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1
Zhang, Hang. "Dissimilation in the second language acquisition of Mandarin Chinese tones." Second Language Research 32, no. 3 (June 23, 2016): 427–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658316644293.
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This article extends Optimality Theoretic studies to the research on second language tone phonology. Specifically, this work analyses the acquisition of identical tone sequences in Mandarin Chinese by adult speakers of three non-tonal languages: English, Japanese and Korean. This study finds that the learners prefer not to use identical lexical tones on adjacent syllables, especially the contour tone sequences. It is argued that the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) was playing a role in shaping the second language Chinese tonal phonology even though it was not learned from these speakers’ native languages, nor found widely applied in the target language. The acquisition order of tone pairs suggests an interacting effect of the OCP and the Tonal Markedness Scale. This study presents a constraint-based analysis and proposes a four-stage path of OCP sub-constraint re-ranking to account for the error patterns found in the phonological experiment.
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Schuh, Russell G. "Aspects of Avatime phonology." Studies in African Linguistics 24, no. 1 (June 1, 1995): 32–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v24i1.107410.
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Avatime is one of 14 Central-Togo languages (formerly known as "Togo Remnant Languages") spoken in the Volta Region of Ghana and contiguous areas of Togo. The most striking typological feature of these languages compared to their closest Kwa relatives is the fact that they have active noun class systems. The present paper is a description of Avatime phonology, with emphasis on certain features which have been poorly described and/or are of general linguistic interest. Within the consonant system, Avatime has bilabial fricatives and a full series of labiovelar obstruents, including fricatives. Consonants with following glides are considered to be segment sequences rather than consonants with secondary articulations. The vowel system has nine vowels with [ATR] harmony. Continguous vowels undergo a variety of coalescence processes, which differ depending on morphological context and the specific vowels involved. Modem Avatime requires an analysis with four contrasting level tones. However, many instances of two of these tones (the highest level and the lower mid level) are derived through still active processes. One feature of the tone system not previously described is the presence of glottal stop following a syllable bearing non-low tone when that syllable falls at a phonological phrase boundary.
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Lee, Jackson L. "The Representation of Contour Tones in Cantonese." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 38 (September 25, 2012): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v38i0.3335.
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<p>A central question in tonal phonology is the representation of tone. One of the focal points is the representation of contour tones, especially since Goldsmith (1976) and subsequent works have analyzed contour tones in Bantu languages as sequences of level tones. Cross-linguistically, it is generally well-recognized, following Yip’s (1989) terminology, that contour tones in African languages are typically clusters, which are sequences of level tones and consist of multiple tonal root nodes, and that contour tones in Asian languages are typically tone units, which have only one tonal root node. This paper points out an important exception—Cantonese— particularly in light of Yip (2001) and Barrie (2007) on Chinese contour tones. The correct view is at least implied in earlier analyses: Cantonese tones, contour and level alike, should be represented as sequences of level tones but not unitary tone units.</p>
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Gut, Ulrike. "Nigerian English prosody." English World-Wide 26, no. 2 (June 14, 2005): 153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.26.2.03gut.
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Nigerian English (NigE) prosody has often been described as strikingly different from Standard English varieties such as British English (BrE) and American English. One possible source for this is the influence of the indigenous tone languages of Nigeria on NigE. This paper investigates the effects of the language contact between the structurally diverse prosodic systems of English and the three major Nigerian languages. Reading passage style and semi-spontaneous speech by speakers of NigE, BrE, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba were analysed acoustically in terms of speech rhythm, syllable structure and tonal structure. Results show that NigE prosody combines elements of intonation / stress languages and tone languages. In terms of speech rhythm, syllable structure and syllable length, NigE groups between the Nigerian languages and BrE. NigE tonal properties are different from those of an intonation language such as BrE insofar as tones are associated with syllables and have a grammatical function. Accentuation in NigE is different from BrE in terms of both accent placement and realisation; accents in NigE are associated with high tone. A proposal for a first sketch of NigE intonational phonology is made and parallels are drawn with other New Englishes.
