respected in the multi-faceted realities of Polish exile life.
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Morozov, S. V. "POLAND AND THE EASTERN PACT." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 4 (January 10, 2018): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-4-80-84.
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The article features the activities of the Soviet and the Polish governments aimed at creating the so-called Eastern Pact in 1933 – the spring of 1935. The archives of Soviet intelligence declassified in the 2000s show that while the Soviet government fought for the pact, the governments of Poland, Germany and Japan were secretly preparing to conduct a policy of aggression against the USSR as early as in 1935; the secret sponsor and mastermind behind the plan was representatives of the British ruling circles. The major figures of the group were the head of the Bank of England M. Norman and the head of the House of Lords and the Minister of War, Lord Hailsham. By the spring of 1935, the Soviet political authorities already possessed all the information of strategic importance, which allowed them to take the necessary action. In March 1935, the Chinese Eastern Railway was sold, in April they publicized the secret Polish-German treaty signed on 25 February, 1934; on 2 May the Franco-Soviet treaty of mutual assistance was signed, and a similar treaty with Czechoslovakia was concluded on 16 May. Thus, the minor collective security system was established, which would put an end to the plans of Berlin, Tokyo and Warsaw to unleash their anti-Soviet intervention before the end of 1935.
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Włodarczyk, Edyta. "Zmiany społeczno-polityczne przeprowadzone przez Ministerstwo Administracji Publicznej w latach 1944–1950 dotyczące spraw Kościołów i związków wyznaniowych w Polsce." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 17, no. 3 (January 24, 2020): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1877.
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The Ministry of Public Administration was established pursuant to the Act of 31 December 1944 on the appointment of the Interim Government of the Republic of Poland. The matters arising from the relations between the State and the Churches and religious denominations were handled by Department V, which in 1946 consisted of two sections addressing Christian and non-Christian denominations, respectively. The Socio-Political Departments in the Provincial Offices, which employed officials responsible for matters relating to religious denominations, were subordinate to Department V. The same held true in Starostwa Powiatowe [County Offices]. In 1947, Department V was divided into three units addressing matters of the Catholic Church, Christian Denominations and Non-Christian denominations, respectively, and one year later still one more department, i.e. the Department of General Matters, was established. Since 1947 matters relating to religious denominations fell within the competences of Department IV. The Department of Religious Denominations in the Ministry of Public Administration from its beginnings was responsible for shaping the policy of the State towards religious denominations. The aforementioned policy was supposed to be concordant with the directives and principles of the communist party. The socio-political reforms conducted by the Ministry of Public Administration in relation to the Churches and religious associations were one of the means of repression, which within the years 1944-1950 was in its initial phase based on the trial-and-error method. However, it was the cooperation of the Ministry with Urząd Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego [Public Security Office], and later the establishment of Urząd ds. Wyznań [Office in charge of Religious Denominations] in 1950 which changed and regulated actions of the communist authorities towards the Churches and religious associations in Poland regarding the matters concerning the relations between the State and the Church and religious associations. From then on the competences to date of Department IV of the Ministry of Public Administration were transferred onto the Office in charge of Religious Denominations.
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Dyjakowska, Marzena. "The Influence of the Communist Authorities’ References to the March Constitution on the Formation of the Political System in Poland in the Years 1944–1947." Teka Komisji Prawniczej PAN Oddział w Lublinie 14, no. 1 (July 21, 2022): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32084/tekapr.2021.14.1-10.
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The main purpose of this paper is to answer the question of whether the communist authorities’ references to the March Constitution in the 1944 Manifesto of the Polish Committee of National Liberation had a real impact on the shaping of the political system in Poland in 1944–1947. The authorities paid particular attention to the illegal adoption of the April Constitution, refusing its binding force, thus denying the legal activity of the Polish government in exile. The principles on which the March constitution was based will be discussed and then compared with the principles declared by the new authorities and their application in practice. Attention will be paid to the understanding of these principles that differs from the meaning adopted in the interwar period.
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White, Anne, and Carl Tigue. "The Politics of Literature: Poland 1945-1989." Modern Language Review 97, no. 1 (January 2002): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3735703.
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Krzyżanowski, Jerzy R., and Carl Tighe. "The Politics of Literature: Poland 1945-1989." World Literature Today 74, no. 1 (2000): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40155463.
