Relevant bibliographies by topics / Plantation labourers

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Academic literature on the topic 'Plantation labourers'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 18 May 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Plantation labourers"

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Yasmin, Benojir, and Giyasuddin Siddique. "Plateaus to Foothills: The Historical Migration of Tea Garden Labourers from Chotanagpur to North-Eastern Tea Plantation Zones of India during the British Period." Journal of Migration History 10, no. 1 (March 11, 2024): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-10010002.

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Abstract Introduced by British imperialists in the early nineteenth century, tea plantation in India initially suffered from labourer shortages. Far from these tea gardens, the Chotanagpur Plateau region was marked as the major catchment area for recruiting labourers in the period 1840–1940. Thousands of socio-economically weak and marginalised people from the Chotanagpur Plateau were recruited for the newly established tea gardens of North-East India. They were subjected to various forms of exploitation through coercive service conditions. They were confined to these tea plantations for generations, as they had little prospect of moving out of the chain of bondage. That colonial legacy of servitude is still perceptible through the penurious situations of present-day tea garden labourers. This article seeks to analyse the historical context of the major push and pull factors for such large-scale migration of labourers, as well as the forces that rendered them confined to the tea estates through the generations.
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Borkotoky, Namrata. "Locating 'Coolie' Women's Health in Tea Plantation Environments in Colonial Assam." Environment and History 27, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734021x16076828553502.

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The history of Assam tea plantations in India is well-documented, yet a gender sensitive environmental history of these colonially-introduced plantation landscapes is absent. The colonial tea planters saw advantages in a growing female presence in their plantations, in terms of increased male ties to the plantation, lower wages for female workers and the added benefit of biological reproduction that would fulfil the need for manual labour in these plantations for generations. This paper attempts to understand how this plantation structure in general and the work regime in particular relied on a particular type of gender identity, which in turn had a detrimental effect on the health of the women labourers in this new landscape.
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Teeuwen, Danielle. "Plantation Women and Children." TSEG - The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 19, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52024/tseg.8431.

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In the period 1870-1940 over a million Javanese labourers travelled to Sumatra hoping for a better life. Although the literature focuses on the labour activities, working conditions, and wages of male workers, especially from 1900 onwards a substantial part of the hired labourers were women and children. This paper argues that in the late colonial period attempts were made to improve the conditions for family life on the plantations. These policies were aimed at creating a stable pool of workers in a context of widespread labour scarcity. However, improvements were slow, and when a labour surplus occurred during the Great Depression, women's wages and contracts were affected most, which shows the gendered labour policies on the plantations were very much driven by an economic rationale.
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S, Anagha. "Tea Plantation Labour And Facades Of Healthcare In Munnar." ENSEMBLE 2, no. 2 (August 12, 2021): 302–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2021-0202-a031.

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Appropriation of the native people as labourers is an integral feature of colonial enterprises. It often tended to ignore the basic human needs of the subjugated. Colonial rulers started several plantations across India and Munnar tea estate is one among them. Large areas in the high ranges were deforested and migrant labourers were brought with their families. The adverse climatic conditions in an alien land made life in the hills miserable for the labourers, especially for women and children. They were accommodated in congested coolie lanes, which were shared by other families. Contagious diseases were prevalent among them and many succumbed to death. This compelled the planters to take some measures against the health hazards. As the plantations were a separate entity in itself, intervention from government authorities was minimum. Yet the plight of the labourers compelled the authority to enact some laws for the well-being of the workers. In addition to these, some steps were taken by the planter community itself to enhance the health condition of the labourers. This paper dwells on the question whether there was any deliberate negligence on the part of colonial authorities or it was a natural result of the peculiar conditions inherent in the plantations?
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Klaveren, Marieke Van. "Death among Coolies: Mortality of Chinese and Javanese Labourers on Sumatra in the Early Years of Recruitment, 1882–1909." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022737.

