Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Poland – History – Revolution of 1848'

Carlo Cattaneo (1801-1869) would have been a remarkable man in any time period. He was interested in everything, and as a man of ideas was involved in the astonishing technological and stimulating political events of the nineteenth century. He encouraged the building of railways as a way to unite the Italian peninsula, and he was involved in connecting Italy to the rest of Europe through the St. Gothard Tunnel. An innovator of gas lighting in his native Milan, the great Lombard thinker was a prolific writer, and kept prodigious notes and copies of his correspondence. His economic and scientific involvement in the latest technology was emblematic of the intellectual strides he made. For example, he logically and rationally argued for racial and religious tolerance of the Jews over one hundred years before the enactment of the infamous Racial Laws in Fascist Italy. Today most know Carlo Cattaneo as the father of Italian federalism. During the Cinque Giornate insurrection in Milan in 1848, Carlo Cattaneo was an integral part of the war committee, and its spokesman. Although he had many liberal ideas about government and the rights of men, Carlo Cattaneo was a reluctant revolutionary, preferring exile in Switzerland over pledging allegiance to the Savoyard monarchy during the Risorgimento. Historians have almost unanimously declared that Carlo Cattaneo was anticlerical and irreligious. This was not true. CARLO CATTANEO: THE RELIGIOSITY OF A RELUCTANT REVOLUTIONARY examines the writings and the correspondence of Carlo Cattaneo, and concludes that the Cattanean opus is replete with Biblical references and allusions, Christian traditions and ideas. Historians have not taken the religiosity found in the writings of Carlo Cattaneo seriously. This thesis does.

Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T08:28:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Canelas_LeticiaGregorio_M.pdf: 1282455 bytes, checksum: cfadb0df8baeb92edbfca1bbbebe1d55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: Em fevereiro de 1848 eclodiu em Paris a revolução que instaurou a Segunda República Francesa. Durante o processo revolucionário, foi marcante a atuação do movimento operário associativista, organizado principalmente em Paris. No entanto, foi derrotado nas barricadas de Junho de 1848, perdendo seu espaço sobre as diretrizes da nova República, mas continuou atuando minimamente com os militantes de classe média, socialistas e republicanos do partido da Montanha, os démocsocs. Com o apoio do partido da ordem, Luis Bonaparte, eleito presidente em dezembro de 1848, desferiu um Golpe de Estado em 2 de dezembro de 1851 e provocou a prisão e a proscrição de milhares de indivíduos da oposição republicana. Muitos destes se encontraram no exílio e tentaram, durante a década de 1850, construir um movimento de resistência, com o objetivo de se instaurar uma República Universal de todos os Povos da Europa. Posteriormente, estes partidários da república ficaram conhecidos como quarante-huitards (homens de 1848), expressão que indicava a idéia de uma tradição republicana, que além de democrática e socialista, também era anticlerical e extremamente antibonapartista. O assunto desta dissertação é a expressão do ¿espírito quarante-huitard¿ na Corte do Império Brasileiro na década de 1850, principalmente devido ao fato da existência de alguns exilados políticos em meio à comunidade francesa habitante do Rio de Janeiro. O semanário Courrier du Brésil (1854-1862) foi o principal suporte de manifestação destes franceses e a Sociedade Francesa de Socorros Mútuos (fundada em 1856) foi seu espaço privilegiado de atuação associativista. O grupo de franceses ligados ao Courrier du Brésil estabeleceu no Brasil uma rede de relações com brasileiros como o jovem Machado de Assis, Manuel Antônio de Almeida e os políticos liberais ligados ao jornal Diário do Rio de Janeiro ? que na década de 1870 participariam da fundação do Partido Republicano<br>Abstract: In February of 1848 came out in Paris, the revolution that restored the SecondFrench Republic. During the revolutionary process, the performance of the associativism working-class movement, organized mainly in Paris, stood out. However, it was defeated in the barricades of June of 1848, losing its space on the lines of direction of the new republic, but at least continued acting with the middle class militants, socialist and republican, of the party of the Mountain, démocsocs. With the support of the Party of the Order, Louis Bonaparte, elect president in December of 1848, brandished a Coup d'Etat in 2 of December of 1851 and provoked the arrest and the proscription of thousand of individuals of the republican opposition. Many of these found each other in the exile and had tried, during the decade of 1850, to construct a resistance movement, with the objective of establish a Universal Republic of all the Peoples of the Europe. Later, these partisans of the republic had been known as quarante-huitards (1848 men), expression that indicated the idea of a republican tradition, that beyond democratic and socialist, also were anticlerical and extremely anti-bonapartist. The subject of this work is the expression of the ¿spirit quarante-huitard¿ in the Court of the Brazilian Empire in the decade of 1850, mainly because of the fact of the existence of some exiled politicians among the French community in Rio de Janeiro. The weekly journal Courrier du Brésil (1854-1862) was the main support of manifestation of these Frenchmen and the Société Française de Secours Mutuels (established in 1856) was it's privileged space of associativist performance. The group of Frenchmen connected to the Courrier du Brésil established in Brazil a net of relations with brazilians as the young Machado de Assis, Manuel Antonio de Almeida and liberal politicians connected to the Journal Diário do Rio de Janeiro - that in the decade of 1870 would participate on the foundation of the Republican Party<br>Mestrado<br>Historia Social<br>Mestre em História

