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Journal articles on the topic 'Poland – History – Revolution of 1848'

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Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 11 March 2023

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1

Colley, Linda. "Empires of Writing: Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000801.

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Approximately 50 years ago, R. R. Palmer published his two volume masterworkThe Age of the Democratic Revolution. Designed as a “comparative constitutional history of Western civilization,” it charted the struggles after 1776 over ideas of popular sovereignty and civil and religious freedoms, and the spreading conviction that, instead of being confined to “any established, privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men,” government might be rendered simple, accountable and broadly based. Understandably, Palmer placed great emphasis on the contagion of new-style constitutions. Between 1776 and 1780, eleven onetime American colonies drafted state constitutions. These went on to inform the provisions of the United States Constitution adopted in 1787, which in turn influenced the four Revolutionary French constitutions of the 1790s, and helped to inspire new constitutions in Haiti, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and elsewhere. By 1820, according to one calculation, more than sixty new constitutions had been attempted within Continental Europe alone, and this is probably an underestimate. At least a further eighty constitutions were implemented between 1820 and 1850, many of them in Latin America. The spread of written constitutions proved in time almost unstoppable, and Palmer left his readers in no doubt that this outcome could be traced back to the Revolution of 1789, and still more to the Revolution of 1776. Despite resistance by entrenched elites, and especially from Britain, “the greatest single champion of the European counter-revolution,” a belief was in being by 1800, Palmer argued, that “democracy was a matter of concern to the world as a whole, that it was a thing of the future, [and] that while it was blocked in other countries the United States should be its refuge.”

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2

Sperber, J. "Die Revolution von 1848/49." English Historical Review 118, no. 479 (November 1, 2003): 1405–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.479.1405-a.

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3

Sked, A. "Die ungarische Revolution von 1848/49." English Historical Review 117, no. 471 (April 1, 2002): 491–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.471.491.

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4

Welch, Steven R. "Revolution and Reprisal: Bavarian Schoolteachers in the 1848 Revolution." History of Education Quarterly 41, no. 1 (2001): 25–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2001.tb00073.x.

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In 1851 the conservative journalist and social critic Wilhelm Riehl placed the blame for the revolutionary upheavals of 1848–49 in Germany on the Volksschullehrer, the elementary schoolteachers, who allegedly acted as the ringleaders of rebellion in their local communities. Riehl labeled the “perverse schoolmaster” as the “Mephisto” and “evil demon” who inspired the peasantry to rise against the established order. Riehl's diagnosis of the source of the revolutionary disease appeared quite plausible and convincing to the rulers of various German states who had long harbored the suspicion that dangerously pretentious, miseducated schoolteachers were, as a Bavarian government decree issued in 1829 put it, “spreading mistaken doctrines and erroneous political views among their pupils and in this way dripping the poison of partisan political struggles into the unprejudiced souls [of the young].”

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5

Mattheisen, Donald J., and Wolfram Siemann. "Die deutsche Revolution von 1848/49." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 946. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873410.

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6

Koch, H. W. "Munchen in der Revolution von 1848/9." German History 6, no. 3 (July 1, 1988): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.3.313.

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7

Sperber, Jonathan, and Axel Korner. "1848-A European Revolution? International Ideas and National Memories of 1848." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (October 2001): 1446. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693095.

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8

Zucker, Stanley, and Karl-Joseph Hummel. "Munchen in der Revolution von 1848-49." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1415. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906460.

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9

Mattheisen, Donald, and Helmut Bleiber. "Manner der Revolution von 1848, Volume 2." American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1989): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862169.

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10

Nemes, Robert. "Women in the 1848-1849 Hungarian Revolution." Journal of Women's History 13, no. 3 (2001): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2001.0072.

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11

Sperber, Jonathan, and Sabrina Muller. "Soldaten in der deutschen Revolution von 1848/49." Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677284.