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So, Lydia K. H., and Barbara J. Dodd. "The acquisition of phonology by Cantonese-speaking children." Journal of Child Language 22, no. 3 (October 1995): 473–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900009922.
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ABSTRACTLittle is known about the acquisition of phonology by children learning Cantonese as their first language. This paper describes the phoneme repertoires and phonological error patterns used by 268 Cantonese-speaking children aged 2;0 to 6;0, as well as a longitudinal study of tone acquisition by four children aged 1;2 to 2;0. Children had mastered the contrastive use of tones and vowels by two years. While the order of acquisition of consonants was similar to that reported for English, the rate of acquisition was more rapid. The developmental error patterns used by more than 10% of children are also reported as common in other languages. However, specific rules associated with Cantonese phonology were also identified. Few phonological errors were made after age four. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that the ambient language influences the implementation of universal tendencies in phonological acquisition.
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Roberts, David, and Stephen L. Walter. "Writing grammar rather than tone." Units of Language – Units of Writing 15, no. 2 (August 10, 2012): 226–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.15.2.06rob.
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Some orthographies represent tone phonemically by means of diacritics; others favor zero marking. Neither solution is entirely satisfactory. The former leads to graphic overload; the latter to a profusion of homographs; both may reduce fluency. But there is a ‘third way’: to highlight the grammar rather than the tone system itself. To test this approach, we developed two experimental strategies for Kabiye: a grammar orthography and a tone orthography. Both are modifications of the standard orthography that does not mark tone. We tested these in a quantitative experiment involving literate L1 speakers that included dictation and spontaneous writing. Writers of the grammar orthography perform faster and more accurately than writers of the tone orthography, suggesting that they have an awareness of the morphological and syntactic structure of their language that may exceed their awareness of its phonology. This suggests that languages with grammatical tone might benefit from grammatical markers in the orthography. Keywords: tone; grammar; orthography; African languages; quantitative experiment
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Jacques, Guillaume, and Alexis Michaud. "Approaching the historical phonology of three highly eroded Sino-Tibetan languages." Diachronica 28, no. 4 (December 14, 2011): 468–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.4.02jac.
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Naxi, Na and Laze are three languages whose position within Sino-Tibetan is controversial. We propose that they are descended from a common ancestor (‘Proto-Naish’). Unlike conservative languages of the family, such as Rgyalrong and Tibetan, which have consonant clusters and final consonants, Naxi, Na and Laze share a simple syllabic structure (consonant+glide+vowel+tone) due to phonological erosion. This raises the issue of how the regular phonological correspondences between these three languages should be interpreted, and what phonological structure should be reconstructed for Proto-Naish. The regularities revealed by comparing the three languages are interpreted in light of potential cognates in conservative languages. This brings out numerous cases of phonetic conditioning of vowels by place of articulation of a preceding consonant or consonant cluster. Overall, these findings warrant a relatively optimistic conclusion concerning the feasibility of unraveling the phonological history of highly eroded language subgroups within Sino-Tibetan.
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Zwicky, Arnold M., Ellen M. Kaisse, Larry M. Hyman, Francis Katamba, and Livingstone Walusimbi. "Luganda and the strict layer hypothesis." Phonology Yearbook 4, no. 1 (May 1987): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000786.
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The ability of a language's syntax to determine the applicationvs. non-application of postlexical phonological rules has by now been firmly established in a number of languages. Such rules, which apply above the word level, have come especially from the prosodic aspects of phonological structure, e.g. effects of syllabification, stress-accent, duration and tone. Much of the interest in this syntax-phonology interaction has centred around two general questions: (i) which specific properties of the syntax are available to affect the application of phonological rules?; (ii) how should these syntactic properties be incorporated into the phonology?
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Odden, David. "Tone in the Makonde dialects Chimaraba." Studies in African Linguistics 21, no. 1 (April 15, 1990): 62–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v21i1.107439.
