Academic literature on the topic 'Poland – Politics and government – 1945-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Poland – Politics and government – 1945-"
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Fatalski, Marcin. "Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.
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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.
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Noskova, Albina. "The Polish-British Agreement and the Protocol of August 25, 1939: Objectives of the parties and the significance in the history of Poland (autumn 1939 — spring 1945)." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2022): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.1-2.1.07.
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The Mutual Assistance Agreement between the United Kingdom and Poland and the secret Protocol to it of August 25, 1939 is one of the most important documents for the history of Poland. It largely determined the current situation, politics and future of the Polish government until the settlement of the “Polish question” by the heads of the “Big Three” in 1945. The article analyzes this document based on specific historical information accumulated in Soviet, Russian, Polish historiography, and documentary material on the history of international relations on the eve and during the Second World War. Signed after the conclusion of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the document obliged Britain in the event of a German attack to immediately provide Poland with “all support and assistance.” In the case of the Soviet threat, there was no such British commitment. This allowed W. Churchill, after June 22, 1941, to not support Poland openly in the territorial dispute with the USSR and, “playing along” with Stalin, to force the weak ally to agree to the “Curzon Line” in order to return the government to the country. The latter did not agree with Churchill’s intentions and, as a result, was defeated on the issue of borders and power in the country.
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Olejnik, Maciej. "A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (2020): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-178.
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Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.
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Brenk, Mikołaj. "Opieka społeczna w powiecie tureckim w pierwszych latach po zakończeniu działań wojennych (1945-1949)." Polonia Maior Orientalis 6 (2019): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/27204006pmo.22.009.15852.
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Artykuł dotyczy aktywności samorządowej na polu opieki społecznej w powiecie tureckim w Wielkopolsce w skrajnie trudnych, powojennych warunkach Polski Ludowej. W pierwszych miesiącach po zakończeniu okupacji udało się zorganizować miejscowym społecznikom podstawową pomoc w formie ratowniczej dla osób najbardziej potrzebujących – głównie dożywiając ludność i tworząc domy dla starców i inwalidów. W ciągu pierwszego roku stworzono i sprawnie nadzorowano we wszystkich gminach sieć Gminnych Komitetów Opieki Społecznej. Dzięki nim możliwe było względnie dokładne rozpoznanie potrzeb w terenie, a także adekwatne do potrzeb rozdzielanie pomocy – również tej płynącej od organizacji międzynarodowych. Oczywiście problemy natury organizacyjnej, finansowej, politycznej i in. powodowały, iż opieka społeczna była taktowana jako jedna z ostatnich „spraw do załatwienia” podczas tworzeniu struktur powojennych samorządów. Niemniej jednak opisane pięć lat jej funkcjonowania charakteryzowało się wyraźnym rozwojem. Social welfare in the Turek country in the first years after the end of military activities (1945-1949). The article concerns self-government activity in the field of social welfare in the Turek Country in Greater Poland in the extremely difficult post-war conditions of the People’s Poland. In the first months after the end of the occupation, it was possible to organize basic help in the form of rescue operations for the most needy – mainly feeding the population and creating homes for the elderly and invalids. During the first year, a network of Communal Welfare Committees was created and supervised in all municipalities. Thanks to them, it was possible to identify the needs in the area, as well as their adequate allocation – also the one coming from international organizations. Of course, the problems of the organizational, financial, political and other nature caused that social care was treated as one of the “issues to be dealt with” during the creation of structures of post-war local governments. Nevertheless, the described five years of its functioning was characterized by a clear development.
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Tomkiewicz, Ryszard. "An outline of the role of local government in the territorial administrative system in Poland after 1945." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 295, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134988.