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12

Harris, James F. "Rethinking the Categories of the German Revolution of 1848: The Emergence of Popular Conservatism in Bavaria." Central European History 25, no. 2 (June 1992): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890002029x.

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The revolution that began in March 1848 continues to fascinate historains, becoming a two-way lens used to examine later as well as earlier German history. It has become central to the “emplotment” of the broader historical narrative of German history. Historians commonly describe the ultimate failure of the revolution as reflecting the unhealthy and anachronistic hold of premodern society over the state in nineteenth and twentieth-century Germany and, therefore, see it as a cornerstone of the Sonderweg thesis. Because the revolution is used to explain later acts in the German historical drama, it is necessary to be as clear as possible about what actually happended in 1848 and 1849.

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13

Tilly, Charles, and Jean-Pierre Jessenne. "Pouvoir au village et revolution: Artois 1760-1848." American Historical Review 94, no. 2 (April 1989): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866902.

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14

Rodríguez O., Jaime E. "The Hispanic Revolution: Spain and America, 1808-1826." Ler História, no. 57 (November 1, 2009): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lerhistoria.1848.

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15

Peternel, Marija Mojca. "Deutschsprachige slowenische Zeitungen und Banus Jelačić im Revolutionsjahr 1848 Eine Analyse am Beispiel von der Cillier Zeitung und dem Sloveniens Blatt." Povijesni prilozi 39, no. 58 (2020): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/pp.v39i58.9313.

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Nach der Aufhebung der Zensur im März 1848 erschienen überall in der Habsburger Monarchie neue Zeitungen und die Pressefreiheit fand auch in den Ländern mit slowenischer Bevölkerung ihren konkreten Niederschlag. In diese Recherche wurden ausschließlich die durch die Revolution „geborenen“ deutschen Zeitungen einbezogen. Ihre Sprache war Deutsch, weil die deutsche Sprache in jener Zeit den gebildeten slowenischen Bürgern viel vertrauter war als Slowenisch. Da das Jahr 1848/49 durch die Revolution geprägt war, und die Zeitungen Spiegel ihrer Zeit sind, trugen diese einen ausgeprägt politischen Charakter. In diesem Zusammenhang wollten wir ihre Beziehungen zum Banus Josip Jelačić untersuchen, vor allem die Reaktionen auf seine Aktivitäten im Revolutionsjahr.

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16

Brophy, James M. "The Political Calculus of Capital: Banking and the Business Class in Prussia, 1848–1856." Central European History 25, no. 2 (June 1992): 149–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020306.

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The emergence of commercial investment banks after the revolution of 1848 was an institutional breakthrough for modern capitalism and one of the central factors in the accelerated development of the Industrial Revolution in Germany between 1848 and 1871. The accumulation and mobilization of capital in concentrated and accessible forms was indispensable for underking such large-scale projects as railroads, coal mines, and iron works. Long-term promotional loans that enabled entrepreneurs to start up new business became a self-evident necessity in the growth of modern business. As one bank director noted, “capital, more than water, steam, or electricity, put the machines into motion.”

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17

Bloom, Jack M. "The Solidarity Revolution in Poland, 1980-1981." Oral History Review 33, no. 1 (March 2006): 33–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ohr.2006.33.1.33.

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18

Denton, Margaret Fields. "Traces of History: Hippolyte Bayard’s Photographs of the 1848 Revolution." Getty Research Journal 15 (January 1, 2022): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/718877.

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19

Petler, D. N. "Ireland and France in 1848." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 493–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034489.

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It has long been recognised that the French revolution of 1848 had a profound effect on the rest of Europe. The overthrow of the Orleans monarchy and the establishment of the second republic were seen as heralding the dawn of a new age. Established governments, most of which had recognised that the Continent was approaching a period of crisis, anxiously expected the spread of the revolutionary contagion and the outbreak of a major European war, whilst the discontented elements found encouragement and inspiration from the events in Paris. In Great Britain the reaction to the events across the English Channel reflected this trend. This is the beginning', noted one member of the cabinet, recalling 1792; who will live to see the end?' The Chartists were jubilant, declaring that the time was now ripe to achieve their demands.

