Academic literature on the topic 'Phonotactic analysis'
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Journal articles on the topic "Phonotactic analysis"
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BERG, THOMAS, and CHRISTIAN KOOPS. "Phonotactic constraints and sub-syllabic structure: A difficult relationship." Journal of Linguistics 51, no. 1 (June 18, 2014): 3–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222671400022x.
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Of late, a controversy has arisen over the internal structure of Korean syllables. While there is general agreement that non-phonotactic criteria argue for left-branching, Lee & Goldrick's (2008) left-branching phonotactic analysis is contradicted by Berg & Koops's (2010) claim as to a phonotactically symmetrical syllable structure. A comparison of the methodologies of the two studies, a revisit of the previous data and a new analysis cement the conclusion that there is neither a left-branching nor a right-branching phonotactic effect in Korean syllables. An investigation of the phonotactic structure of Finnish CVC syllables, which exhibit a psycholinguistic left-branching bias much like Korean, reveals that word-initial syllables possess a largely symmetrical organization whereas word-final syllables tend to show a right-branching slant. This curious set of results is consistent with the following three hypotheses: (i) The phonotactic criterion has an inherent VC bias. (ii) Symmetrical syllable structures represent a compromise between left- and right-branching effects. (iii) The strength of phonotactic constraints increases from earlier to later portions of words. The bottom line of this analysis is that, contra all previous claims, phonotactic constraints cannot be used as an argument for sub-syllabic constituency. We discuss the proposal that the basis of the left-branching bias in Korean syllables is instead to be found in the high degree of coarticulation between the onset consonant and the following vowel.
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HUBER, Daniel, and Daniel HUBER. "On the chronology of the changes to Proto-Tai initial clusters *pl-, *ml-, *kl- in Northern Tai*." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 39, no. 2 (2010): v—155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1960602810x00016.
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Reflexes of Proto-Tai initial clusters *pl-, *ml-, *kl- show a rich array of forms across modem Northern Tai, and these forms are worth studying for their phonotactic patterns. These lenitions to pj-, mj-, kj-, or py-, my-, ky-, or eventual palatalizations to tʃ- in Northern Tai are not extensively discussed in the literature: Li (1977) offers some crucial data but with little analysis, Qin (1997) offers further data with a chronology of the changes. It is precisely Qin's chronology that this paper challenges. The paper offers a chronology that is more plausible based on Qin's data and cross-linguistic evidence as well as Northern Tai phonotactics.
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Orzechowska, Paula. "In search of phonotactic preferences." Yearbook of the Poznan Linguistic Meeting 2, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/yplm-2016-0008.
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Abstract The objective of this contribution is to provide an analysis of consonant clusters based on the assumption that phonotactic preferences are encoded in phonological features of individual segments forming a cluster. This encoding is expressed by a set of parameters established for the following features: complexity, place of articulation, manner of articulation and voicing. On the basis of empirically observed tendencies of feature distribution and co-occurrence, novel phonotactic preferences for English word-initial consonant clusters are proposed. Statistical methods allow us to weigh the preferences and determine a ranking of phonological features in cluster formation.
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Zukoff, Sam. "The Reduplicative System of Ancient Greek and a New Analysis of Attic Reduplication." Linguistic Inquiry 48, no. 3 (July 2017): 459–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00250.
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The Ancient Greek perfect tense poses an interesting empirical puzzle involving reduplication. While consonant-initial roots display a phonologically regular alternation based on cluster type, vowel-initial roots display two distinct patterns whose distribution is not phonologically predictable. The reduplicative grammar that generates the consonantinitial patterns is directly compatible with the productive vowel-initial pattern, vowel lengthening. The minority vowel-initial pattern, “Attic reduplication,” both its shape and its distribution, can be explained as a phonotactic repair that operated at a prior stage of the language. This pattern was later reanalyzed, such that Attic reduplication is retained not as a phonotactic repair but through lexical indexation.
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BAUER, LAURIE. "English phonotactics." English Language and Linguistics 19, no. 3 (August 4, 2015): 437–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674315000179.
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This article presents an analysis of the phonotactic structures of English presented inThe Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary, paying attention to morphological boundaries, the difference between stressed and unstressed syllables, the difference between native and non-native, and considering the distribution of vowels as well as consonants. The phonotactic status of names turns out to be unlike the status of other morphologically unanalysable words, and some new observations are made on consonant clusters as well as vowel sequences, which have previously been overlooked.
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Orzechowska, Paula, and Paulina Zydorowicz. "Frequency effects and markedness in phonotactics." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 55, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 157–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2019-0006.
