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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Juchnevičienė, Nijolė. "The Lives of Women in Plutarch’s Lives." Literatūra 62, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2020.3.3.

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Plutarch’s works often serve as a starting point for feminist criticism – the writer is called both a feminist who surpassed his times and a spokesperson for the traditional patriarchal society who sees women as passive and inferior to men. Others are certain that Plutarch hates women and atributes all possible character flaws to them. According to some, Plutarch despises educated women, yet others, contrarily, state that he enjoyed the company of educated women no less than that of educated men. Such a vast range of different expert opinions may be due to Plutarch’s vast literary legacy as well as the peculiarity of his way of thinking and his “generic sensibility”: the tendency to change his approach in consideration of different generic demands. Nevertheless, it is impossible to disagree that Plutarch did write the lives of men, and not of women. However, in the remaining Lives of famous Greeks and Romans, we meet plenty of women whose acts and moral principles may serve as examples not only for women, but also for men. The aim of this article is to demonstrate that Plutarch, despite of sometimes relying on stereotypes, regards women according to the same ethical principles as he applies to men. Plutarch depicts women not as passive and submissive, but as autonomous and mature characters who are active not only in their private world, but in the political world too. They overstep the traditional social boundaries of the stereotype “feminine matrix.” He accentuates two of women’s social roles that, according to his judgement, are of the greatest importance: motherhood and partnership. In Plutarch’s narrative, women are associated with love – the selfless motherly love, or marital love based on the community of thoughts and feelings. Plutarch draws attention not to the physical beauty of women, which is traditionally related to feminine sexuality in masculine psychology, but to the integrity of their characters. Love between a husband and wife, based not only on eros, but on devotion and friendship, is the primary representation of erotic love in his Lives.

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2

Warren, Lunette. "Reading Plutarch’s Women: Moral Judgement in the Moralia and Some Lives." Ploutarchos 15 (October 30, 2018): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_15_6.

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Plutarch has two distinct bodies of work: the Moralia and the Lives. Increasingly, however, questions about the unity of Plutarch’s work as a whole have been raised, and it has become of some concern to scholars of ancient biography to establish the level of philosophical content in the Lives. A comparative study of the women of the Lives and those in the Moralia may provide some insight into Plutarch’s greater philosophical project and narrative aims. Plutarch’s writings on and for women in the Conjugalia praecepta, Mulierum virtutes, Amatorius, De Iside et Osiride, and Consolatio ad uxorem lays a firm groundwork for the role of Woman in society and the marital unit. The language in these works is consistent with the language used to describe women in the Lives, where historical women appear as exempla for the moral improvement of his female students. This case study of five prominent women in the Lives reveals an uncomfortable probability: Plutarch presents women in the Lives in accordance with the principles set out in the Moralia and uses certain concepts to guide his readers towards a judgement of the exempla that agrees with his views on the ideal Woman.

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3

Ładoń, Tomasz. "Obraz wojny domowej z lat 83-82 przed Chr. w Żywocie Lucjusza Korneliusza Sulli Plutarcha z Cheronei." Argument: Biannual Philosophical Journal 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 247–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20841043.7.2.4.

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An image of the civil war of the years 83–82 BCE in Plutarch’s the Life of Sulla The author of this article is interested in how Plutarch of Chaeronea created the picture of the Sullan War in Parallel lives, especially in the Life of Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Firstly, the author notes that in presenting the civil war Plutarch was dependent on the Memoirs of Sulla. But not only. There are fragments from other source too, probably the same that Appian of Alexandria used. Therefore the Author wonders to what extend Plutarch was tendentious in presenting the Sullan War. Secondly, the author shows which moments of the Sullan War were of especial interest to Plutarch of Chaeronea and tries to answer why some of the events (for example the negotiations between Sulla and Scipio) Plutarch was to described so briefly. Finally, the author indicates why this report of Plutarch of Chaeronea remains a very important source for any historian of the civil wars in Rome.

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4

Duff, Timothy E. "Models of education in Plutarch." Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (November 2008): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000033.

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Abstract:This paper examines Plutarch's treatment of education in the Parallel Lives. Beginning with a close reading of Them. 2, it identifies two distinct ways in which Plutarch exploits the education of his subjects: in the first, a subject's attitude to education is used to illustrate a character presented as basically static (a ‘static/illustrative’ model); in the second, a subject's education is looked at in order to explain his adult character, and education is assumed to affect character (a ‘developmental’ model). These two models are often associated with two different forms of discourse: anecdotal for the static/illustrative model and analytical for the developmental. The developmental model, furthermore, is closer to Plutarch's thinking in theoretical discussions of character in the Moralia; the static/illustrative model to Plutarch's treatment of character in the Lives more generally, where anecdotal treatments predominate. The coexistence of these two models is probably to be seen as the result of a tension between Plutarch's philosophical thinking and his biographical practice: those few passages in the Lives which assume a developmental model occur in contexts where either Platonic texts or the activity of philosophers are being discussed.