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Travel in search of a better future is an essential part of human history. This paper will examine one aspect of this phenomenon, that of migrating labourers, focusing on the migration and mortality of Javanese and Chinese labourers to the East Coast of Sumatra from 1869 to 1930. One of the goals of this investigation will be to better understand the condition in which they lived. The rate of mortality among Javanese and Chinese labourers is still based on appropriations, because previous scholarship focussed primarily on labour conditions on the plantations and not on the real evidence of mortality of the labourers. Perhaps this is because documentation in the early part of the period is incomplete and hard to come by. It is obvious, however, that from the outset of the plantation society, mortality was high. In Koelies, Planters en Koloniale Politiek, Jan Breman estimated that on Sumatra's East Coast one out of three or four coolies died before his contract had ended. However, reports of hospitals in the area are a source for new evidence about the mortality of the labourers in the early years of their recruitment. This paper will present this evidence.
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Zubir, Zaiyardan. "Dari Mukjizat ke Pemerataan: Kajian Ekonomi Petani Indragiri Hulu 1980—2010." Lembaran Sejarah 12, no. 2 (February 27, 2018): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33464.

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Indonesian economic development in the Soeharto’s New Order brought a miracle and absolute poverty. In the case of Indragiri Hulu’s community farmer, that miracle looked up from the massive development oil palm plantation as well as the rapid growth of cities and liveliness of population around the plantation area. While absolute poverty was seen from the deprivation and deforestation of hutan lindung (protected forests), hutan larangan (prohibited forests), hutan adat (customary forests), and hutan ulayat also the expropriation of inhabitan’s land without compensation. Moreover, oil palm plantations changed the status of the surrounding community (from landowners to be labourers), eliminated their additional income, then caused bareforests and flood every rainy.
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Arumugum, Logeswary, and Kingston Pal Thamburaj. "Tamil Plantation Labourers in Malaysian Tamil Folk Songs." Journal of Tamil Peraivu 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2017): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jtp.vol5no1.9.

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Wertheim, Wim F. "Conditions on Sugar Estates in Colonial Java: Comparisons with Deli." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, no. 2 (September 1993): 268–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400002630.

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In September 1990 the Centre for Asian Studies Amsterdam (CASA) organized an International Workshop on “Plantation Labour in Colonial Asia”. Most of the presented papers dealt with plantations where the workforce had to be imported from distant regions, sometimes even from abroad. The type of human community originating from such recruitment policies often resulted in a typical frontier society, characterized by extreme harshness on the part of the white planters, and by a sense of utter alienation and isolation among the Asian labourers.
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Islam, Syed Manzoorul. "Sex, sugar and slavery:." Crossings: A Journal of English Studies 2, no. 1 (September 1, 2009): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.59817/cjes.v2i1.396.

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Sugarcane plantation began in the Caribbean from the early 16th century, with the arrival of Portuguese colonizers led by Christopher Columbus who planted seed canes in Santo Domingo in 1493. With demand for sugar increasing in Europe throughout the century, sugar plantations and sugar mills were set up throughout the region. Work in the sugarcane fields was cruel and energy-sapping, and hardly any European opted for such backbreaking work. As a result, a huge number of indentured labourers had to be imported from Africa and East India. These labourers were treated as slaves and were routinely brutalized and controlled by deadly force. The history of their subjugation and control had the body at its core, since the colonizers found it easy to establish their mastery through control and defilement of the slave’s body. The torture and mutilation incapacitated the slaves from performing gender roles. But the ‘ungendered’ slaves also reverted to their biological and sexual selves and employed the power of the body and sex to mount resistance against the colonizers. The resultant violence added a further dimension to the history of colonial resistance. David Dabydeen, a Guyanese poet, picks up this volatile history of colonial sugarcane plantation in his Slave Songs, with particular emphasis on the “erotic-sadomasochistic nature of slavery and plantation life.” The fourteen poems written in Creole probe the interconnectedness of sexuality, sugarcane and the body, and trace the history of both colonial subjugation and resistance.
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Baak, Paul E. "About Enslaved Ex-slaves, Uncaptured Contract Coolies and Unfreed Freedmen: Some Notes about ‘Free’ and ‘Unfree’ Labour in the Context of Plantation Development in Southwest India, Early Sixteenth Century–Mid 1990s." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 1 (January 1999): 121–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x99003108.

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In the literature on plantation development in Asia, the issue of ‘free’ versus ‘unfree’ labour has been very much debated. To start with, a first group of scholars argues that from the workers' point of view the decision to work on the plantations seems to have been a rational and conscious choice (see for example: Galenson 1984; Emmer 1986). They stress that a high degree of social differentiation in the various Asian societies has made low-class people leave their areas whenever an improvement in their position seemed possible. Most plantation workers came from areas where they had only limited or no access to the means of production and where many of them were indebted to local landlords and/or moneylenders. For low-caste Indian labourers, the opportunity to work on plantations meant a way out of their depressed conditions in their caste-ridden villages.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Plantation labourers"

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De, Swapan Kumar. "Productivity stagnation in Darjeeling Tea industry and its implications for the plantation labourers." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/252.