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This study presents data and an analysis of tone in the Chimaraba dialects of Makonde. It is shown that, as in many Bantu languages of Southern Tanzanian, verbs in Makonde have no lexical tone properties. Verb stems all select a single H tone, which is then mapped to some stem vowel, or is deleted, depending on the tense of the verb. Theoretical issues arise in the course of the investigation. The question of adjacency constraints in phonology is raised: Meeussen's Rule in Makonde requires that the involved tones be in adjacent syllables, although they need not be on adjacent morae. We also find evidence for treating the final syllable as extratonal. Since extratonality is rarer than extrametricality in stress systems, every example of extratonality has the potential to contribute to the theory of extraprosodicity.
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Bird, Steven. "Strategies for Representing Tone in African Writing Systems." Written Language and Literacy 2, no. 1 (July 23, 1999): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.2.1.02bir.
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Tone languages provide some interesting challenges for the designers of new orthographies. One approach is to omit tone marks, just as stress is not marked in English (zero marking). Another approach is to do phonemic tone analysis, and then make heavy use of diacritic symbols to distinguish the "tonemes" (shallow marking). While orthographies based on either system have been successful, this may be thanks to our ability to manage inadequate orthographies, rather than to any intrinsic advantage which is afforded by one or the other approach. In many cases, practical experience with both kinds of orthography in sub-Saharan Africa has shown that people have not been able to attain the level of reading and writing fluency that we know to be possible for the orthographies of non-tonal languages. In some cases this can be attributed to a socio linguistic setting which does not favour vernacular literacy. In other cases, the orthography itself may be to blame. If the orthography of a tone language is difficult to use or to learn, then a good part of the reason may be that the designer either has not paid enough attention to the FUNCTION of tone in the language, or has not ensured that the information encoded in the orthography is ACCESSIBLE to the ordinary (non-linguist) user of the language. If the writing of tone is not going to continue to be a stumbling block to literacy efforts, then a fresh approach to tone orthography is required — one which assigns high priority to these two factors. This article describes the problems with orthographies that use too few or too many tone marks, and critically evaluates a wide range of creative intermediate solutions. I review the contributions made by phonology and reading theory, and provide some broad methodological principles to guide those who are seeking to represent tone in a writing system. The tone orthographies of several languages from sub-Saharan Africa are presented throughout the article, with particular emphasis on some tone languages of Cameroon.
11
Cheng, Lisa, and Nancy C. Kula. "Syntactic and phonological phrasing in Bemba relatives." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 43 (January 1, 2006): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.43.2006.284.
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Tone as a distinctive feature used to differentiate not only words but also clause types, is a characteristic feature of Bantu languages. In this paper we show that Bemba relatives can be marked with a low tone in place of a segmental relative marker. This low tone strategy of relativization, which imposes a restrictive reading of relatives, manifests a specific phonological phrasing that can be differentiated from that of non-restrictives. The paper shows that the resultant phonological phrasing favours a head-raising analysis of relativization. In this sense, phonology can be shown to inform syntactic analyses.
12
ENFIELD, N. J., Gérard DIFFLOTH, N. J. ENFIELD, and Gérard DIFFLOTH. "Phonology and sketch grammar of Kri, a Vietic language of Laos." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 38, no. 1 (2009): v—69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1960602809x00063.
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This article presents a first sketch of Kri, a Vietic (Austroasiatic) language spoken in upland Laos. This previously undescribed language is of special interest not only in so far as it adds to the typological sample of the world's languages, but also in so far as its complex phonological system adds to our understanding of the historical development of Vietic and Austroasiatic, and more generally to the process of tonogenesis. Kri syllables are defined both in terms of segments and segmental slots, as well as in terms of register ('heavy' versus 'light') and what we call 'terminance' (voiced, voiceless, checked). Register and terminance have this in common with tone that they all involve laryngeal features. The description also contains a sketch of the main morphosyntactic features of the language.