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20

Blumenthal, Henry, and Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny. "La revolution parisienne de 1848 vue par les americains." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (December 1985): 1210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859733.

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21

Traugott, Mark. "The Crowd in the French Revolution of February, 1848." American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (June 1988): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868105.

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22

Rohrs, Richard C. "American Critics of the French Revolution of 1848." Journal of the Early Republic 14, no. 3 (1994): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124517.

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23

Clark, Christopher. "AFTER 1848: THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION IN GOVERNMENT." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 22 (December 2012): 171–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440112000114.

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ABSTRACTThis paper revisits the question of the impact of the 1848 revolutions on governance and administration across the European states. Few historians would contend that the immediate post-revolutionary years saw a ‘return’ to pre-1848 conditions, but the transitions of the 1850s are usually presented as episodes within a narrative that is deemed to be specific to the respective nation-state. This paper argues that the 1850s saw a profound transformation in political and administrative practices across the continent, encompassing the emergence of new centrist political coalitions with a distinctively post-revolutionary mode of politics characterised by a technocratic vision of progress, the absorption into government of civil-society-based bodies of expertise, and changes in public information management. In short, it proposes that we need to move beyond the restrictive interpretation implied by the tenacious rubric ‘decade of reaction’ towards recognising that the 1850s were – after the Napoleonic period – the second high-water-mark in nineteenth-century political and administrative innovation across the continent. The paper argues, moreover, that these transitions took place on an authentically European basis and that they only come fully into focus when we survey the spectrum of governmental experiences across the European states. The paper closes with some reflections on the broader implications of this reappraisal for our understanding of European history in the middle and later decades of the nineteenth century.

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24

Huard, Raymond, and E. M. Kojokine. "Les ouvriers francais de la grande revolution bourgeoise a la Revolution de 1848." Le Mouvement social, no. 146 (January 1989): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778374.

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25

Paret, Peter. "The German Revolution of 1848 and Rethel's Dance of Death." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17, no. 1 (1986): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204132.

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26

Quinault, Roland. "1848 and Parliamentary Reform." Historical Journal 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 831–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015533.

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1848 has gone down in history – or rather in history books – as the year when England was different. In that year a wave of revolution on the Continent overthrew constitutions, premiers and even a dynasty but in England, by contrast, the middle classes rallied round the government and helped it preserve the status quo. This interpretation of 1848 has long been the established orthodoxy amongst historians. Asa Briggs took this view thirty years ago and it has lately been endorsed by F. B. Smith and Henry Weisser. Most recently, John Saville, in his book on 1848, has concluded that events in England ‘demonstrated beyond question and doubt, the complete and solid support of the middling strata to the defence of existing institutions’. He claims that ‘the outstanding feature of 1848 was the mass response to the call for special constables to assist the professional forces of state security’ which reflected a closing of ranks among all property owners. Although some historians, notably David Goodway, have recently stressed the vitality of Chartism in 1848 they have not challenged the traditional view that the movement failed to win concessions from the establishment and soon declined. Thus 1848 in England is generally regarded as a terminal date: the last chapter in the history of Chartism as a major movement. Thereafter Britain experienced a period of conservatism – described by one historian as ‘the mid-Victorian calm’–which lasted until the death of Palmerston in 1865.

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27

Fahrmeir, Andreas. "An exiled generation: German and hungarian refugees of revolution, 1848–1871." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 22, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 1001–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2015.1074423.

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28

Bowman, William D. "Religious Associations and the Formation of Political Catholicism in Vienna, 1848 to the 1870s." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (January 1996): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005828.