This thesis traces the intellectual trajectory of Lorenz Stein (1815-1890), a German legal scholar and political thinker who, despite being a significant theorist during his lifetime, is an obscure figure today, especially in Anglophone scholarship. It focuses on Stein's writings on socialism and argues that they provide crucial insights into the changing nature of socialist thought in the mid-nineteenth century. It contributes to the project of departing from a Marxist interpretation of the history of socialism that has long been predominant, and uses Stein's intellectual biography to illustrate how contingent political, cultural and personal factors have shaped both the creation and reception of socialist ideas.

“What in a Good Cause Men May Both Dare and Venture” is a historical short story that features schoolteachers in Munich, Bavaria, during the revolutionary period of 1848. The principle character, Franz Schuler, must decide whether or not to join an illegal teachers union. Simultaneously, he must choose whether or not to stand up against his emotionally abusive father. King Ludwig I, Lola Montez, Karl von Abel, and the revolutionary fervor that bubbled up in several European regions, all function as part of the backdrop of this story. Paired with current struggles educators face in the United States and around the world, “Cause” demonstrates that some social justice issues continually resurface. Every generation, whatever the location, must decide how it will respond to institutionalized injustice—whether in 19th-century Germany or modern America.

El derecho al trabajo, que forma parte de la teoría socialista de Charles Fourier, adquiere en 1848 un nuevo sentido. Louis Blanc, el principal representante del socialismo jacobino del XIX francés, hace entonces una interpretación de ese derecho que conecta con el programa de economía política popular teorizado por Robespierre durante la Revolución Francesa. En ambos casos, la limitación de las grandes concentraciones de propiedad se considera una condición indispensable para avanzar hacia una sociedad en la que todos puedan trabajar en libertad y vivir con dignidad.<br>The right to work, which is part of Charles Fourier's socialist theory, acquires a new meaning in 1848. Louis Blanc, the main figure of French Jacobin socialism in the 19th century, makes then an interpretation of this right that recalls the popular political economy programme theorized by Robespierre during the French Revolution. In both cases, the limitation of large concentrations of property is an indispensable condition for moving towards a society in which everyone is able to work in freedom and to live with dignity.

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.

Am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs lebte in Deutschösterreich und im Deutschen Reich mit dem Zerfall der Habsburgermonarchie und den Revolutionen im November 1918 die Erinnerung an die 48er-Revolution wieder auf. Die Revolutionserinnerung wurde insbesondere von den deutsch-österreichischen Sozialdemokraten zur Legitimierung der Forderung nach dem Anschluss an das Deutsche Reich herangezogen. Da die Vollziehung des Anschlusses jedoch am Einspruch der westlichen Siegermächte scheiterte, konnte im Deutschen Reich eine mit der Anschlussforderung eng verknüpfte Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution von Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten wenig zur Legitimierung der Weimarer Republik beitragen (während die Anschlussforderung in Deutschösterreich gerade darauf zielte, die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufzuheben). Vielmehr wurde die Kritik am reichsdeutschen Rat der Volksbeauftragten, in Reaktion auf die deutschösterreichische Anschlusserklärung vom 12. November 1918 den Anschluss nicht vollzogen zu haben, zu einem politischen Allgemeinplatz. Träger der Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution blieben in beiden Republiken ganz überwiegend die Arbeiterparteien, wobei im Reich Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten dabei völlig entgegengesetzte Ziele verfolgten. Auch einen geschichtspolitischen Konsens zwischen reichsdeutschen Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten gab es nicht, wie sich schon in der Abstimmung über die Flaggenfrage am 3. Juli 1919 zeigte.<br>At the end of World War I, as the Habsburg Monarchy fell apart, the memory of the revolution of 1848 was revived in German-Austria and the German Empire by the new revolutions of November 1918. The revolution of 1848 was drawn on particularly by the German-Austrian social democrats to legitimize their demand to unite German-Austria with the German Empire (the so-called “Anschluss”). When the victorious Western powers prevented the realization of the Anschluss, the attempts by social democrats and democrats in the German Empire to use the memory of the revolution of 1848 to legitimize the new Weimar Republic had only little success because they were closely related to the demand for the Anschluss of Austria (whereas in Austria of course the demand for the “Anschluss” aimed at ending the existence of German-Austria as an independent state). Rather, it became common place in the Weimar Republic to criticize the “Rat der Volksbeauftragten” (the revolutionary government of 1918-1919) for not having realized the Anschluss in response to its declaration by the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on November 12, 1918. The workers’ parties were first and foremost those who continued to keep the memory of the revolution of 1848 in both republics alive. However, in doing so, social democrats and communists in the German Empire persued opposing political objectives. Moreover, there was neither a consensus between social democrats and democrats in the Weimar Republic in regards to the memory of the revolution of 1848. This lack of agreement was already apparent in the decision of the national assembly concerning the flag of the new republic on July 3, 1919.