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5

Hillard, T. W. "Plutarch’s Late-Republican Lives: Between The Lines." Antichthon 21 (1987): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003531.

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A great deal of modern scholarship has been expended on the subject of Plutarch’s sources and on the manner in which he composed hisLives. As a result of the painstaking analyses of the fifty or so cross-references in theLives, a rough order in which they were probably written can now be descried and this has been a great boon for those who would use the information therein for historical purposes. As regards thoseLivesdealing with the luminaries of the late Republic, it can be said that theLucullusand probably theSertoriuswere among the first four sets to be written, that theCiceroappeared with theDemosthenesin the fifth set, then came theSulla, theBrutus, theCaesar, thePompeius, and subsequently theCrassus, Cato minor, AntonyandMarius. (The order of the last four cannot be fixed, nor can the place of theLivesof the Gracchi.) A knowlege of this sequence explains the differences and occasional contradictions between individualLivesby exposing Plutarch’s earlier unfamiliarity with certain traditions and suggesting divergent source traditions which surfaced only when Plutarch was researching a particular character. (This, of course, makes the material even more valuable.)

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6

Kampianaki, Theofili. "Plutarch's Lives in the Byzantine chronographic tradition: the chronicle of John Zonaras." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 41, no. 1 (March 16, 2017): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2016.26.

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This article focuses on the presence of material from Plutarch's Lives in Byzantine chronicles, particularly that of John Zonaras, the only chronicler to draw heavily on Plutarch's biographies. Zonaras’ strong appreciation of Plutarch is evident when he repeatedly digresses from the main narrative to incorporate Plutarchean material related to secondary topics. His method of selection from Plutarch's Roman Lives is governed by particular principles: Zonaras’ individual literary tastes, as well as those of his contemporary audience, and the adaptation of Plutarch's material to the Byzantine social and cultural context. These considerations reveal Zonaras to be not merely a copyist of earlier writings, but instead a compiler with his own authorial agenda.

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7

Nikolaidis, Anastasios. "Quaestiones Convivales: Plutarch’s Sense of Humour as Evidence of his Platonism." Philologus 163, no. 1 (May 29, 2019): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2017-0029.

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AbstractGiven Plutarch’s fragmentary piece on Aristophanes and Menander (Mor. 853A–854D), a piece of Table Talk on almost the same topic (Mor. 711A–713F) and various attacks on comic poets scattered through the Lives, one might believe that Plutarch is a staid, conservative and humourless author. But several other instances in his writings reveal a playful, facetious, witty and humorous Plutarch. This paper will focus on the Quaestiones Convivales, which bear ample witness to this aspect of Plutarch’s personality and authorial technique. It will examine the ways in which he introduces and describes the various interlocutors, discuss certain comments (or arguments) with which he tries to ridicule his philosophical opponents, notably the Stoics and the Epicureans, try to distinguish the various manifestations of Plutarch’s humour (spontaneous reaction, literary device, pleasantry, witticism, irony) and finally suggest that Plutarch’s stance and attitude towards playfulness, comic situations and laughter may ultimately be affected, at least in part, by his allegiance to Plato.

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8

Freitas, Vanderley Nascimento. "AS PAIXÕES EM PLUTARCO: O PAPEL DO SILÊNCIO NA CURA DA TAGARELICE." Sapere Aude 10, no. 19 (July 14, 2019): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2177-6342.2019v10n19p73-92.

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Plutarco de Queroneia (45-125), maior expoente do médio platonismo, é autor de uma vasta obra, cujos textos conservados foram divididos em dois grandes grupos, as Vidas Paralelas (Bioi Paralleloi) e as Obras Morais (Moralia). Interessa-nos aqui examinar os vários âmbitos em que é possível reconhecer uma reflexão acerca das paixões em Plutarco, inserindo-a na busca pela boa vida preconizado pelo filósofo, a fim de evidenciar os caminhos para a cura de um páthos em particular: a tagarelice. No presente artigo, examinaremos mais de perto quatro tratados do corpus de Plutarco, a saber, Sobre a Tagarelice, Como Ouvir, O Banquete dos Sete Sábios e Das Doenças da Alma e do Corpo: quais as mais nefastas? Entrevendo o horizonte do bem viver, buscaremos mostrar como o filósofo faz com que o silêncio emerja como um ingrediente particular ao se pensar no tratamento de uma alma flagelada pelas paixões. Buscaremos, ainda, trazer à luz as fontes do pensamento antigo nas quais Plutarco se inspira, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao tema relacionado às paixões.ABSTRACTPlutarch of Chaeronea (45-125), the highest exponent of Middle Platonism, is the author of a vast work, whose conserved texts were divided into two great groups, the Parallel lives (Bioi Paralleloi) and the Moral works (Moralia). We are here interested in examine the various fields in which it is possible to recognize a reflection upon the passions in Plutarch, inserting it in the search for the good life recommended by the philosopher, in order to highlight the ways for the healing of a particular pathos: the chatter. In the present article, we will look over more closely four treatises on Plutarch's corpus, namely, On talkativeness, On listening to lectures, Dinner of the seven wise men and Whether the affections of the soul are worse than those of the body. Glimpsing the horizon of well-being, we shall try to show how the philosopher makes silence emerge as a particular ingredient in thinking about the treatment of a soul plagued by passions. We will also try to bring to light the sources of ancient thought in which Plutarch inspired himself, above all regarding the theme related to the passions.KEYWORDS: Plutarch. Passions. Ethic. Silence. Soul.