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Ghosh, (hazra) Sukanya. "Girl child among adibasi plantation labourers of North Bengal: a study of their social situation." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/157.

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Books on the topic "Plantation labourers"

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Khawas, Vimal. Socio-economic conditions of tea garden labourers in Darjeeling hills. New Delhi: Council for Social Development, 2006.

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The conditions of migrant labour in Masaka District, 1900-1962: The case of coffee shamba labourers. Kampala, Uganda: Centre for Basic Research, 1989.

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1955-, Sengupta Sarthak, ed. The tea labourers of North East India: An anthropo-historical perspective. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2009.

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The tea labourers of North East India: An anthropo-historical perspective. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2009.

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1955-, Sengupta Sarthak, ed. The tea labourers of North East India: An anthropo-historical perspective. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2009.

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S, Karotemprel, Datta-Ray B. 1925-, North-East India Council for Social Science Research., and Sacred Heart Theological College (Shillong, India), eds. Tea garden labourers of north east India: A multidimensional study on the Adivasis of the tea gardens of north east India. Shillong: Vendrame Institute, 1990.

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Migration and human variation: A study on tribal tea-labourers. New Delhi, India: Mittal Publications, 2014.

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Lenehan, Sara. Child migration in the Udaipur district: An investigation into the impact of BT cotton fields on child labourers. Udaipur: Seva Mandir, 2005.

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Ibrahim, Zawawi. The Malay labourer: By the window of capitalism. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1998.

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Overseers of Early American Slavery: Supervisors, Enslaved Labourers, and the Plantation Enterprise. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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Book chapters on the topic "Plantation labourers"

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Crowley, Terry. "Language Contact since 1865." In Beach-la-Mar to Bislama, 71–107. Oxford University PressOxford, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198248934.003.0003.

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Abstract The first acquisition of land by Europeans from ni-Vanuatu for plantation purposes was on Tanna in 1867, when Henry Ross Lewin purchased 324 hectares to establish a cotton plantation. This was a good time to grow cotton as the American Civil War of the 1860s had caused cotton shortages and driven up the world price. Not only did Lewin set himself up as a cotton planter, but he had also been involved in the earlier recruitment of Tannese labourers to other islands, presumably to cut sandalwood and later to work on other plantations (Scarr 196T 16). He employed 120 Efate labourers on his plantation on Tanna in 1873. A number of other Europeans acquired land on Tanna, generally employing labourers from Efate. Relations between the Tannese and European planters on the island were evidently not good, in part probably because the Tannese and the Europeans had very different ideas about land ‘ownership’ and the rights that this entailed (Van Trease 1987: 19). By 1874 Lewin had been killed and European attempts to develop plantations on Tanna came to a temporary halt.
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Harrigan, Michael. "The labouring body." In Frontiers of servitude. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526122261.003.0004.

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This chapter explores how French texts echoed shared ideas about labour in the plantation context. Plantation labour employed the bodies of slaves in new, proto-industrial processes. Within this context the concept of accumulation was central to understanding slaves and the free. Commentators show the importance of numeracy to colonial knowledge, which organised labour, space, and productivity. This knowledge implied forms of belonging and exclusion. Slave labour remained human labour and could be disrupted by social dynamics and desire. The distinctions between slave and free even encompassed time, which was inseparable from accumulation and power. Comparison with free indentured labourers illustrates the condition of the slave, and comparison with animals demonstrates what was gratifying or repellent about slave labour.
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Buckingham, Jane. "Disability, Leprosy, and Plantation Health among Indian Indentured Labourers in Fiji, 1879–1911." In Social Aspects of Health, Medicine and Disease in the Colonial and Post-colonial Era, 199–221. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003140597-12.

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Persaud, Prea. "Hinduism in the Caribbean." In Hindu Diasporas, 92–115. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198867692.003.0005.