Im Russischen Zarenreich waren Drohungen ein zentrales Instrument der Machtausübung. Die Androhung von Gewalt erlaubte es dem Staat, seine Untertanen in Schach zu halten, ohne Gewalt tatsächlich anwenden zu müssen. Als während der Gewaltexzesse der Revolution von 1905 die Drohkulisse des Zarenreiches in sich zusammenfiel, geriet das System in eine elementare Krise. In dieser Arbeit wird anhand einer Fallstudie untersucht, wie die imperiale russische Armee als zentraler politischer Akteur neue Praktiken entwickelte, die das Überleben des Zarenreichs sicherten. In Zusammenarbeit von Militäreinheiten vor Ort und dem Ministerium in St. Petersburg wurden Regelungen ausgearbeitet, mit denen die symbolische Androhung von Gewalt durch den tatsächlichen, realisierten Gewaltakt ersetzt werden sollte. Hierzu wollten die Militärs zunächst, dass die Differenz zwischen Soldaten und Zivilisten wieder sichtbar gemacht werden sollte. Soldaten sollten sich nur noch in Extremsituationen auf den Strassen blicken lassen um dann „schnell und entschieden“, wie eine der zentralen Forderungen jener Zeit lauerte, zur Waffe zu greifen. Diese Taktiken hatten kurzfristig Erfolg. Langfristig führten sie jedoch zur Erosion des russischen Zarenreichs: Die Revolution von 1905 hatte die Grenzen der Drohpotentiale des Zaren aufgezeigt.<br>In Tsarist Russia, the threat was an important instrument of rule. Threats of violence enabled the state to subdue its subjects without the need to resort to the actual use of violence. But when the Tsar’s threats lost their effectiveness during the excessive violence of the revolution of 1905, Russia endured a fundamental crisis. My work uses Warsaw as a case study to examine how the Imperial Russian Army secured the survival of Tsarist Russia by developing new practices of threat. Units on the ground and the military bureaucracy in St. Petersburg developed new regulations that aimed at replacing the symbolic threat of violence with its actual and finely regulated application. As a precondition for this, the military command wanted to reestablish the symbolic boundaries between soldiers and civilians. Soldiers were allowed to leave their barracks only in situations when this was absolutely necessary. However, they then had to use violence “quickly and decisively,” as a popular phrase described it. In the short term, these tactics proved successful. In the longer run, however, they led to the erosion of the Tsarist regime during its next fundamental moment of crisis. The revolution of 1905 had shown to the people the limitations of the Tsar’s threat potential.

On 1 February 1793, the National Convention of Revolutionary France declared war on Great Britain and the Netherlands, expanding the list of France's enemies in the War of the First Coalition. Although British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger had predicted fifteen years of peace one year earlier, the French declaration of war initiated nearly a quarter century of war between Britain and France with only a brief respite during the Peace of Amiens. Britain entered the war amid both a nadir in British diplomacy and internal political divisions over the direction of British foreign policy. After becoming prime minister in 1783 in the aftermath of the War of American Independence, Pitt pursued financial and naval reform to recover British strength and cautious interventionism to end Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe. He hoped to create a collective security system based on the principles of the territorial status quo, trade agreements, neutral rights, and resolution of diplomatic disputes through mediation - armed mediation if necessary. While his domestic measures largely met with success, Pitt's foreign policy suffered from a paucity of like-minded allies, contradictions between traditional hostility to France and emergent opposition to Russian expansion, Britain's limited ability to project power on the continent, and the even more limited will of Parliament to support such interventionism. Nevertheless, Pitt's collective security goal continued to shape British strategy in the War of the First Coalition, and the same challenges continued to plague the British war effort. This led to failure in the war and left the British fighting on alone after the Treaty of Campo Formio secured peace between France and its last continental foe, Austria, on 18 October 1797.