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Abstract In this paper, we take up the challenge of exploring the relationship between markedness and frequency in phonotactics. The study is based on word-initial and word-final consonant clusters in Polish and English. The aim of this study is threefold. First, we establish logarithmic frequencies for word-initial and final consonant clusters compiled from two resources, a dictionary (or paradigm) and a written corpus. Second, we examine the preferability status of clusters in three frequency bands (high, mid, low) in terms of two phonotactic principles, i.e. sonority and Net Auditory Distance. Finally, we test the correlations between degrees of markedness and frequency. The present paper extends our previous studies on comparative Polish–English phonotactics, where markedness and frequency constitute the core of the analysis. The study shows that there is no relationship between cluster markedness and its frequency. As to frequencies, Polish and English differ from each other with respect to the distribution of clusters in the dictionary list, while the disproportions are neutralized in usage.
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David, Oana. "An Optimal Construction Morphology Approach to Augment Consonants in Kannada." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 39, no. 1 (December 16, 2013): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v39i1.3868.
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In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:The current paper provides an analysis of optimal consonant augment selection in the South Dravidian language Kannada, which is primarily spoken in the south-east Indian state of Karnataka. Augment consonants (hereafter ACs) in Kannada appear between the stem and suffix in certain phonotactic environments. Of all ACs, a subset is constrained in terms of the phonotactic environment in which they may occur. They apply to both derivational and inflectional morphology, particularly (but not exclusively) of nouns, the latter of which will be the sole fo-cus of the current analysis.
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Engstrand, Olle, and Diana Krull. "Simplification of phonotactic structures in unscripted Swedish." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 31, no. 1 (June 2001): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100301001049.
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Informal listening suggests that unscripted Swedish shows a tendency to produce alternating contoid and vocoid articulations which relate to more complex consonant and vowel structures at the phonological level. To test this hypothesis, two unscripted monologues and, for comparison, a careful text reading were analyzed. The speech material was segmented using criteria based on the so-called sonority hierarchy. The results largely corroborated the hypothesis in showing that contoid-vocoid units appeared considerably more frequently in unscripted speech than suggested by conventional phonotactic analysis, and that some reduction effects appeared more frequently in the unscripted than in the read speech. The possibility that this reflects an underlying articulatory organization of spontaneous speech in terms of typologically basic CV units is discussed.
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Jaskuła, Krzysztof, and Jolanta Szpyra-Kozłowska. ""Wychódźc", "Pcim" i "Rzgów". Grupy spółgłoskowe w nazwach miejscowości w świetle fonotaktyki polskiej." Język Polski 100, no. 3 (October 2020): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31286/jp.100.3.4.
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The paper undertakes an interesting and largely under-researched issue of initial and final consonant clusters in many Polish place names which are either unattested in common words or occur only in isolated cases, as illustrated by the examples provided in the title. The presentation of the relevant language data is followed by a brief description of the historical sources of such clusters which involve sound changes (e.g. disappearance of weak vowels, palatalization and segment metathesis), as well as borrowings from other languages and local dialects. Next, the discussion focuses on the place the names in question should occupy in the Polish phonotactic system. The authors argue that equating phonotactic well-formedness with structures attested in language and ill-formedness with those which are unattested is too simplistic. A solid analysis of the aforementioned issues requires a substantial modification and introduction of several subtler distinctions. They claim, therefore, that phonotactic restrictions form a scale, with well-formed and ill-formed sound sequences appearing at its extremities and with rare consonant clusters and those found only in place names and some borrowings located in the middle.
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Wilson, Colin, and Gillian Gallagher. "Accidental Gaps and Surface-Based Phonotactic Learning: A Case Study of South Bolivian Quechua." Linguistic Inquiry 49, no. 3 (July 2018): 610–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00285.