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Grzybowski, Romuald. "Odradzanie się harcerstwa polskiego po 1956 r. i próby włączenia go w struktury systemu wychowawczego szkoły." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 23 (March 11, 2019): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2007.23.3.
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The Polish scouting movement, which wrote such a beautiful page of history during the Second World War, after 1945 found itself in an extremely difficult situation. The aims and the forms of educational influence of ZHP (poi. abbr. Związek Harcerstwa Polskiego - Polish Scouting Association) proved unacceptable by the government of a totalitarian state, which the Polish People’s Republic (Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa - PRL) was. As a result, ZHP was originally marginalized, and then, for several years, had been completely dissolved. The reconstruction of the scouting movement started at the end of 1956, on the wave of a political thaw. Such actions led, in the years 1956-1958, to a formal recreation of ZHP, however, since then, this organization was entirely subject to PZPR (Polish communist party). Consequently, following 1958, ZHP was incorporated into the structure of a communist youth movement in Poland. Moreover, in accordance with the rules of the socialist political system and the principles of a planned economy, the scouting movement was „delegated” to work in school. Since then, in compliance with the guidelines of the Central Committee of PZPR, the activity of the Polish Scouting Association (ZHP) was to become an integral element of the school's educational programme. It meant that the scouting movement was supposed to actively participate in shaping of socialist attitudes in children and youth, according to the main task of the Polish school which was reformed in 1961. Unexpectedly, the party authorities and educational authorities were confronted with the opposition of ZHP leadership that they controlled. ZHP, for a long time, resolutely rejected the suggestion about a necessity to strengthen the ties of this organization and school. In reality, in early 1960s, the scouting movement defended the remnants of its autonomy, struggling against becoming one of the tools for shaping a young generation of Poles through ideologized Polish school. The practice showed that the arguments of scouts did not have any significance for communist authorities as they consequently kept on achieving their own goals.
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Myagkov, M. Yu. "USSR in World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-7-51.
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The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of global conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western democracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military missions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circumstances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a graduate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a decisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the enemy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.
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Śmiechowski, Kamil. "Imagining the Urban Poland: Revolution and Reconceptualization of Urban Society in the Kingdom of Poland, 1905‒1914." Praktyka Teoretyczna 39, no. 1 (May 22, 2021): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/prt2021.1.5.
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The aim of this article is to analyze how the concept of mieszczaństwo was redefined in Polish political discourse between 1905 and 1914 in conjunction with concepts of intelligentsia and bourgeoisie. My hypothesis is that before the Great War, in a time of powerful social and political revolutions that took place on the streets of Warsaw, Łódź and other cities, new ways of conceptualizing the urban society emerged. I shall discuss the circumstances that led to the forming of the concept of the Polish mieszczaństwo during the debate about the urban self-government in the Kingdom of Poland after the 1905 Revolution. As the city itself became the subject of political competition, and the right to govern the city became a demand of the Polish public opinion. For National Democratic Party it was an excellent occasion to expand anti-Semitic rhetoric and promote the idea of the Polonization of cities as a long-term goal. However, I argue that this rhetoric would not find public response if the intelligentsia itself would not redefined its attitude to other groups of urban dwellers. The mieszczaństwo, which had no political meaning previously, became the main factor of the imagined modernization of Poland. Despite the price of the ethnic conflict it became obvious that Poland had to be urbanized to be modernized.
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Berenbaum, Michael. "Auschwitz, Poland, and the Politics of Commemoration, 1945-1979 (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 23, no. 4 (2005): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2005.0132.
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Czubocha, Krzysztof. "ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ ZSRR ZA NARUSZENIA PRAWA MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO W STOSUNKU DO POLSKI W LATACH 1939-1945." Zeszyty Prawnicze 5, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2005.5.1.09.