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9

Promisel, Michael E. "How Lives Form Leaders: Plutarch’s Tripartite Theory of Leadership Education." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 277–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340326.

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Abstract Plutarch’s Parallel Lives was once considered a preeminent source of ethical and leadership instruction. But despite generations turning to the Lives for leadership education, we lack clarity concerning how the Lives cultivate leadership. In fact, Plutarch offers the key to this puzzle in a tripartite theory of leadership education evident throughout his corpus. Leaders should be educated through: 1) philosophical instruction, 2) experience in public life, or 3) literary synthesis – and, ideally, some combination of all three. Plutarch’s Lives, this article contends, exemplifies the third form of education, literary synthesis, which exhibits the influence of philosophical principle and moral character on political conduct. Understanding the Lives as a model of literary leadership education reveals the conditions for written works to cultivate virtuous leaders – the closing consideration of this article.

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10

Schneider, Marion Theresa. "„Da setzen wir noch eins drauf!“." Millennium 16, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2019-0007.

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Abstract As the interpretation of Plutarch’s prooemium to the Parallel Lives of Sertorius and Eumenes shows, an author’s capacity of irony often lies in the eyes of the beholder: While most historians take for granted that this passage is meant to make fun of Plutarch’s contemporaries for drawing ridiculous conclusions from historical parallels like namesakes or similar external attributes, most translators fail to see its humorous undertone. It becomes clear, though, that it is possible to establish objective criteria for ironic speech in Plutarch that can be found in the prooemium as well, if one takes a closer look at ironic strategies in his polemical or colloquial writings. One of these is the ironic use of allusive names for dialogue partners or even the invention of characters bearing telling historical names. With this special ironic technique in mind one might even reconsider the authenticity of (Ps.‐)Plutarch’s Parallela Minora commonly termed spurious because of its cunning invention of fictitious sources on similar principles as those of the ironic Plutarch.

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11

Tatum, W. Jeffrey. "The regal image in Plutarch's Lives: I. Physical Descriptions in Plutarchan Narrative." Journal of Hellenic Studies 116 (November 1996): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631961.

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That the physical description of a biographer's subject constitutes a natural and (one should think) necessary element of the genre seems an unremarkable premise on which to entertain a reading of Plutarch. In such chronicles of wasted time as we possess, after all, descriptions of the fair and the not-so-fair are hardly unusual, regardless of literary category. And, at least since the time of Leo, the prevailing scholarly assumption has been that Plutarch's Lives ordinarily include an account of the subject's appearance as a standard structural component of the biography—an idea still to be found in P. Stadter's magisterial commentary on the Pericles. One ought perhaps to hesitate in speaking of generic requirements for Plutarchan biography, if only because we are now more than ever quite uncertain in which exact literary tradition our author is most appropriately situated, though it is fair (I think) to observe how commonly physical descriptions are to be found in the extant biographies of Cornelius Nepos and in Suetonius' Lives of the Caesars. The narrative conventions of biography, one instinctively supposes, require a personal description. Moreover, the eikonismos was by Plutarch's day a staple of rhetorical technique, useful to encomium and invective alike, and regularly discussed in handbooks. Literary and rhetorical expections, then tend to support Leo's proposition.

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12

Osek, Ewa. "Starzec w polityce. Zmienne poglądy Plutarcha z Cheronei." Vox Patrum 56 (December 15, 2011): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4212.