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The lexicon of a natural language does not contain all of the phonological structures that are grammatical. This presents a fundamental challenge to the learner, who must distinguish linguistically significant restrictions from accidental gaps ( Fischer-Jørgensen 1952 , Halle 1962 , Chomsky and Halle 1965 , Pierrehumbert 1994 , Frisch and Zawaydeh 2001 , Iverson and Salmons 2005 , Gorman 2013 , Hayes and White 2013 ). The severity of the challenge depends on the size of the lexicon ( Pierrehumbert 2001 ), the number of sounds and their frequency distribution ( Sigurd 1968 , Tambovtsev and Martindale 2007 ), and the complexity of the generalizations that learners must entertain ( Pierrehumbert 1994 , Hayes and Wilson 2008 , Kager and Pater 2012 , Jardine and Heinz 2016 ). In this squib, we consider the problem that accidental gaps pose for learning phonotactic grammars stated on a single, surface level of representation. While the monostratal approach to phonology has considerable theoretical and computational appeal ( Ellison 1993 , Bird and Ellison 1994 , Scobbie, Coleman, and Bird 1996 , Burzio 2002 ), little previous research has investigated how purely surface-based phonotactic grammars can be learned from natural lexicons (but cf. Hayes and Wilson 2008 , Hayes and White 2013 ). The empirical basis of our study is the sound pattern of South Bolivian Quechua, with particular focus on the allophonic distribution of high and mid vowels. We show that, in characterizing the vowel distribution, a surface-based analysis must resort to generalizations of greater complexity than are needed in traditional accounts that derive outputs from underlying forms. This exacerbates the learning problem, because complex constraints are more likely to be surface-true by chance (i.e., the structures they prohibit are more likely to be accidentally absent from the lexicon). A comprehensive quantitative analysis of the Quechua lexicon and phonotactic system establishes that many accidental gaps of the relevant complexity level do indeed exist. We propose that, to overcome this problem, surface-based phonotactic models should have two related properties: they should use distinctive features to state constraints at multiple levels of granularity, and they should select constraints of appropriate granularity by statistical comparison of observed and expected frequency distributions. The central idea is that actual gaps typically belong to statistically robust feature-based classes, whereas accidental gaps are more likely to be featurally isolated and to contain independently rare sounds. A maximum-entropy learning model that incorporates these two properties is shown to be effective at distinguishing systematic and accidental gaps in a whole-language phonotactic analysis of Quechua, outperforming minimally different models that lack features or perform nonstatistical induction.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Phonotactic analysis"
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Wong, Ka Keung. "An information-theoretic analysis of phonotactic language verification /." View abstract or full-text, 2007. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?ECE%202007%20WONG.
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Nulsen, Susan, and n/a. "Combining acoustic analysis and phonotactic analysis to improve automatic speech recognition." University of Canberra. Information Sciences & Engineering, 1998. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060825.131042.
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This thesis addresses the problem of automatic speech recognition, specifically, how
to transform an acoustic waveform into a string of words or phonemes. A preliminary
chapter gives linguistic information potentially useful in automatic speech
recognition. This is followed by a description of the Wave Analysis Laboratory
(WAL), a rule-based system which detects features in speech and was designed as
the acoustic front end of a speech recognition system. Temporal reasoning as used
in WAL rules is examined. The use of WAL in recognizing one particular class of
speech sounds, the nasal consonants, is described in detail.
The remainder of the thesis looks at the statistical analysis of samples of spontaneous
speech. An orthographic transcription of a large sample of spontaneous
speech is automatically translated into phonemes. Tables of the frequencies of
word initial and word final phoneme clusters are constructed to illustrate some
of the phonotactic constraints of the language. Statistical data is used to assign
phonemes to phonotactic classes. These classes are unlike the acoustic classes,
although there is a general distinction between the vowels, the consonants and the
word boundary.
A way of measuring the phonetic balance of a sample of speech is described. This
can be used as a means of ranking potential test samples in terms of how well they
represent the language.
A phoneme n-gram model is used to measure the entropy of the language. The
broad acoustic encoding output from WAL is used with this language model to
reconstruct a small test sample.
"Branching" a simpler alternative to perplexity is introduced and found to give
similar results to perplexity. Finally, the drop in branching is calculated as knowledge
of various sets of acoustic classes is considered.
In the work described in this thesis the main contributions made to automatic
speech recognition and the study of speech are in the development of the Wave
Analysis Laboratory and in the analysis of speech from a phonotactic point of view.
The phoneme cluster frequencies provide new information on spoken language,
as do the phonotactic classes. The measures of phonetic balance and branching
provide additional tools for use in the development of speech recognition systems.
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Sarmiento-Ponce, Edith Julieta. "An analysis of phonotactic behaviour in the cricket Gryllus bimaculatus." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290108.