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International Responsibility of the Soviet Union for its Illegal Actions against Poland between 1939 and 1945SummaryThe author of the paper comes to a conclusion that many actions concerning Poland taken by the Soviet Union during The Second World War constituted an abuse of power. The Soviet U nion invaded Poland and illegally occupied its Eastern territories until 1945. As a result of the aggression, hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers and citizens were killed or persecuted.At the end of The Second W orld W ar decisions concerning Poland were taken at inter-Allied conferences w ithout Poland’s participation. The Great Powers decided to deprive Poland of its Eastern territories against the will of the Polish Government-in-exile, which was legal at that time. W hat is more, Poland was not a signatory of the Jalta and Potsdam agreements. Therefore, the decisions referring to Polish Eastern border should be invalidAs far as the problem of a new Polish government is concerned, it is necessary to stress that according to international law a change of a government in a particular state should take place w ithout any external interference. Nevertheless, the Soviet U nion decided to create a new government for Poland to replace the legal government-in-exile. As a consequence, the Provisional Government of National Unity was created., It consisted mostly of communists who were dependent on the Soviet Union. Many o f them were Soviet spies. They were able to gain power only as a result of the Soviet military intervention in Poland. The government did not represent Polish society and was created against its will. The Soviet U nion did not have the right to impose this sort of government on Poland.The problem of reconciliation between Poland and Russia is also approached in the paper. During the Second World War Polish state and its citizens suffered great losses. Neither the Soviet U nion nor Russia has ever assumed responsibility for the Soviet U nion’s illegal actions against Poland and its citizens between 1939 and 1945. In such circumstances any sort of reconciliation cannot take place.
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Szczerbiak, Aleks. "Democratic government in Poland: constitutional politics since 1989." Representation 41, no. 3 (January 2005): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890508523317.
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Bukelevičiūtė, Dalia. "The political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Romania (1935-1940)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 1 (August 15, 2010): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i1_3.
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The first contacts between Lithuanian and Romanian representatives started after the World War I when Lithuania was looking for the protection of her inhabitants who were still refugees in Russia. As Russia became entrenched with Bolshevism, the Lithuanian citizens were evacuated through Romanian territory from South Ukraine and Crimea. Lithuania and Czechoslovakia established diplomatic relations in December 1919 and eventually an attempt was made to set up ties also with Romania. As a member of the Little Entente and an ally of Poland, Romania drew the attention of the Lithuanian government. Romania recognized Lithuania de jure on August 21, 1924 and Dovas Zaunius was appointed the first Lithuanian envoy to Bucharest. Nevertheless, during the next decade no political or diplomatic contacts between Lithuania and Romania existed. With the growing influence of Germany, the Soviet Union and the Little Entente on the international arena, Edvardas Turauskas was appointed on August 27, 1935 as envoy to Romania residing in Prague and later in the year Romania accredited ConstantinValimarescu for the position of envoy to Lithuania residing in Riga. The dialogue between the two parties remained, however, occasional. When on July 21, 1940 Lithuania was occupied by Soviet Union, Turauskas visited the Romanian Legation in Bern and presented a note of protest in this respect. Romania did not acknowledge Lithuanian occupation and annexation.
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Łopatecki, Karol. "PROBLEMY Z OBSADZENIEM NUNCJATURY W POLSCE (XI 1935 – V 1937)." Zeszyty Prawnicze 13, no. 1 (December 14, 2016): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2013.13.1.05.
Full textAbstract:
PROBLEMS WITH THE APPOINTMENT OF THE PAPAL NUNCIO TO POLAND, NOVEMBER 1935 – APRIL 1937SummaryThe article describes the appointment of Filippo Cortesi to the office of papal nuncio to the Republic of Poland, and reviews the role of the Polish diplomats accredited to the Holy See in this process. The appointment of a nuncio following the departure of Francesco Marmaggi was extremely complicated. The list of candidates was the resultant of a number of factors. The individuals whose names were on it had used influence with the pope, the Vatican’s secretary of state, or former nuncios to Warsaw. Both the Polish government and the bishops of Poland had a say in the final outcome. In addition there was also the volatile political situation in Europe at the time, especially in Spain and Yugoslavia, which exerted an effect on the process. In June 1936 Carlo Chiarlo received the nomination for the office. However, the unanimously negative position of the Conference of the Bishops of Poland, especially Cardinals Kakowski and Hlond, stopped the appointment at the last moment. The Polish Government did not want Ermenegildo Pellegrinetti to be appointed and tried to prevent it, considering Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli the ideal candidate. Eventually Pius XI appointed Filippo Cortesi, formerly nuncio to Argentina.