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Ham, William H. "Tone Sandhi in Saramaccan." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 14, no. 1 (August 6, 1999): 45–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.14.1.03ham.
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This paper examines high tone sandhi in Saramaccan, an Atlantic creole spoken in the Surinamese interior, as described by Voorhoeve (1961) and Rountree (1972a). In particular, a comparison is drawn with a similar tonal phenomenon in the Anlo dialect of Ewe (Ghana: Western Gbe) as reported by Clements (1978). Tone sandhi domains in both languages are argued to be delineated by the left edges of maximal projection edges in the syntax. Cross-linguistic work on edge-based mapping relations between syntax and phonology (e.g., Clements, 1978; Selkirk, 1986; Chen, 1987; Odden, 1987) has shown that the shape as well as the use of syntactically-derived prosodic domains varies widely. Similarities as well as differences between Anlo Ewe and Saramaccan tone sandhi environments are examined in light of the sub-stratist and universalist hypotheses of creole genesis, leading to the conclusion that a less polemic view, such as that suggested by Mufwene (1986), provides the best account.
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McWhorter, John. "Tying up loose ends." Diachronica 28, no. 1 (May 26, 2011): 82–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.1.04mcw.
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Since the introduction of the Creole Prototype hypothesis in 1998, much of the controversy it has occasioned has centered on a question as to whether it is scientifically appropriate to reconstruct creoles as born as pidgins, rather than as results of only moderately transformational second-language acquisition or as simply mixtures of ‘features’ from assorted languages coming together. This paper first outlines traits in creoles that reveal their origin in pidgins. Then, the paper refines the characterization of the Creole Prototype’s three features, regarding inflectional morphology, tone, and compositionality of derivation-root combinations. The inflectional component is refined to incorporate Booij’s (1993) distinction between contextual and inherent inflection and Kihm’s (2003) proposal that inflectional morphology can be either bound or free. The tonal stipulation is refined in view of traits of Mon-Khmer phonology that distinguish these languages from creoles despite their analyticity, and the grammatical uses of tone in some creoles such as Papiamentu and Principense. Finally, for the derivational component, an account is proposed for the noncompositionality of reduplicated forms that have been observed in many creoles. The conclusion is that there remains a synchronic characterization possible only in languages recently born from pidgins, and impossible of older (i.e. most) languages.
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Lin, Yen-Hwei. "San Duanmu (2000). The phonology of Standard Chinese. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. xv+300." Phonology 18, no. 3 (December 2001): 458–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675701004195.
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This new addition to the series on the phonology of the world's languages edited by Jacques Durand is the most comprehensive study of the synchronic phonology of Standard Chinese (or Standard Mandarin) since the publication of Cheng's (1973) monograph. Duanmu provides a detailed description of the phonological facts in Standard Chinese (henceforth SC), some of which are new or little studied before, offers new perspectives on old problems and proposes a theoretical analysis of these facts in current frameworks such as feature geometry, metrical phonology and Optimality Theory. The main innovation and, in my opinion, the most significant contribution of this book is the extensive coverage of stress (or metrical structure) and its influence on the order and length of compound words. The role of metrical structure is also extended to the analysis of some long-standing problems of the well-known tone 3 sandhi process. Claiming the existence of stress and its importance to understanding the interaction of phonology and morphosyntax in SC may come as a surprise to some readers since SC is not a stress language and its phonetic stress is notoriously difficult to detect. The proposed metrical analysis, nonetheless, is innovative and convincingly argued, and has clearly established the phonological relevance of metrical structure for SC.
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Dodd, Barbara J., and Lydia K. H. So. "The Phonological Abilities of Cantonese-Speaking Children With Hearing Loss." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 37, no. 3 (June 1994): 671–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.3703.671.