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One of theironies of the Revolution of 1848 in Austria is that one of the most attacked institutions, the Roman Catholic Church, was able to draw the most benefit from the revolutionary upheaval. By the time Cardinal-Archbishop Eduard Milde returned to his palace in the Wollzeile from his safe mountain retreat, the dreadedKatzenmusik(mock serenading) had died down and it was clear that real social reform, not to speak of social revolution, was dead as well. Along the way, however, Catholic agitators, including Catholic priests, had learned how to use the revolution to further their own purposes.

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29

Waling, Geerten, and Niels Ottenheim. "Waarom Nederland in 1848 geen revolutie kende." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.002.wali.

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Abstract Why the Netherlands did not witness a revolution in 1848In 1848, a wave of democratic revolutions struck most of Europe, but not the Netherlands. Historians have provided only partial explanations from a range of perspectives, such as socio-economic, socio-political, and institutional. We argue that none of these are fully tenable or satisfactory by comparing the Dutch situation with countries that did experience revolutions in 1848. Also, we add a cultural perspective by studying the role of the Dutch consensus culture. After tracing its roots, we identify its key characteristics and use these as a prism to interpret several governmental sources, brochures, and newspaper articles. On this basis, we argue that it is likely that the consensus culture strongly contributed to the stability of Dutch society during the European revolutionary months of 1848. Without wanting to present this perspective as the definitive explanation, we claim that (political) culture as such deserves more attention in studies to the Netherlands during 1848.

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30

Macleod, E. V. "Revolutionary Britannia? Reflections on the Threat of Revolution in Britain, 1789-1848." English Historical Review 117, no. 470 (February 1, 2002): 205–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.205.

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31

HEYWOOD, O. E., and C. M. HEYWOOD. "Rethinking the 1848 Revolution in France: The Provisional Government and its Enemies." History 79, no. 257 (October 1994): 394–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1994.tb01606.x.

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32

Whaley, J. "Book Review: Christentum und Revolution. Die christlichen Kirchen in Wurttemberg 1848-1852." German History 17, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549901700115.

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33

Eyck, Frank, and Jonathan Sperber. "Rhineland Radicals: The Democratic Movement and the Revolution of 1848- 1849." American Historical Review 97, no. 5 (December 1992): 1551. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166034.

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34

Sheridan, George J., and Mary Lynn Stewart-McDougall. "The Artisan Republic: Revolution, Reaction, and Resistance in Lyon, 1848-1851." American Historical Review 91, no. 1 (February 1986): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867292.

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35

Sperber, Jonathan. "FESTIVALS OF NATIONAL UNITY IN THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1848–1849." Past and Present 136, no. 1 (1992): 114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/136.1.114.

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36

Hewitson, M. "Book reviews. Revolution in Deutschland und Europa 1848/49. Wolfgang Hardtwig (ed). Die Revolutinonen von 1848/49. Christian Jansen, Thomas Mergel (eds). 1848/49 in Europa under der Mythos der Französischen Revolution. Irmtraud Gotz von Lenhausen (ed)." English Historical Review 114, no. 458 (September 1999): 931–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.458.931.

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37

Hewitson, M. "Book reviews. Revolution in Deutschland und Europa 1848/49. Wolfgang Hardtwig (ed). Die Revolutinonen von 1848/49. Christian Jansen, Thomas Mergel (eds). 1848/49 in Europa under der Mythos der Franzosischen Revolution. Irmtraud Gotz von Lenhausen (ed)." English Historical Review 114, no. 458 (September 1, 1999): 931–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.458.931.

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38

Mize, Sandra Yocum. "Defending Roman Loyalties and Republican Values: The 1848 Italian Revolution in American Catholic Apologetics." Church History 60, no. 4 (December 1991): 480–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169029.