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In post–war Poland, there was a specific system of administration in which the structures of the general authority with its representative bodies and the fragmented, temporary, territorial self–government co-existed. The nature of the introduced system became particularly visible after 1950, alongside the strengthening of the ruling body and the realisation of the vision of the “unification of state power” in the field. In essence, local self–government was liquidated. This solution, as it was envisaged, was intended to guarantee the widespread democratisation of public life and the transparency of state governance. In practice, the non–democratic system of local administration ensured, amongst other things, a means of conducting the elections, limited the possibilities for decision–making by local councilors on matters relating to their districts and a lack of financial autonomy of the administration, which was the essence of self–government. The political and administrative supervision of local government bodies operating in the area of national councils was subordinated in an unnatural way to the ruling party. At the same time, the diffusion of the com�petences and activities of the general administration and national councils was not an isolated phenomenon, in practice causing the actions of individual members of the administration to be unclear, slow and ineffective.
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Kossewska, Elżbieta. "Between Communism, Zionism, and Statehood: Władysław Broniewski in Palestine." Polish Review 66, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 78–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.4.0078.
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Abstract This article focuses on Władysław Broniewski’s political activities in Palestine during his stay there from February 1943 to November 1945. His personal history is presented against a backdrop of the political and intellectual life of Polish refugees in the Middle East. Broniewski, a revolutionary and avant-garde poet who belonged to the left-wing world, is depicted against the backdrop of events and tensions occurring at that time in Zionist communities, as well as in the centers of Polish power—both the communist government in Warsaw and the Polish government-in-exile in London—and the dispute between them concerning the future of Poland. The article presents Broniewski’s friendships and acquaintances during his stay in Palestine. Extensive epistolary material as well as other archival and press sources were used. The article also explores the subject matter of Broniewski’s literary output. The poems he wrote in Palestine are some of his most interesting works, exemplifying the most expressive poetry in the canon of literature written by refugees.
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Hryciuk, Grzegorz. "The “Emigration Commission”: The Chief Representative for the evacuation of the Polish and Jewish population from the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the evacuation apparatus: A description." Wrocławskie Studia Wschodnie 24 (May 17, 2021): 69–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1429-4168.24.4.
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The changes of political borders between Poland and the Soviet Union in 1944–1945 were accompanied by a relocation campaign lasting until autumn 1946 and affecting the Polish and Jewish populations of Eastern Galicia, Volhynia and Northern Bukovina. An agreement for mutual resettlement of Poles, Jews and Ukrainians, formally referred to as evacuation, was concluded on 9th September 1944 in Lublin between the Polish Committee of National Liberation and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The organisation of the relocation was entrusted to a special apparatus subordinated to evacuation representatives of both sides. The Chief Representative for the evacuation of the Polish and Jewish population from the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was based in Lutsk. Initially, he oversaw seventeen and then eighteen regional representatives in larger cities located in the so-called western oblasts of the Ukrainian SSR. Together with representatives of the Ukrainian side they were to carry out a registration campaign and organise transport for the relocated population and its possessions. The relocation apparatus began to be organised by a group of employees who arrived in Lutsk from Lublin in October 1944 with the first Representative, Stanisław Pizło. The process was viewed with distrust and hostility by the Poles, who were reluctant to leave their homeland. The several hundred staff of the resettlement apparatus struggled, similarly to the local population, with numerous problems relating to provisions and subsistence. The Soviet security services saw many officials working for the Representative as individuals hostile to the Soviet authorities. Consequently, Polish officials were quite often arrested, having been accused of collaborating with the Polish independence underground and of sabotaging the resettlement campaign. A lack of a sense of security led to a considerable staff turnover among the resettlement staff. As most of the people entitled to be evacuated from the various resettlement regions left, from the second half of 1945 the staff working for the evacuation apparatus were gradually dismissed. The transfer of population ended in November 1946 and the final protocol closing the post-war resettlements under the agreement of 9th September 1944 concluded between the Polish Committee of National Liberation and the government of the Ukrainian SSR was signed in May 1947.