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Little is known about the acquisition of phonology by children with hearing loss who learn languages other than English. In this study, the phonological abilities of 12 Cantonese-speaking children (ages 4:2 to 6:11) with prelingual hearing impairment are described. All but 3 children had almost complete syllable-initial consonant repertoires; all but 2 had complete syllable-final consonant and vowel repertoires; and only 1 child failed to produce all nine tones. Children’s perception of single words was assessed using sets of words that included tone, consonant, and semantic distractors. Although the performance of the subjects was not age appropriate, they nevertheless most often chose the target, with most errors observed for the tone distractor. The phonological rules used included those that characterize the speech of younger hearing children acquiring Cantonese (e.g., cluster reduction, stopping, and deaspiration). However, most children also used at least one unusual phonological rule (e.g., frication, addition, initial consonant deletion, and/or backing). These rules are common in the speech of Cantonesespeaking children diagnosed as phonologically disordered. The influence of the ambient language on children’s patterns of phonological errors is discussed.
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Lahiri, Aditi, Allison Wetterlin, and Elisabet Jönsson-Steiner. "Lexical specification of tone in North Germanic." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 28, no. 1 (June 2005): 61–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586505001320.
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Accent 1 is very much accepted in the literature as the default tonal marker in Scandinavian languages. Consequently, stems and affixes are almost always specified for accent 2. Only rarely in some analyses is accent 1 specified for affixes, but never for stems. We believe that under these conditions, the resulting morphology/phonology interaction is rather complex, having to include special rules of accent marking, floating tones, deaccenting together with inexplicable exceptions. In our analysis of the tonal systems of Swedish and Norwegian, accent 1 is the lexically specified accent and accent 2 is postlexically assigned. Words and affixes may be lexically specified for accent 1, which inevitably dominates. Consequently, if a morphologically complex word includes a lexically specified affix or stem, the entire word will bear accent 1, giving us patterns of alternations like beskriva1, skriva2. This analysis enables us to account for all the facts almost exceptionlessly, with no special tonal rules, constraints or templates.
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Wnuk, Ewelina, and Niclas Burenhult. "Contact and isolation in hunter-gatherer language dynamics." Studies in Language 38, no. 4 (December 8, 2014): 956–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.38.4.06wnu.
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Maniq, spoken by 250–300 people in southern Thailand, is an undocumented geographical outlier of the Aslian branch of Austroasiatic. Isolated from other Aslian varieties and exposed only to Southern Thai, this northernmost member of the group has long experienced a contact situation which is unique in the Aslian context. Aslian is otherwise mostly under influence from Malay, and exhibits typological characteristics untypical of other Austroasiatic and Mainland Southeast Asian languages. In this paper we pursue an initial investigation of the contrastive strategies of the Maniq sound system. We show that Maniq phonology is manifestly Aslian, and displays only minor influence from Thai. For example, Maniq has not developed tone, register, or undergone changes typically associated with tonogenesis. However, it departs from mainstream Aslian phonology by allowing extreme levels of variation in the realisation of consonants, which in our view are best explained by its distinctive social ecology and geographical isolation.
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Idris Olawale, Allison. "Vowel Deletion and Insertion in Úwù." Journal of Language and Education 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2411-7390-2017-3-2-19-29.
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Úwù is one of the many endangered languages in Nigeria.The number of its fluent speakers is believed to be less than 2000.The language is spoken in a small community known as Àyèré in Ìjùmú Local Government Area (LGA) of Kogi state. This paper describes the manifestation of vowel deletion and insertion in the language with the view of testing earlier assertions on the nature of vowel deletion and insertion in languages that are genetically related to Úwù. Apart from this, the paper is also an attempt to document these phonological phenomena (i.e. vowel deletion and insertion) before the language goes into extinction. About six hundred (600) lexical items of Úwù were collected for this research work with the aid of the 1000 word-list of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Both linear and non-linear models were adopted for analysis in this research work. Cases involving segmental phonemes were analyzed with the linear phonology, while cases of feature stability and feature spread wereanalyzed using the non-linear model. The paper, among other things, reveals that the pattern of vowel deletion is predictable in Úwù, auto-segments like tone (mostly high tone), nasality and labial or round features usually persist even when the vowel which bore them was deleted. Apart from this, the paper also reveals that [i] is the epenthetic vowel in Úwù, and lastly, it is argued in the paper that nouns in Úwù are virtually vowel initial.