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Pius IX's categorical rejection of an Italian republic from 1848 to his death in 1878 created a daunting task for American Catholic apologists, who wanted to defend their besieged leader without fueling anti-Catholic nationalism.1 The responses, even from those who had oniy minimally defended the papacy's temporal power prior to 1848, exceeded predictable expressions of sympathy. Pius IX's long suffering became the prism through which a beleaguered American Catholic community viewed the whole spectrum of its own experiences of hope and frustration in securing influence in an often hostile society.

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39

GAVRILOVIĆ, VLADAN. "THE SERBIAN VOJVODINA AND MONTENEGRO: 1848–1849." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 32 (December 3, 2021): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2021.32.133-143.

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The revolution of 1848–1849 had a significant effect on the Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy, who established their own self-governing entity, the Serbian Vojvodina, within the monarchy. These events also attracted the attention of Serbs living outside the monarchy’s borders, especially those in Montenegro and, in particular, the Metropolitan of Cetinje, Petar II Petrović Njegoš. He wanted to assist his compatriots in the monarchy, and considered this action to be only the first step, albeit a very important one, in the ultimate fight for the liberation and unification of all Serbs within two independent countries: Serbia and Montenegro.

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40

Traugott, Mark. "Capital Cities and Revolution." Social Science History 19, no. 1 (1995): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017259.

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The premise here is that there existed a specific moment in the history of France —and, one might speculate, of other European societies—when a popular insurrection in the capital was capable of bringing down the national government, virtually overnight and irrespective of public sentiment in the provinces. In the face of such sudden outbursts, not even those regimes that appeared most firmly entrenched proved to be secure. The most striking instances, and the ones that will be the exclusive focus of attention here, occurred in Paris during the early years of the French Revolution of 1789 as in 1830 and 1848, when the urban crowd was able, if only for a time, to impose new institutions and policies upon the nation. In general, the rural population proved acquiescent, but the will of the capital initially held sway even when the numerical majority living in the countryside seemed resistant to the change.

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41

Griffin, Patrick. "The Expanding Blaze: How the American Revolution Ignited the World, 1775–1848." Journal of American History 105, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 637–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay285.

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42

Baycroft, Timothy. "Commemorations of the revolution of 1848 and the second republic." Modern & Contemporary France 6, no. 2 (May 1998): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489808456420.

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43

Wegert, Karl, and Ernst Wolfgang Becker. "Zeit der Revolution!-Revolution der Zeit? Zeiterfahrungen in Deutschland in der Ara der Revolutionen 1789-1848/49." American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651621.

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44

Evans, R. J. W. "The Habsburgs and the Hungarian Problem, 1790–1848." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 39 (December 1989): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3678977.

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ON 4 MARCH 1848 Hungarians were excitedly debating the devastating criticisms of their country's rulers pronounced before assembled members of the diet the previous day by the popular tribune, Lajos Kossuth, the culmination of a campaign of agitation which stretched back a decade and more. Kossuth called for a constitutional transformation, with a responsible ministry, full legal equality, and the abolition of all privilege. The following month his programme was conceded wholesale by the authorities, under pressure from the sans-culottes of Budapest, and prostrate before their own Viennese revolution—for Kossuth's speech had played a major part in unseating Metternich there. Six months later power passed to a fully secessionist Hungarian regime, in which Kossuth enjoyed near-dictatorial sway. The ensuing civil war, during which the dynasty was declared deposed, took a further year to contain; its outcome appeared to be a complete breakdown of mutual confidence between king and country.

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45

Popkin, J. D. "Press and Elections in the French Revolution of 1848: The Case of Lyon." French Historical Studies 36, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 83–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-1816491.

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46

Schäfer, Frank L. "The Polish Contribution to the Baden Revolution 1848/49." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.04.