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Chmielewski, Witold. "Wyższe Studium Polskie przy Bibliotece Polskiej w Paryżu w 1945 roku." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 34 (October 12, 2018): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2016.34.4.
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Following the German occupation of the French capital city, an idea sprang up in the Polish intellectual circles to intensify propagation of Polish culture and knowledge of Poland among young Polish and French people. This concept was to be implemented in the Polish Library in Paris by a series of lectures organized by the Department of Science of the Polish YMCA1 in France in late 1944. The success of the lectures encouraged the Polish Library to launch the Polish College with the goal of making available to primarily Polish youth, studying and working in Paris, the achievements of Polish science and culture and to prepare the young people for work in Poland. The curriculum was developed and, as expected, the College’s operations were financed by the YMCA. Wacław Grzybowski, Ph.D., a former ambassador of Poland to the USSR, was appointed director of the College. The lecturers included illustrious intellectuals: priest Augustyn Jakubisiak, Ph.D., Franciszek Pułaski, Zygmunt Dygat, Irena Gałęzowska, Wieńczysław d’Ercville and many other. The College enjoyed considerable popularity among the students. The changing political situation in Poland put a stop to the promising operations of the College. To some extent, it was continued in the Catholic University of Paris ( the Institut Catholique de Paris). Since 1945, the University hosted the Centre for Slavic Studies where the Polish Section (Section Polonaise) was established. It is worth emphasising that an ambitious attempt at establishing studies for young Poles abroad was made in Madrid, on the initiative of the Polish ambassador, count Józef Potocki, representing in Spain the Polish government in London.
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Krzyzanowski, Lukasz. "Holocaust Survivors and the Restitution of Jewish Private Property in Two Polish Cities, 1945–1948." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab056.
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Abstract Despite a growing historiography on Holocaust survivors, few scholars have focused on the fates of those who returned to their places of origin in Poland in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Even less is known about those who attempted to recover their property in medium-sized Polish cities in the late 1940s. The following article analyzes court cases in two such cities: Kalisz (in the former German territorial administration of the Warthegau) and Radom (the former General Government). By addressing the problems related to the appropriation and recovery of Jewish private property, the author sheds light on the agency of Holocaust survivors and the social processes that shaped postwar Central and Eastern Europe.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Poland – Politics and government – 1945-"
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Cockett, Richard Bernard. "The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.
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Manetti, Christina. "Sign of the times : the Znak circle and Catholic intellectual engagement in Communist Poland, 1945-1976 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10330.
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Kiss, Csilla. "Constitutional democracy in Eastern Europe." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85176.
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The dissertation examines the establishment and strengthening of constitutional democracies during democratic consolidation from an institutionalist point of view. Focusing on Hungary and Poland, it examines how the right institutions can advance the creation and strengthening of a constitutional order. Among the institutions special attention is paid to the constitutional courts. The establishment and prominence of constitutional courts in most new democracies in East Central Europe fits into the general trend that was perceivable throughout Western Europe after WWII. The main rationale of these new institutions was to safeguard the democratic order from the return of authoritarianism. The main practical as well as theoretical significance of the introduction of judicial review was that it put an end to the then prevailing primacy of unlimited popular sovereignty and recast the concept of democracy in constitutional, rather than majoritarian terms.Such an innovation plays an even more significant role in Eastern Europe, where concepts of majoritarian democracy on the one hand, and reliance on a strong leader, especially in times of difficulties on the other, were prominent due to both communist and pre-communist legacies. Furthermore, the often ambiguous constitutional documents produced by the negotiated transitions, as well as the sometimes irreconcilable aspirations of political forces, provided the courts with a prominent role in shaping the new order.
Through the study of two issues, transitional justice and the presidency, the dissertation examines the various functions constitutional courts can play in democratic consolidation in general and in advancing rule of law systems, in resolving constitutional ambiguities and in controlling political actors in particular.