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Plutarch of Chaeronea (ca. 45-122/125) changed his attitude to on old age in the successive stages of his life and literary production. In the period between AD 85 and 95 the middle-aged author inclined to the Stoic theory on old age. According to the Stoic doctrine his Table talks (Symposiacs) show an old age of man as a heatless and moistures state causing the physical and mental degeneracy. In the next phase – the time of working on the Parallel Lives (AD 96-117) Plutarch hesitated between the pessimistic Stoic view and the neo-Stoic conception of the eugeria („the beautiful ageing”), whose embodiment and ideal was Cato the Elder. The ultimate Plutarch’s position is contained in his last work entitled Whether an old man should engage in public affairs. This treatise on old age, being the only such a work extant in Greek language, was written in AD 119/120, when Hadrian appointed over seventy-year-old Plutarch to a governor of Greece. The author argues now that an old statesman is much better than a young one and that a politician doesn’t have to finish his public career because of his old age. The Plutarch’s sources are not Peripatetic, as most of the scholars suppose, but Epicurean and perhaps also Middle Platonic. The thesis of this article is that the philosopher of Chaeronea always oscillated between Stoicism and Epicureanism in his approach to old age.

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13

REEKMANS, T. "Verbal Humour in Plutarch and Suetonius' Lives." Ancient Society 23 (January 1, 1992): 189–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.23.0.2005880.

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SANTOS, DOMINIQUE VIEIRA COELHO DOS, and ANA LETÍCIA CONTADOR. "Olímpia de Épiro: uma leitura dos Comportamentos Barbarescos da Rainha Macedônica na obra Vidas paralelas de Plutarco * Olympia of Epirus: reading the Aarbarian Acting of the Macedonian Queen in the work Parallel lives of Plutarch." História e Cultura 2, no. 3 (January 31, 2014): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v2i3.1102.

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<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o papel que Olímpia de Épiro – mãe de Alexandre, o Grande – desempenha na narrativa plutarqueana dentro da obra <em>Vidas Paralelas</em>. Tal empreendimento pode nos auxiliar a compreender, por exemplo, como Plutarco aborda a dicotomia grego/bárbaro, pois quando descreve a rainha macedônica ele a caracteriza como detentora de uma natureza rude e comportamentos religiosos desviantes, sendo tão barbaresca quanto às mulheres Edômas e Trácias. <strong></strong></p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Plutarco – Alexandre – Religião – Barbárie – Olímpia de Épiro.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper aim is to analyze the role that Olympia of Epirus - mother of Alexander the Great - plays in the Plutarchian narrative in the work <em>Parallel Lives</em>. Such an effort can help us to understand, for example, how Plutarch discusses the dichotomy greek/barbarian, as when he describes the Macedonian Queen he characterizes her as having a tough nature and deviant religious behavior, being as barbaric as Edonian and Thracian women.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Plutarch – Alexander – Religion – Barbarism – Olympia of Epirus.</p>

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15

Braund, David. "Dionysiac Tragedy in Plutarch,Crassus." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 468–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040003.

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It has recently and rightly been observed that Plutarch is exceptional as a prose author in the finesse with which he employs tragedy in his Lives. And, one might add, in the extent to which he does so. His dislike for the sensationalism of ‘tragic history’ was no obstacle to his use of ‘the sustained tragic patterning and imagery which is a perfectly respectable feature of both biography and history’. The primary purpose of the present discussion is to draw attention to the profound importance of tragedy, particularly of Euripides'Bacchae, to the Carrhae narrative in Plutarch'sCrassus. It is argued that details inCrassus'; version of Carrhae recall the tragedy of Pentheus and, in so doing, substantially advance the portrayal of Crassus' character.

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González, Dámaris Romero. "Griegos y Bárbaros, una Relación Intercultural." Ploutarchos 12 (November 3, 2015): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_12_4.

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In his Lives Plutarch warns about a (possible) barbarization of people living under or around non-Greeks, as in Tim. 17.3, where he notices the consequences of the invasion of the Carthaginians on the Sicilians. Though it isn’t an usual phenomenon, Plutarch collects three more examples in Lys. 3.2, Pyrrh. 1.4, and Arat. 38.6. I will focus on the causes that provoke this attraction of the Greeks to adopt some barbarian customs, and, therefore, make them to separate from or forget some of the symbols of their identity, and the solution to recover the Greekness.

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Stadter, Philip A. "Barbarian Comparisons." Ploutarchos 12 (November 3, 2015): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_12_5.

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When comparing two heroes, who both fought barbarians, Plutarch does not draw parallels between Greek and Roman campaigns. Instead, in the four pairs of Parallel Lives studied here (Pyrrh.-Mar., Them.-Cam., Cim.-Luc., Alex.-Caes.), Plutarch broadens the significance of barbarian contact, allowing the barbarian enemy, the external Other, to draw attention to Hellenic traits of freedom, culture, and prudence in his heroes and in their cities, both Greek and Roman. Equally important, this Other serves to uncover traces of the barbarian in those same heroes and cities.