La loi du 19 juin 1851 qui étatise la police de Lyon marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire du maintien de l’ordre en France. Depuis la Révolution française, les maires ont en effet été chargés de la police dans toutes les communes françaises, Paris exceptée. À partir de 1851, Lyon fait donc figure d’exception. Parce qu’elle s’est signalée par ses colères récurrentes depuis la fin du XVIIIe siècle, qu’elle est considérée comme la capitale du sud-est de la France et que sa population apparaît unanimement comme rétive à toute forme de domination, elle passe pour une cité rebelle. Dans le contexte d’un « Printemps des peuples » marqué par les soulèvements réguliers des partisans de la République démocratique et sociale, en juin 1848 puis en juin 1849, Lyon devient aux yeux des autorités, le quartier général de tous ceux qui veulent renverser l’ordre social en France voire en Europe. Or, durant cette période, la police lyonnaise donne chaque jour les preuves d’une défaillance complète face à la criminalité et à la délinquance, malgré une réorganisation générale tentée à l’automne 1848. En réaction, le pouvoir parisien place progressivement Lyon « hors du droit commun ». La ville et ses faubourgs sont d’abord privés de leurs gardes nationales en juillet 1848, lesquelles ne seront jamais réorganisées, à la différence des autres municipalités, car elles sont perçues, entre Rhône et Saône, comme peu sûres, faibles face à l’émeute et promptes à se retourner contre l’armée et la police. Le 15 juin 1849, une nouvelle insurrection éclate à Lyon. Réprimée par l’armée, elle enclenche la réforme générale de l’organisation administrative et policière de la ville et des faubourgs. Dans l’immédiat, Lyon et les cinq départements de la 6e division militaire sont placés et maintenus en état de siège. Tentée une première fois à l’automne 1849, la réforme aboutit avec la loi du 19 juin 1851. Désormais, Lyon jouit d’une police étatisée, aux mains d’un préfet du Rhône devenu préfet de police, agissant dans une nouvelle entité administrative, l’agglomération lyonnaise, qui regroupe une douzaine de communes et faubourgs. Le décret du 24 mars 1852 fait aboutir cette réforme, en supprimant le maire et en attribuant ses fonctions au préfet, en annexant les communes suburbaines et en divisant la ville en cinq arrondissements. Sur le plan policier, les services sont réorganisés jusqu’en 1854, sur la base des modèles parisien, londonien et genevois. La police d’État lyonnaise traverse le Second Empire et devient le modèle à partir duquel les polices des préfectures de plus de 40 000 habitants sont étatisées en 1855. Cette pérennité de la police d’État ne doit pourtant pas dissimuler une contestation permanente de son existence au cours des années 1860, au Corps législatif puis au Conseil général du Rhône. Les élus républicains demandent en effet la restitution à Lyon d’une municipalité élue, prélude au retour de la ville dans le « droit commun » sur le plan policier. Progressivement, la surveillance politique de l’agglomération s’avère difficile à assurer et les effectifs policiers apparaissent insuffisants. C’est néanmoins la défaite de Sedan qui aura raison de la police d’État. La République proclamée, la municipalité lyonnaise tout juste recomposée reprend immédiatement la direction du maintien de l’ordre le 4 septembre 1870<br>The law of 19th June 1851 which establishes state control over the police of Lyon marks a major break in the history of urban policing in France. Since the French Revolution, mayors were in charged of the police in all the French municipalities, Paris excepted. From 1851, Lyon thus became an exception. Because it differenced itself by its recurring revolts since the end of the XVIIIth century, because it is considered as the capital of the southeast-part of France and because its population appeared unanimously as refusing any kind of domination, it was considered as a rebel city. During the "people’s spring" marked by the regular uprisings of the partisans of the democratic and social Republic, in June, 1848 then in June, 1849, Lyon became for the authorities, the headquarters of all those who wanted to turn upside down social order in France and even in Europe. Yet, during this period, the police of Lyon gave daily proofs of a total failure to fight criminality, in spite of a general reorganization tempted in autumn 1848.In reaction, the Parisian power gradually put Lyon "outside the common law". The city and its suburbs were firstly deprived of their national guards in July 1848, unlike the other municipalities, because its guards were perceived, between the Rhône and the Saône, as weak in front of riots and quick to turn around against the army and the police. On June 15th 1849, a new uprising burst in Lyon. Repressed by the army, it engaged the general reform of the administrative and police organization of the city and the suburbs. Lyon and the five departments of the 6th military division had immediately been are placed and maintained under state of siege. Firstly tried in autumn 1849, the reform succeeded with the law of 19th June 1851. From then on, Lyon had a state-controlled police, in the hands of the prefect of the Rhône who became a prefect of police, acting in a new administrative entity, the Lyon agglomeration, which included a dozen municipalities and suburbs. The decree of March 24th, 1852 made this reform succeed, by suppressing the mayor and by attributing its functions to the prefect, by annexing the suburban municipalities and by dividing the city into five districts. On the police plan, services were reorganized until 1854, on the basis of the models of Paris, London and Geneva.The State police of Lyon crossed the Second Empire and became the model from which the polices of the prefectures of more than 40 000 inhabitants passed under state control in 1855. Nevertheless, the State police is contested during the 1860s, in the Legislative Corps and the General Council of the Rhône. The republican asked for the restoration of an elected municipality in Lyon, seen as the first step of the return of the city in the police "common law". Gradually, political surveillance of the urban space became increasingly difficult, and the police staff seemed insufficient. Nevertheless, it was the defeat of Sedan that would mark the end of the State police. Once the Republic had been proclaimed, the municipality of Lyon just recomposed took back immediately the direction of the police on September 4th, 1870