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This thesis represents a comprehensive examination of the phonotactic behaviour (i.e. attraction to sound) of the female Gryllus bimaculatus under laboratory conditions. Chapter 2 is the first study to analyze the effect of substrate texture on walking performance in crickets. Substrate texture is found to play an essential role in the phonotactic responses of G. bimaculatus. Smooth substrate texture has a detrimental effect due to slipping, whereas a rough texture results in optimal walking performance due to the friction with the walking legs. Chapter 3 represents the first detailed lifetime study analysing phonotaxis in crickets. My results demonstrate that the optimal age to test phonotaxis in G. bimaculatus females is from day 7 to 24 after the final moult. I also found that selectiveness was persistent with age. These findings contradict the female choosiness hypothesis. This study is also the first to describe the effect of senescence on phonotaxis in insects, as responsiveness decreases with age. Chapter 4 compares the phonotactic behaviour of female crickets from different laboratory-bred colonies. From six tested cricket lab colonies, I found three groups statistically different from each other. Females raised under laboratory conditions at the University of Cambridge and Anglia Ruskin University were most reponsive at a frequency of 4.5 kHz, whereas females bred in Tokushima University in Japan were tuned towards a higher frequency of 5 kHz. These results suggest a degree of artificial allopatric speciation. Comparisons with crickets bred under low-quality conditions in a local pet shop demonstrate a loss of responsiveness, indicating that breeding conditions have a direct effect on phonotactic responsivity. Chapter 5 is the first study to report the presence of phonotaxis in males of G. bimaculatus. Previously it was unknown if G. bimaculatus males were able to perform phonotaxis, given that they were only recognised as endurance signal producers. In the present study, only 20% of the studied males (N=70) performed a weak phonotactic response. This finding has potential ecological implications in terms of male cricket territory establishment, and male-male interactions in the wild, which are discussed. Chapter 6 explores the song pattern recognition of the female G. bimaculatus by changing the duration of either the first, second or third pulse of the chirps. A long first pulse decreased the phonotactic response whereas phonotaxis remained strong when the third pulse was long. Chirps with three pulses of increasing duration of 5, 20 and 50 ms elicited phonotaxis, but the chirps were not attractive when played in reverse order. The data are in agreement with a mechanism in which processing of a sound pulse has an effect on the processing of the subsequent pulse, as outlined in the flow of activity in a delay-line and coincidence-detector circuit.
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Liao, Shu-Yi, and 廖書儀. "Sixian-Hakka Phonotactics and Loanword Phonology: An Optimality-theoretic Analysis." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/wm2v4w.
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碩士國立臺灣師範大學
英語學系
102
This research studies Sixian-Hakka (S-Hakka) phonotactics and loanword phonology by adopting Optimality Theory (OT). Several theories related to OT are taken advantage of to account for various phenomena, including Classical Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1993, Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004), Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1993) and Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (Coetzee 2006). Both S-Hakka phonotactics and loanword phonology have never been analyzed through constraint competition. For phonotactics, four phonological phenomena are in question. First, an argument for the derivation from /, , / to [, , ] is provided. Second and third are about rhymes and diphthongs. Fourth, the derivation from /, , / to [, , ] is explained. For loanwords, words that are originated in Japanese are collected from a loanword dictionary Keyu Wailaiyu: Han Yuan Min Ke Guo Yu Hujieci (Sixian Qiang) [Loanwords in Sixian-Hakka: Including words shared among Taiwanese, Hakka and Mandarin] (2011a). Issues about loanwords focus on segmental adaptations which refer to the non-native segments transform to the similar ones that are native in listeners’ inventory. Constraints found to be active in S-Hakka phonotactics play an essential role to judge whether a certain loanword adaptation is acceptable or not in the language. Constraints that are proposed for S-Hakka phonotactics are grouped together as one constraint package when they are applied to analyze loanword adaptations. The constraint package consists of several markedness constraints and is named as OK-σ. When loanword phonology is in question, in addition to OK-σ, a few faithfulness constraints are put forward in order to correctly predict the optimal output and elaborately describe how a segment is adapted when the loan process occurs. The faithfulness constraints are related to features so feature matrices of Japanese and S-Hakka inventories can be seen. Regarding loanword phonology, the findings of the research are consistent with the perspective that claims two steps of transformations (Kenstowicz 2005, Silverman 1992, Yip 2006). First, non-native segments are adapted and turn out as the segments that exist in listeners’ phonetic inventory. Second, after non-native sounds are adapted, the whole sound sequences have to be judged by the phonotactics of the target language. Note: The phonetic symbols are unable to be shown here and please refer to the thesis for the symbols.
Books on the topic "Phonotactic analysis"
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Wiltshire, Caroline R. Emergence of the Unmarked in Indian Englishes with Different Substrates. Edited by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199777716.013.007.