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This essay examines the work of the Polish freedom fighters in the revolution in southwest German Baden in 1848/49 by identifying the personal connections between the uprisings in Baden and Poznań and identifying Prussia as a common enemy. In particular, the role of the Polish military officer Ludwik Mierosławski as general of the Baden troops is honoured. The goal is thus to determine the exact contribution of Polish fighters in the Baden Revolution and how they interacted with the Baden revolutionaries. Thus, the essay also sheds light on the help of Baden for the Polish fight for freedom in the form of so-called Polish associations. For this purpose, the essay presents the eyewitness accounts of the year 1849 from the perspective of Baden and Polish participants. Methodologically, the article extracts the specific events in Baden and Poznań from the general revolutionary history of the years 1848/49. Chronologically, the essay also looks back at prehistory up to 1815 and offers a look at the life of the revolutionaries after 1849. The events in Baden and Poznań are finally placed in a larger context, especially in the context of the European freedom movements, the international cooperation of the revolutionaries, and Polandʼs striving for independence.

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47

Blaschke, Olaf, and Simon Potthast. "Veit Valentins „Geschichte der deutschen Revolution 1848–1849“ (von 1930/1931). Eine Vorläuferin transnationaler Geschichtsschreibung?" Historische Zeitschrift 316, no. 1 (February 1, 2023): 110–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2023-0004.

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Zusammenfassung Zeitgemäße Geschichtsforschung muss heute „transnational“ sein. In der Tat halfen seit 2001 transnationale Zugänge, den methodologischen Nationalismus zu überwinden und neue Erkenntnisse über grenzüberschreitende Akteure, Ideen und Kulturen sowie transnationale Räume zu gewinnen. Doch wie neu ist eigentlich die transnationale Geschichtsschreibung? „Weil sie frühere Werke nicht kennen, machen nachgeborene Wissenschaftler Entdeckungen, die sich als Wiederentdeckungen entpuppen“, wusste schon Robert K. Merton 1967. Für die Revolution von 1848 jedenfalls lässt sich zeigen, dass Veit Valentin 1930/31 transnationale Perspektiven bereits avant la lettre gewinnbringend berücksichtigte. Freilich setzte der demokratische Historiker in der gefährdeten Weimarer Republik andere Prioritäten. Deshalb lautete seine Botschaft, die ungeliebte Revolution sei „übernational-europäisch“ und doch, trotz Imitation, Transfer und Adaption anderer Vorbilder, auch deutsch gewesen, während die Konterrevolutionäre die „erste Internationale“ gebildet hätten. Valentin wird in der Revolutionsgeschichtsschreibung pflichtschuldig als „Klassiker“ genannt, sein voluminöser Zweibänder indes offenbar kaum studiert. Tatsächlich finden sich dort zur Verfassungs- und Kulturgeschichte der deutsch-europäischen Revolution erstaunlich viele transnationale Einsichten. Dessen ungeachtet wird das Transnationale in jüngeren Studien, die solche Vorläufer nicht kennen, als neu proklamiert und angewandt. Transnationale Geschichte ist eine Wiedergängerin im Gewand der Neuentdeckung. Aber es gibt auch Unterschiede zu 1930/31.

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48

Huard, Raymond, and Mary Lynn Stewart-Mac Dougall. "The Artisan Republic. Revolution, Reaction, and Resistance in Lyon 1848-1851." Le Mouvement social, no. 139 (April 1987): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778257.

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49

Beales, Derek, and Wolfgang Altgeld. "Das politische Italienbild der Deutschen zwischen ufklarung und europaischer Revolution von 1848." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 684. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869214.

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50

King, Jeremy. "The Municipal and the National in the Bohemian Lands, 1848–1914." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000075.

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Abstract:

Between the Revolution of 1848 and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914, imperial Austria experienced an extraordinary expansion of nationalism and of national conflict. German, Czech, Polish, Ukrainian, Italian, Slovene, and other national movements became major players and rivals, transforming public life in the process. This essay examines that process through a municipal lens. What was particular about the intersection of the national in imperial Austria with the municipal? How did municipal and national politics affect one another, and what can we understand, through their dynamics, about Austrian politics more generally?

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