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Abstract The history of Hinduism in the Caribbean began with indentured labourers who were brought from India to the Caribbean between the years 1838 and1920. Although Indians began as a minority group in the Caribbean, they now represent a large portion of the population in countries like Trinidad and Guyana and have made significant contributions to the landscape, food, and culture of the Caribbean. Their religious practices reflect the backgrounds of the indentured labourers, including the dominance of the Rāmcaritmānas, the existence of rituals such as the firepass ceremony, and newly developed traditions such as Gangadhaara, which work to sacralize the local landscape. Indo-Caribbeans have also established religious schools, remodelled their temples to combat conversion tactics, developed Hindu organizations, and advocated for Indo-Caribbeans and Indian representation at all levels of government including working to establish the recognition of Indian Arrival Day in several islands. As a result, the Hinduism that emerges out of the Caribbean demonstrates a combination of the particularities of the Caribbean context with the traditions Indians brought with them in the nineteenth century and later developed to better suit their physical and social environment. Caribbean Hinduism has been shaped by the restrictions of the plantation system, tensions with Afro-Caribbean communities, the influence of the Canadian Presbyterian Church and Hindu missionary groups from India, as well as a desire to sustain and celebrate their hyphenated identities as Indo-Caribbeans.
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"Occupational Mobility among Tea Garden Labourers." In Unfolding Crisis in Assam's Tea Plantations, 129–62. Routledge India, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315816005-11.

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Allen, Margaret. "Circuitous Routes." In Indians and the Antipodes, 62–93. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199483624.003.0003.

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The chapter traces the history of several families whose ancestors migrated as indentured labourers to sugar plantations in Fiji, the Caribbean, and to the French colonies of Réunion and New Caledonia. Once indenture ended these migrant workers travelled to Australia in search of a better life. These stories of migration across imperial boundaries, struggle against racial discrimination and restrictive immigration rules offer evidence of agency and enterprise, rather than benign profiles of helpless indentured labourers. This chapter sheds new light on the issues of gender and agency in migrant lives through the stories of matriarchs who showed courage and enterprise in keeping their families united and making a living in the hostile environment of colonial Australia. It also traces intergenerational mobility and shows how the later generations proudly reconstruct that genealogy of displacement, discrimination and agency as badges of their historic transnational identity.
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"Initially, mine workers would be rather reluctant to invest their wages in means of production (in agriculture and in transport) within the Mozambican rural economy. Up to 1980/81, government policies were not favourable to such investments. However, thereafter, miners were specifically encouraged to plough back their wages into production and commerce. Rural unemployment was widespread and, hence, the conditions for private accumulation were favourable on this count. Generally, miners would invest in transport and commerce, but some did invest in agriculture. Indeed, in the latter years, peasants with resources were allowed to operate on unutilised ex-settler farms. In other cases, the more permanent and better paid state farm workers could use their specific position to strengthen their own farm, often supplemented by hired labour. As mechanics or tractor drivers, etc. they had access to cer-tain resources such as seeds, fertiliser, fuel and consumer goods which they could buy either from the state farm or, not unfrequently, merely take from stocks on the state farms. Border areas were another such case of differentiated access to resources by means of barter trade cross the border. Due to the political criticality of such areas within a general condition of war, the government distribution policy would grant a certain priority to supplying these areas with commodities which would then provide a basis for further barter trade with the neighbouring country. Further, areas located more closely to the main food markets (either towns or plantations) would be subject to a much more dispersed and intensive barter and money trade, thereby raising the producer prices which would benefit those peasants who had sufficient resources to produce surpluses. More distant food producing areas were much more within the grip of the commercial traders who provided the link with the market. Hence, while some strata within the peasantry managed to create some room for themselves by producing for the parallel markets, the majority of rural producers (either as wage labourers or small-scale producers) confronted declining real incomes as a result of the inflation on the parallel markets to which they had to turn not only for industrial commodities but also to supplement their food needs. Hence, their problem was not one of having too much money at hand with too few commodities to buy; rather, they experi-enced an acute shortage of both money and goods. The poorer peasantry were the main suppliers of seasonal labour to the state sector. However, although rural unemployment was high, the supply of labour was by no means elastic. The reasons for this were the following. First, the pattern of labour demand of the state farms and plantations was in most cases highly seasonal and, hence, did not provide an all-round income for the worker. Second, money wages earned on the state farm did not guarantee any access to commodities, and often did so only at speculative prices. For both reasons, the real basis of security of the rural worker still remained his family farm, however fragile that may have been. The state sector may have become dominant in terms of area and in terms of production (regarding monetary output), but it certainly was not the dominant aspect in securing the livelihood of rural producers. In most cases, the pattern of peak demand for labour on the state farms coincided with the peak demand for labour in family agriculture. For example,." In The Agrarian Question in Socialist Transitions, 208. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203043493-31.

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