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Idris Olawale, Allison. "Vowel Deletion and Insertion in Úwù." Journal of Language and Education 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2411-7390-2017-3-2-19-38.
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Úwù is one of the many endangered languages in Nigeria.The number of its fluent speakers is believed to be less than 2000.The language is spoken in a small community known as Àyèré in Ìjùmú Local Government Area (LGA) of Kogi state. This paper describes the manifestation of vowel deletion and insertion in the language with the view of testing earlier assertions on the nature of vowel deletion and insertion in languages that are genetically related to Úwù. Apart from this, the paper is also an attempt to document these phonological phenomena (i.e. vowel deletion and insertion) before the language goes into extinction. About six hundred (600) lexical items of Úwù were collected for this research work with the aid of the 1000 word-list of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Both linear and non-linear models were adopted for analysis in this research work. Cases involving segmental phonemes were analyzed with the linear phonology, while cases of feature stability and feature spread wereanalyzed using the non-linear model. The paper, among other things, reveals that the pattern of vowel deletion is predictable in Úwù, auto-segments like tone (mostly high tone), nasality and labial or round features usually persist even when the vowel which bore them was deleted. Apart from this, the paper also reveals that [i] is the epenthetic vowel in Úwù, and lastly, it is argued in the paper that nouns in Úwù are virtually vowel initial.
This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
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Benson, Peace. "A Description of Dzә (Jenjo) Nouns and Noun Phrases, an Adamawa Language of Northeastern Nigeria." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 12, no. 4 (2020): 490–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2020.402.
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Dzə [jen] is an Adamawa language spoken in some parts of Taraba, Adamawa and Gombe states in Northeastern Nigeria. The study presented in the article syntactically describes nouns and noun phrases in Dzə. In an attempt to document Dzə and taking into consideration that Dzə is an under-investigated and under-documented language, the result will provide important data to typological research and to linguists working on Adamawa languages. The study adopts a descriptive research design in collecting, describing and analyzing the data. The data was obtained from fieldwork in December 2014, personal observations of daily conversations, introspection and the Dzə Bible. In the article, a brief overview of the phonology and tone of Dzə is provided. It also shows the different kinds of nouns, pronouns and noun phrases in Dzə; simple and complex noun phrases. The language is rich in pronouns, consisting of subject pronouns, object pronouns, reflexive pronouns, interrogative pronouns and possessive pronouns. As it is with most African languages, the elements that constitute a noun phrase occur after the head noun. These elements are articles, demonstratives, possessives, adjectives, numerals, quantifiers, genitive constructions (inalienable and alienable possessives) and relative clauses. This is a preliminary study of Dzə and it is open for further research and contributions.
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Shapiro, Roman. "Chinese Pidgin Russian." Pidgins and Creoles in Asian Contexts 25, no. 1 (February 5, 2010): 5–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.25.1.02sha.
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The much-understudied Chinese Pidgin Russian (CPR) has existed at the Chinese–Russian border since at least the 18th century. Unlike many Western-based pidgins, it was formed in a territory where the lexifying language (Russian) was dominant. It also uses a typical inflecting language as its lexifier and an isolating language (Chinese) as its substrate. This paper considers the influence of both ‘parent’ languages at all CPR levels. The sources of CPR include: pidgin records and descriptions; ‘Russian’ textbooks compiled for the Chinese going to Russia; and works of literature depicting contacts between the Russians and indigenous peoples of Siberia, who often spoke a variety of CPR. Some of these sources are rarely accessible to Western linguists. The paper discusses all key aspects of CPR: history (both of the pidgin and its study), phonology (segmental inventory, stress, tone), morphology (verbs vs. non-verbs, final particles), syntax (syntactic roles, sentence and phrase word order, postpositions and prepositions, comparatives), and vocabulary (synonyms, loanwords, structural and semantic calques, ‘diminutive politeness’). The study provides new translations and etymologies for ‘difficult’ CPR words and sentences.