Drawing on the analysis of political events, primary sources, parliamentary minutes, newspaper articles and court decisions, the dissertation concludes that while the courts' record in solving institutional problems cannot be regarded as an unequivocal success, their role in defining fundamental constitutional principles is more praiseworthy. Not only did they manage to settle controversial issues as in the case of transitional justice, they also successfully curbed majoritarian endeavors and steered the new systems towards the acceptance of basic liberal constitutional values.
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Tendyra, Bernadeta Irena. "General Sikorski and the Polish government in exile 1939-43 : a study of Polish internal emigre politics in wartime." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367754.
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The thesis, "General Sikorski and the Polish Government in Exile 1939-43: A Study of Polish Internal Émigré Politics in Wartime", seeks to examine the impact of Polish 'domestic' politics on wartime diplomacy in exile. Foreign policy naturally dominated the exile agenda, but this thesis considers the extent to which internal politics affected the Polish government's ability to pursue its wartime and post-war aims. The thesis considers whether internal divisions in exile and in the Polish resistance undermined national unity and diverted attention away from the war effort to the anticipated power-struggle after liberation. It assesses the degree to which domestic opposition hampered Sikorski's ability to achieve rapprochement with the USSR, the contribution his critics in the Polish army and wartime administration made to the collapse of his Soviet strategy and the extent to which Sikorski's policies failed because they constituted too blatant a contradiction of what the majority of Poles perceived as national traditions or national interests. It also considers whether his inability to impose his vision of post-war Poland on his compatriots destroyed the prospects of a new era of Polish- Soviet relations after liberation. Within this context, the thesis argues the impact of national history and tradition on exile foreign and 'domestic' policy. It assesses the consequences of key features of Polish interwar politics and society on politics in exile. It also examines the general nature of 'politics in exile', the interplay of Polish exile 'domestic' and foreign policy, and the nature and consequences of Sikorski's leadership. Sikorski came to power with a unique opportunity to unite the Poles in the fight for liberation. This thesis examines the impact on Polish history and the history of the Second World War of his failure to achieve this aim.
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MATUS, Adrian-George. "The long 1968 in Hungary and Romania." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74278.
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Defence date: 25 February 2022Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Prof.Federico Romero (European University Institute); Prof. Constantin Iordachi (Central European University); Prof. Juliane Fürst (Leibniz Centre of Contemporary History ZZF)
The sixties witnessed many youth unrests across the globe. Compared to previous decades, a distinctive decisional category emerged: youth. They gained a central role by defining themselves in opposition to other generations and perceiving themselves as a unique one with a purpose to change history through ‘revolution’. At the same time, the youngsters considered themselves to belong to a movement that transcended their local city, the national borders, and ideological barriers. Yet, there were different ways to express the discontent against the values of the ‘gerontocracy’. This dissertation creates a local, regional, and comparative analysis of the history of sixty-eighters from Hungary and Romania. It will focus on their childhood experiences and on the impact of political decisions. A significant determinant was the cultural and psychological background of each of the protagonists. The group cohesion and the cultural and psychological background of each protagonist determined their protest tactics. Some youngsters were not interested in politics, but the state considered their activities, such as listening to Radio Free Europe or playing in a rock band to be a threat. A variety of cultural genres were involved in this process: music was an essential component of the late 1960s, which had a notable role in challenging the Establishment. Thus, another line of inquiry will explain how musicians and artists used different protest expressions, such as Maoism, rock music, or ‘passive resistance' as protest tactics. The relationship between artists and the state was not always an oppositional one. Instead, this project will use James Scott’s concepts of infrapolitics and hidden transcripts to show there was always a negotiation and a compromise between various networks.