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18

Visonà, Lucia. "Frienemies de l’Antiquité: Aristide et Thémistocle vus par Plutarque." Electrum 29 (October 21, 2022): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.22.010.15780.

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In the Parallel Lives, Aristides and Themistocles are two antithetical characters. This opposition, already present in Herodotus’work and common to the literary tradition of the Persian wars, is particularly emphasized by Plutarch who shapes two characters endowed with opposing character traits who adopt completely different behaviors towards friends or wealth. This profound contrast is intended to highlight the collaboration between the two Athenians, ready to put aside personal differences to devote themselves together to the war against the Persians. The episode of reconciliation is in fact located, unlike other sources (Aristotle, Diodorus), before the battle of Salamis. However, Aristides and Themistocles do not limit themselves to settling their differences : they also take on the role of mediators during the war in order to address the disagreements between Athens and the other Greek cities and avoid hindering the common struggle against the barbarians. To do this, Plutarch adapts some passages of Herodotus (directly or by choosing sources that made such changes) to insert the protagonists of the Lives and create a climate of tension that they can happily resolve. His authorial choices appear consistent with the criticisms against Herodotus in De Herodoti Malignitate. The reflection about the Persian wars in Plutarch’s corpus seems therefore to be animated by a coherent vision, born from the tradition elaborated by the Attic orators in the fourth century : the conflict is seen as a privileged moment of the union between the Greeks, capable of overcoming the almost endemic rivalries that oppose them in view of the common good.

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González-González, Marta. "Tragic Elements in Dion 55.2 and Brutus 36.7." Ploutarchos 14 (October 30, 2017): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_14_2.

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According to Plutarch, the daimon which appears to Dion and announces to him his imminent death looks as a Tragic Erinys (Dion 55.2). Plutarch says also that a vision which identifies itself as “your evil daimon” appears to Brutus, just before the battle of Philippi, to announce to him his death (Brutus 36.7). We find this last motive also in Caesar. This paper focuses on the similarities between these episodes which announce the death to Dion and Brutus in a similar way, establishing intertextual links between these Lives. Secondly, I’ll pay attention to the relationship between these texts and the tragedy.

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20

Swain, S. C. R. "Hellenic culture and the Roman heroes of Plutarch." Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (November 1990): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631736.

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Plutarch of Chaeroneia stands almost alone among Greeks of the Roman Empire in displaying in his works an extensive knowledge of, and interest in, Rome and Romans. The knowledge of Roman history and the many notes on Roman institutions and usages seen in the Lives together with the work specifically devoted to Roman customs, the quaest. Rom., and the celebration of Rome's good fortune, the de fort. Rom., testify to his great sympathy with the Roman way of life. For us Plutarch is a unique bridge between Greece and Rome. But what sort of bridge does he himself envisage between Rome and his own world? In particular, how far does Plutarch believe that Romans share his own Hellenic culture? In answering this question I shall argue that in his presentation of Romans Plutarch often shows himself to be conscious that Hellenic culture had been imported to Rome and could never be fully taken for granted among Romans as it could among Greeks, and that as a consequence it is worthwhile for him as a student of character to consider how well and with what benefit Romans absorb it.

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Edwards, Michael J. "Notes on pseudo-Plutarch's Life of Antiphon." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (May 1998): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.1.82.

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The Lives of the Ten Orators (), preserved in the manuscripts of Plutarch's Moralia (832b–852e) but almost universally acknowledged not to be the work of Plutarch himself, have been much maligned by modern scholars, and the information they provide has been treated with extreme caution, not to say disdain. My purpose here is to demonstrate that the first of these biographies, the Life of Antiphon (832b–834b), repays close study and, far from being worthless, reliably preserves a tradition which provides useful material on its subject. Some of what appears below is inevitably going over well-trodden ground, but there is, in my opinion, sufficient material in the Life which has been overlooked or misinterpreted to justify the following re-examination.

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22

Zabudskaya, Yana. "The “Greek” and the “Roman” in “Parallel Lives” by Plutarch." Balcanica, no. 15 (2019): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.4.

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23

Carrillo-Rodríguez, Miriam. "Burying the Greek Heroes: Heroic Funerals in the Greek Lives of Plutarch." Ploutarchos 16 (October 29, 2019): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_16_2.

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In this paper, I will analyse the features of heroic funerals in Plutarch’s Greek Lives, their differences with the funerals of common people, and how the author makes use of the ceremony to portray each character. A close reading of various passages will show patterns in Plutarch’s description of the burial of heroes and his depiction of the hero’s body. This work will examine the funerals of Aratus, Philopoemen, Hephaestion, Pelopidas, Theseus and Timoleon.