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This study uses data from Indian English as a second language, spoken by speakers of five first languages, to illustrate and evaluate the role of the emergence of the unmarked (TETU) in phonological theory. The analysis focusses on word-final consonant devoicing and cluster reduction, for which the five Indian first languages have various constraints, while Indian English is relatively unrestricted. Variation in L2 Indian Englishes results from both transfer of L1 phonotactics and the emergence of the unmarked, accounted for within Optimality Theory. The use of a learning algorithm also allows us to test the relative importance of markedness and frequency and to evaluate the relative markedness of various clusters. Thus, data from Indian Englishes provides insight into the form and function of markedness constraints, as well as the mechanisms of Second Language Acquisition (SLA).
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Bijankhan, Mahmood. Phonology. Edited by Anousha Sedighi and Pouneh Shabani-Jadidi. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736745.013.5.
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This chapter reviews the organization of sounds in the contemporary Persian language and discusses the issues in phoneme inventory, syllable structure, distinctive features, phonological rules, rule interaction, and prosodic structure according to the framework of the derivational phonology. Laryngeal states responsible for contrast in pairs of homorganic stops and fricatives are different in Persian. Phonological status of continuancy is controversial for the uvular obstruent. Glottal stop is distinctive at the beginning of loan-words while not at the beginning of the original Persian words. Phonotactic constraints within the codas of the syllables violate the sonority sequencing principle. Glottals are moraic in the coda position. Feature geometry is posited on the sound distinctions and patterns within phonological processes. Eleven phonological rules are explained to suggest natural classes. Interaction of some rules is derived. Laryngeal conspiracy, syllable structure, and intersegmental processes are analysed according to interaction of ranked violable constraints of optimality theory.
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Andersson, Samuel, Oliver Sayeed, and Bert Vaux. The Phonology of Language Contact. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935345.013.55.
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This chapter surveys the impact of language contact on phonological systems. The phonology of one language may influence that of another in several ways, including lexical borrowing, rule borrowing, Sprachbund features, and interlanguage effects. Illustrations of these phenomena are drawn from interactions between English and French, Hawaiian, and Japanese at different historical periods; from Quichean languages; from Slavic-influenced dialects of Albanian; from Dravidian influences on Sanskrit; and from South African English, among other examples. The evidence indicates that language contact may lead to various changes in phoneme inventory, phonotactics, and rule inventory, or to no change at all. Analyses of the data argue against the view that language contact invariably involves simplification but suggest that markedness is an important notion in accounting for certain features of interlanguages.
Book chapters on the topic "Phonotactic analysis"
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Post da Silveira, Amanda, Eric Sanders, Gustavo Mendonça, and Ton Dijkstra. "What Weighs for Word Stress? Big Data Mining and Analyses of Phonotactic Distributions in Brazilian Portuguese." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 399–408. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99722-3_40.
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Chitoran, Ioana, and Stefania Marin. "Vowels and diphthongs." In Romance Phonetics and Phonology, 118–32. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198739401.003.0007.
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This study compares the acoustic and articulatory properties of the Romanian mid diphthong /ea/ to the hiatus sequence /e.a/, and the high diphthong /ja/ to the hiatus sequence /i.a/. Both acoustic and articulatory (EMA) data support the analysis of the mid diphthong as forming a complex nucleus, consistent with its phonotactic behavior. This diphthong exhibits the greatest temporal overlap between the two vowels and the largest coarticulation/blend between its vocalic targets. The hiatus sequence /i.a/, which spans two syllables, shows the least overlap and coarticulation. The high diphthong /ja/ is a tautosyllabic sequence, displaying an intermediate degree of overlap, more similar to /ea/ than to hiatus sequences in its timing properties.
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Ryan, Kevin M. "Prosodic end-weight and the stress–weight interface." In Prosodic Weight, 160–231. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817949.003.0005.
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Prosodic end-weight refers to the specifically phonological aspect of end-weight, as emerges when one controls for other factors influencing word order, such as frequency, semantics, and syntactic complexity. Eight principles of prosodic end-weight are established, all aligning with the typology of weight more generally, suggesting that prosodic end-weight reflects bona fide phonological weight as opposed to raw complexity or duration. Several possible explanations for prosodic end-weight are considered, including final lengthening, complexity deferral, phonotactic or rhythmic optimization, and phrasal or nuclear stress. Phrasal stress is argued to be the core explanation for prosodic end-weight. Thus, weight-stress mapping operates both within words and in phrasal prosody. Weight-mapping constraints from earlier in the book are extended to phrasal contexts. This analysis predicts, evidently correctly, that some languages, such as Turkish, should exhibit prosodic beginning-weight rather than end-weight.
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"The human factor of economy of effort cross-linguistically: a contrastive analysis of the phonotactic distribution of consonants in Belarusian and French monosyllabic words*." In Monosyllables, 71–90. Akademie Verlag, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/9783050060354.71.
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