Chapter 5 ‘Ultra-Leftist Revolution in Hungary' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter '‘The long 1968’ in Hungary and its legacy' (2019) in the book ‘Unsettled 1968 in the troubled present revisiting the 50 years of discussions from east and central Europe’
The introduction of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Eastern-European 1968s?' (2019) in the journal ‘Review of international American studies’
Chapter 1 ‘The Childhood of a Generation' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The pre-history of Hungarian and Romanian 1968ers' (2020) in the journal ‘Wroclaw yearbook of oral history’
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.
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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Ngo, Tak-Wing. "The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.
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Motadel, David. "Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609302.
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Seibert, Anita 1969. "From Matka Polka to new Polish woman : women and restructuring in Poland." Monash University, School of Geography and Environmental Science, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7642.
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Paberzyte, Ieva. "Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
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This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
Books on the topic "Poland – Politics and government – 1945-"
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Paczkowski, Andrzej. Zdobycie władzy: 1945-1947. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne, 1993.
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Coutouridis, John. Poland 1939-1947. Leicester: University of Leicester, 1986.
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Draus, Jan. Stronnictwo Pracy w Wojewodztwie Rzeszowskim 1945-1946-1950. Rzeszów: In-t Europejskich Studiów Społecznych w Rzeszowie, 1998.
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Hunter, Richard J. From autarchy to market: Polish economics and politics, 1945-1995. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1998.
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Struktury bezprawia: Kadry Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa w powiecie rybnickim (1945-1947). Katowice: Agencja Reklamowo-Wydawnicza "Vectra", 2008.
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Strzelecki, Michał. Działalność opozycji parlamentarnej w Krajowej Radzie Narodowej i Sejmie Ustawodawczym, VII 1945-X 1947 r. Toruń: Wydawn. A. Marszałek, 1996.
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The establishment of Communist rule in Poland, 1943-1948. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.
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Komunistyczne amnestie lat 1945-1947: Drogi do "legalizacji" czy zagłady? Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, 2012.
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Facing a Holocaust: The Polish government-in-exile and the Jews, 1943-1945. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993.
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Ostasz, Grzegorz. Krakowska Okręgowa Delegatura Rządu na Kraj, 1941-1945. Rzeszów: Oficyna Wydawnicza Politechniki Rzeszowskiej, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Poland – Politics and government – 1945-"
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Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman, and Ian Budge. "Poland." In Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 440–46. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_39.
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Sanford, George. "Parliament and Democratic Politics." In Democratic Government in Poland, 103–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907578_5.
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Mason, Andrea. "Britain and the Polish Government-in-Exile, January 1944 to June 1945." In British Policy Towards Poland, 1944–1956, 15–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94241-4_2.
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Jones, Bryan D., and Walter Williams. "The Rise and Decline of Reality-Based Policy Making in the Federal Government: 1945–2006." In The Politics of Bad Ideas, 232–60. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315662411-9.
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Goddeeris, Idesbald. "History Riding on the Waves of Government Coalitions: The First Fifteen Years of the Institute of National Remembrance in Poland (2001–2016)." In The Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After 1945, 255–69. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95306-6_13.
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Dulak, Michał. "Pro-Europeans and ‘Euro-Realists’: The Party-Voters Linkage and Parties’ Political Agendas in Poland, 2004–2019." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 157–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_7.
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Abstract Poland’s European policy and its struggles with EU institutions since 2015 may lead to the conviction that the country’s illiberal turn is accompanied by a process of de-Europeanisation which is fostered by the government to undermine the country’s presence in the EU. Drawing on the party-voters linkage concept, this chapter examines whether such assumptions can be confirmed. It covers societal attitudes and manifestos of the main ruling party and main opposition parties in Poland, PO and PiS, in the period from 2004 to 2019. The chapter shows that party manifestos do not show signs of radical de-Europeanisation (like, for example, calls for withdrawal from the EU) but a limited refocusing of EU issues. One exception was PiS’s open rejection to accept the Euro currency in the future. This mixed strategy is explained by differentiated positions among the party’s electorate over EU issues.