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Stadter, Philip. "Alexander Hamilton's Notes on Plutarch in His Pay Book." Review of Politics 73, no. 2 (2011): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670511000040.

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AbstractAlexander Hamilton's notes to his reading of two pairs of Plutarch's Parallel Lives, Theseus-Romulus and Lycurgus-Numa, probably made in the winter of 1777–1778 at Valley Forge, reveal his early attention to the rewards of founding a new state, the natures and advantages of different political institutions, and economic, social, military, and cultural practices. They furnish a valuable testament to Hamilton's early intellectual development. He focuses on monarchy and the danger of tyranny and on the institutions by which states had limited the power of monarchs and of the popular will: the senate at Rome and the gerousia and later the ephors at Sparta. Hamilton admires Numa's use of religion to nourish civil society, while his interest in the Spartans' treatment of their helots is a testimony to his early concern about the problem of slavery.

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Mahroof, M. M. M. "THE COOKS’ TOUR SYNDROME." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i1.2269.

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The western world, from ancient times, say from Herodotus onward,was and is interested in how others live. Herodotus’s Histories wasunabashedly curious about the lives of the Egyptians, Persians, and otherraces that inhabited the immediate or remote environs of ancient Greece.The then-Gmk world, while conscious of the intellectual and socialpower of the Greeks vis-a-vis other races, did not descend to the peddlingof romantic made-up stories of other peoples; this culminated in laterEuropean tales, the keystone of which was Mandeville’s Travels.The Greeks and the later Romans, while maintaining the essentialsuperiority of Greeks and Romans, nonetheless were inclined to the viewthat there were social and economic gradations among the Greeks andthe Romans themselves. The fruits of Graeco-Roman civilization werereserved for those who were “gently” born. The decision makers, as wellas most philosophers (the ultimate thinkers of those times), came fromsocially privileged groups. There were a few exceptions: The philosopherSolon was held to be an oil-seller, a fact that Plutarch never fails tobelabor in his Parallel Lives. In fact, Plutarch’s work reads like anancient Almanach de Gotha or Burke‘s Peerage.The Romans, who, unlike the ancient Greeks, conquered a large partof Euro-Asia, were careful to limit citizenship to specific foreigners.Among native-born Romans, aristocratic birth was the key to social and ...

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Alcalde-Martín, Carlos. "Political Vocation and Oratory in the Lives of Phocion, Cato Minor and Cato Maior." Ploutarchos 15 (October 30, 2018): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_15_1.

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The pair of biographies Phocion – Cato the Younger begins by establishing, in the Life of Phocion, a comparison between the two protagonists that is illustrated and developed in the internal comparison that Plutarch implicitly traces throughout the two Lives. This can be seen, among other aspects, in their political vocation and in the description of their character and oratory. There is also a close parallel between these biographies and that of Cato the Elder, reinforced by the comparison of their protagonists with Socrates, which evokes the ideal image of the politician inspired by philosophy.

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Moles, John. "Plutarch's Lives - Philip A. Stadter (ed.): Plutarch and the Historical Tradition. Pp. viii + 188; 2 illustrations. London and New York: Routledge, 1992. £35." Classical Review 43, no. 1 (April 1993): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00285636.

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Medica, Karmen. "Plutarch: Parallel Lives: Cimon and Lucullus, Nicias and Crassus, translation, commentary, interpretive study and edited by Maja Sunčič." Monitor ISH 17, no. 2 (November 3, 2015): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.17.2.207-210(2015).

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Cox Jensen, Freyja. "Plutarch in English, 1528–1603. Volume 1: Essays. Edited by Fred Schurink; Plutarch in English, 1528–1603. Volume 2: Lives. Edited by Fred Schurink." Translation and Literature 30, no. 3 (November 2021): 384–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2021.0484.

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Casanova, Angelo. "The Misunderstanding about the Granddaughter (Plut. Cons. ux. 608B)." Ploutarchos 16 (October 29, 2019): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_16_3.

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At the very beginning of the Cons. ux., we gather that the messenger sent by Plutarch’s wife, to tell him about their child’s death, went first to Tanagra and then left for Athens, expecting to meet Plutarch on the way. The meeting, however, did not occur, so that Plutarch only heard of the news παρὰ τῆς θυγατριδῆς, when he arrived at Tanagra. Several scholars maintain that this girl can hardly be a granddaughter of Plutarch (who was about forty at that moment) and assume she might be his niece (i.e. a daughter of one of his brothers); Babut, instead, believes that by this Greek term Plutarch refers to one of his daughters-in-law. This paper discusses the whole problem and suggests a new explication for the misunderstanding concerning the granddaughter who lived in Tanagra.

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Dionisotti, A. C. "Nepos and the Generals." Journal of Roman Studies 78 (November 1988): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301449.