Defence date: 22 November 2010<br>Examining Board: Prof. Arfon Rees (EUI and University of Birmingham) – Supervisor; Prof. Philipp Ther (EUI and University of Vienna); Prof. Marta Petrusewicz (City University of New York); Prof. Bogdan Szlachta (Jagiellonian University, Krakow)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This thesis presents an opportunity to look at an important aspect of the genesis of national identity-making in the specific stateless and multicultural context from which Polish nationalism emerged. It sheds additional light on the nation-building practices of Eastern Europe, which on the level of theory have remained understudied, or still fall prey to simplification, with the Kohnian dichotomy on Western civic and Eastern ethnic nationalism being the most persistent. These prevailing perspectives strongly essentialized East European nationalisms and gave them a solely Herderian birth certificate, interpreted as the source of their negative aberration. According to these theoretical apriorisms, it is the history of the Eastern peoples which has predestined them toward ethnic, illiberal, exclusive, organic, and in a word ‘Eastern’, nationalism. The Western type, on the other hand, has always navigated towards civil, voluntaristic, liberal, inclusive and proper nationalism. These premises became the starting point for the research on typologies of nationalisms since Hans Kohn and later John Plamenatz codified them in their influential works.

Diploma thesis deals with theme of family in Czech patriotic circles in the 19th century, example of family of Václav Staněk, Doctor of Medicine and patriot. Václav Staněk was a friend of Josef Frič and František Ladislav Čelakovský, their families were very close. While Fritč's and Čelakovský's families appear very often in different works about 19th century, Staněk's family was almost forgot. This thesis deals with public activities of the family, in the time before the revolution 1848 it's the Czech "salon" which was also one of the first platforms for women interested in education and during the revolution in 1848 - 1849 the engagement of Václav Staněk at parliament in Vienna and Kroměříž. Thorough attention is paid to the family connections among members of the family, especially to relationships between wife and husband and relationships among parents and children. The source is rich and yet not used correspondence of the family which allows insight to the political as well to the family business.

This dissertation examines the architecture of the French, American, and Haitian revolutions as well as the French 1848 Revolution and the Paris Commune. The traditional historiography of neoclassical and Beaux-Arts architecture considers it as coextensive with the establishment of the nation-state, culminating in the institution building of the French Second Empire and postbellum United States under the banner of liberal nationalism. By examining moments of insurrection against the state and spaces outside of the conventional construal of the nation, I complicate this interpretation by highlighting its slippages and crises. My hypothesis is that democracy, as a form of social and political life, is intrinsically anarchic and paradigmatically revolutionary, and that architecture cultivates the aims and paradoxes of revolution. Revolutionary conditions, I argue, render this radical capacity of architecture salient, showing the ultimate incommensurability between architecture and the regimes that determine and delimit it.