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Michailidou, Asimina, Elisabeth Eike, and Hans-Jörg Trenz. "Journalism, Truth and the Restoration of Trust in Democracy: Tracing the EU ‘Fake News’ Strategy." In Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 53–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_4.
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AbstractTrust in journalism in Europe and beyond has been undermined by a series of scandals, by the closeness of journalists to political parties and government, but also by more frequent attacks against freedom of speech and of the press run especially by populist leaders and new authoritarian governments. In some countries, like Hungary, Poland and Italy, the press freedom index is in steep decline, and governments have also entered a ‘war’ with journalism, putting increasing pressure on the free exercise of the profession, restricting budgets and the autonomy of public service broadcasting. In our chapter, we critically discuss the responses, i.e. counter-strategies, for trust-(re)building that this disruption triggers, from a top-down European Union (EU) policy perspective. We assess the EU’s response to the authoritarian and fake news challenge and discuss the limits of a voluntary (self) regulatory approach in light of public sphere standards.
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Miedema, Frank. "Science and Society an Overview of the Problem." In Open Science: the Very Idea, 1–14. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_1.
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AbstractScience in the recent past promised to society to contribute to the grand challenges of the United Nations, UNESCO, WHO, the EU agenda and national agendas for change and improvement of our life, the human condition. In this chapter it will be briefly discussed how this social contract between science and society has developed since 1945. In the context of this book I distinguish three time periods, but I do realize slightly different time periods may be preferred, based on the perspective taken. The first phase from 1945 till 1960 is characterized by autonomy, building on the successes of the natural sciences and engineering in World War II. In the second phase, the late sixties till approximately 1980, government and the public lost trust and saw the downside of science and technology. The response from politics and the public was to call for societal and political responsible research inspired by broader socio-political developments in society. The third phase from 1990 till 2010 was one of renewed enthusiasm and hope that science and technology would bring economic growth, which should make nations internationally competitive. There increasingly was also room for societal problems related to environment and sustainability, health and well-being. In this approach of the so-called knowledge economy, with the world-wide embracing of neoliberal politics, strong relations with government and the private sector were established. This was accompanied by short-term accountability, control from government and funders at the level of project output, using accordingly defined metrics and indicators. Because of this, this model became firmly and globally institutionalized.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "16. The ‘Second’ Cold War, 1981–5." In International Relations Since 1945, 389–407. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0016.
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This chapter focuses on the so-called ‘second’ Cold War spanning the years 1981–5. Ronald Reagan came to power on the back of a general rightwards shift in the political mood. He concentrated on a presentational role in government and pursued a simple foreign policy. He dismissed détente as a communist trick, was initially determined to resist the spread of the Soviet Union’s influence wherever it threatened and, going beyond that, wanted to carry the new Cold War into the Soviet camp. The chapter first considers US–Soviet relations during the new Cold War, paying attention to ‘Reaganomics’, before discussing the crisis in Poland in 1980–2. It then explores the issue of nuclear weapons control and the ‘Year of the Missile’ and concludes with an assessment of the war in Afghanistan up to 1985.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "16. The ‘Second’ Cold War, 1981–5." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0021.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter focuses on the so-called ‘second’ Cold War spanning the years 1981–1985. Ronald Reagan came to power on the back of a general rightwards shift in the political mood. He concentrated on a presentational role in government and pursued a simple foreign policy. He dismissed détente as a communist trick, was initially determined to resist the spread of the Soviet Union’s influence wherever it threatened and, going beyond that, wanted to carry the new Cold War into the Soviet camp. The chapter first considers US–Soviet relations during the new Cold War, paying attention to ‘Reaganomics’, before discussing the crisis in Poland in 1980–1982. It then explores the issue of nuclear weapons control and the ‘Year of the Missile’ and concludes with an assessment of the war in Afghanistan up to 1985.
Conference papers on the topic "Poland – Politics and government – 1945-"
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, and محمد إسماعيل جمعه. ""Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
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"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."