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This paper begins in the year 1569, when a hefty commentary on the Lives of Cornelius Nepos was published in Paris by one of the Royal Professors, Denys Lambin (known to classicists as Lambinus). The event intrigued me for two reasons. Firstly because, in France at that time, history was not a proper subject for professors. A professor could deal in Greek and Latin poetry, in oratory, philosophy, maths or Hebrew, or of course in the degree subjects theology, medicine and law; but history, including ancient history, was mostly a popular interest among the cultured ruling class, who preferred to read it in elegant vernacular versions, like Amyot's Diodorus and Plutarch, not in the dusty didactic form of text and commentary. So why did a professor, famous for his work on poetry and philosophy, suddenly devote himself to Nepos? The second puzzle was that, within weeks of publishing this commentary, Lambinus was violently attacked for it, and came close to losing both his job and his life. How, I wondered, could commenting on Nepos so seriously endanger the health?

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Casanova, Angelo. "Plutarch’s Sons- and Bothers-in-law." Ploutarchos 17 (November 9, 2020): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_17_2.

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From the Consolatio uxoris we learn that Plutarch and Timoxena had one single daughter, who was born after four sons and only lived to be two years old. Since in the Quaestiones convivales we encounter three different characters (Craton, Firmus and Patrocleas) indicated as Plutarch’s gambroi, some critics state them to be his sons-in-law, thus supposing the existence of three married daughters; others prefer to consider them as the husbands of Plutarch’s nieces; still others reject both conclusions and think the term gambroi merely refers to “relatives” in general. A careful analysis of all the passages involved clearly shows, in the first place, that gambros can only refer to sons-in-law and brothersin- law, then that – in the case in hand – the three men were Plutarch’s brothersin- law: very probably three brothers of Timoxena.

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Fletcher, Lucy E. "PLUTARCH'S GREEK LIVES - (J.) Romm, (P.) Mensch (trans.) Plutarch. Lives that Made Greek History. Pp. xvi + 295, maps. Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc, 2012. Paper, £9.95, US$12.95 (Cased, £29.95, US$39.95). ISBN: 978-1-60384-846-6 (978-1-60384-847-3 hbk)." Classical Review 64, no. 1 (March 20, 2014): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x13002485.

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Ramón, Vicente, and Fabio Tanga. "J. Beneker, C. Cooper, N. Humble & F. Titchener (Eds.) Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences. Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia (Brill’s Plutarch Studies 10), Pp. xiii + 293 + Indexes, Leiden-Boston, Brill, 2022. ISBN: 978-90-04-51424-9." Ploutarchos 19 (December 28, 2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_19_11.

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Ogden, Daniel. "R. Waterfield: Plutarch: Greek Lives. A Selection of Nine GreekLives (World’s Classics). Pp. xxxviii + 490, 3 maps. Oxford andNewYork: Oxford University Press, 1998. Paper, £8.99. ISBN: 0-19-282501-1." Classical Review 49, no. 2 (October 1999): 565–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x99370050.

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Ruta, Alessio. "NARRATIVE AND ETHICAL REFLECTION IN PLUTARCH - (C.S.) Chrysanthou Plutarch's Parallel Lives – Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. (Trends in Classics Supplementary Volume 57.) Pp. x + 228. Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter, 2018. Cased, £72.50, €79.95, US$91.99. ISBN: 978-3-11-057298-8." Classical Review 70, no. 1 (September 18, 2019): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x19001550.

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Trevett, Jeremy. "Lives of the Attic Orators: Texts from Pseudo-Plutarch, Photius, and the Suda by J. Roisman and I. Worthington (with translations by R. Waterfield). Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2015. Pp. xvii, 381." Phoenix 70, no. 1-2 (2016): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2016.0032.

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Duff, T. "Review. Plutarch's lives. Essays on Plutarch's lives. B Scardigli (ed)." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.231.

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Titchener, Frances B., and Barbara Scardigli. "Essays on Plutarch's "Lives"." Classical World 90, no. 4 (1997): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351951.

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Hertzoff, Andrew. "Eros and Moderation in Plutarch's Life of Solon." Review of Politics 70, no. 3 (2008): 339–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670508000582.

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AbstractPlutarch is generally not considered a philosopher in his own right. However, a careful reading of his life of Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, in conjunction with an examination of his philosophical essays, shows that Plutarch is engaged in a debate with Epicureans and Stoics whose misjudgments of the worth and limits of human passions lead them knowingly or unknowingly to draw lines between the happy philosophical life and the life of politics. Through the life of Solon, Plutarch demonstrates how a philosopher would actually engage in politics, and with his proper understanding of human nature, educate that society through wise laws that encourage a moderate and healthy form of erotic life in the city. In doing so, Plutarch makes a case for a substantive contribution of Platonic philosophy to the guidance of the statesman.

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Rich, J. W. "M. J. Edwards: Plutarch, The Lives of Pompey, Caesar and Cicero: A companion to the Penguin Translation with Introduction and Commentary. (Classical Studies Series.) Pp. xv+155; 2 stemmata, 7 I maps, Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 1991. Paper." Classical Review 44, no. 1 (April 1994): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00291361.

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Zabudskaya, Ya. "«Tragic» vocabulary in Plutarch’s Lives." Indo-European linguistics and classical philology XXII (June 7, 2018): 518–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielcp230690152240.

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Romero-González, Dámaris. "As Alexander says. The Alexander-dream motif in Plutarch’s Successors’ "Lives"." Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos 29 (June 6, 2019): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/cfcg.63590.

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La importancia de estar relacionado con Alejandro fue una pieza fundamental después desu muerte, y se manifestó cuando se le presenta en sueños a sus sucesores (el motivo del ‘sueño deAlejandro’). Plutarco introduce este motivo en sus Vidas en tres ocasiones (Eum. 6.5, Pyrrh. 11.2,Demetr. 29.1), todas ellas dentro de un contexto muy similar. Aunque la aparición de Alejandro ensueños en las Vidas podría considerarse como una invención plutarquea (y en dos sueños lo es),Plutarco busca usarlos como recurso para cumplir su objetivo: ejemplificar el carácter del protagonistade su Vida.

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Duff, Timothy E. "The Structure of the Plutarchan Book." Classical Antiquity 30, no. 2 (October 1, 2011): 213–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2011.30.2.213.

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This study focuses not on individual Lives or pairs of Lives, but on the book as a whole and its articulation across the full corpus. It argues that the Plutarchan book consists of up to four distinct sections: prologue, first Life, second Life, synkrisis. Each of these sections has a fairly consistent internal structure, and each has a distinct set of strategies for opening, for closure, and for managing the transition from one section to the next. Prologues provide an introduction to both Lives, and are clearly delineated from them, even though in our manuscripts they appear as part of the first Life; in fact, there is often a stronger break between prologue and first Life than there is between the two Lives themselves. Prologues usually begin with generalized reflections, to be followed only later by the naming of the subjects and a statement of their similarities. Most Lives begin with a thematically organized section (the ‘proemial opening’), which surveys the subject's life as a whole, not just their youth, and which is marked off with varying degrees of distinctness from the narrative that follows. Crucially, proemial openings do not narrate and the logic of their structure is not chronological. Closure in many Lives is signalled by ‘circularity’ and sometimes by a closural or transitional phrase, though first Lives are different here from second Lives. Synkriseis are structured both by a series of themes on which the two subjects are compared, and by a two-part, agonistic structure in which first one of the subjects is preferred, then the other. Synkriseis may also recall the prologue; both prologue and synkrisis operate at the level of the book, and between them frame and weld together the two Lives.

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Brenk, Frederick E., and Tim Duff. "Plutarch's "Lives": Exploring Virtue and Vice." Classical World 95, no. 4 (2002): 454. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352693.

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Clucas, Tom. "Plutarch's Parallel Lives in The Excursion." Wordsworth Circle 45, no. 2 (March 2014): 126–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24045892.

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Titchener, Frances. "Plutarch’s Lively Dinner Tables." Ploutarchos 19 (December 28, 2022): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_19_4.

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This paper will look at banquets in the context of non-food related events like assassinations, making an impression, and true character reveals, heavily illustrated by citations from twenty-three different Parallel Lives, with a final section on food-related events focusing on Spartan black broth (μέλας ζωμός) as a characterizing device.

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Lucchesi, Michele. "Gylippus in Plutarch’s Parallel Lives: Intratextuality and Readers." Ploutarchos 13 (November 2, 2016): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_13_1.

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Plutarch’s portrayal of Gylippus is consistent both in the Moralia and in the Parallel Lives. In particular, Gylippus’ main traits clearly recall the Spartans’ virtues and vices described in the five Spartan Lives. Furthermore, the presence of Gylippus as a secondary character in the Life of Pericles and in the Life of Nicias creates a strong link between these biographies and the Lives of Lycurgus and Lysander. Different types of readers can variously actualise such intratextual connections. We can infer that the Parallel Lives require attentive readers willing to engage actively in the reading process and to interpret the narrative fruitfully, following the author’s

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Zabudskaya, Y. L. "Functions of tragic quotations in Plutarch’s Lives." Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology XXV (2021): 1400–1417. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielc230690152583.

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Titchener, Frances B. "Plutarch's Lives: Exploring Virtue and Vice (review)." American Journal of Philology 122, no. 4 (2001): 586–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2001.0060.

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