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Phylis Bartoo, Nancy Chebet;. "An Interrogation of the Phonological Similarities between Somor and Aror Sub-Dialects of the Tugen Dialect in Kenya." Editon Consortium Journal of Literature and Linguistic Studies 1, no. 2 (October 30, 2019): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.51317/ecjlls.v1i2.63.
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The paper sets out to find the extent of the phonological similarities of Somor and Aror sub-dialects of the Tugen dialect. Phonological and semantic structures are many and varied and cannot be studied within such a limited time. Thus the study focused on tone and length in Tugen sub-dialects. The selected structures were epenthesis, vowel deletion, fusion, demonstratives, negation, possessives and definiteness. In semantics, the study focused on meaning in general. Stratified and random sampling procedures were used to get samples of Somor and Aror speakers from the population of those who practice in the selected domains in Torongo and Kapuskei locations of Baringo County. The data for the study was a Swadesh list of one hundred and fifty words and fifty sentences. These were drawn from the fields of education, domestic life, religion, health and administration. Data was collected by use of language performance test, which were recorded, on an audiotape. These words were written in gloss and transcribed using the IPA symbols. This was in preparation for the phonological and semantic analysis, which was done by using Natural Generative Phonology and Descriptive Linguistics. This study adds knowledge in the area of theoretical linguistics of Nilotic languages and Kenyan languages in general.
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Borràs-Comes, Joan, Maria del Mar Vanrell, and Pilar Prieto. "The role of pitch range in establishing intonational contrasts." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 44, no. 1 (March 21, 2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100313000303.
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One of the unresolved issues in the field of intonational phonology is whether pitch accent range differences are used by languages to express discrete linguistic distinctions. In Catalan, as in some other Romance languages, a rising-falling nuclear pitch contour – i.e. a rising pitch accent associated with the utterance-final stressed syllable followed by a Low boundary tone – can be used to convey three different pragmatic meanings depending on its pitch range properties: information focus statements (IFSs), corrective focus statements (CFSs), and counter-expectational questions (CEQs). In order to investigate how these pragmatic meanings are distributed across the pitch range continuum and whether Catalan listeners use these tonal scaling distinctions to identify such meanings, we performed an identification task and a congruity test. The results show that CEQs differ from both IFSs and CFSs in a discrete way, yet the perceived difference between IFSs and CFSs cannot be exclusively explained by scaling differences. These findings provide further evidence that pitch range differences can be used to make intonational distinctions in some languages, and strengthen the argument that pitch range features need to be represented descriptively at the phonological level.
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Dresher, B. Elan. "The arch not the stones: Universal feature theory without universal features." Nordlyd 41, no. 2 (April 8, 2015): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.3412.
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There is a growing consensus that phonological features are not innate, but rather emerge in the course of acquisition. If features are emergent, we need to explain why they are required at all, and what principles account for the way they function in the phonology. I propose that the learners’ task is to arrive at a set of features that account for the contrasts and the phonological activity in their language. For the content of the features, learners use the available materials relevant to the modality (spoken or signed). Formally, contrasts are governed by an ordered feature hierarchy. The concept of a contrastive hierarchy is an innate part of Universal Grammar, and is the glue that binds phonological representations and makes them appear similar across languages. Examples from the Classical Manchu vowel system show the connection between contrast and phonological activity. I then consider the implications of this approach for the acquisition of phonological representations. The relationship between formal contrastive hierarchies and phonetic substance is illustrated with examples drawn from tone systems in Chinese dialects. Finally, I propose that the contrastive hierarchy has a recursive digital character, like other aspects of the narrow faculty of language.
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Chan, Marjorie K. M. "Prelinked and Floating Glottal Stops In Fuzhou Chinese." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 35, no. 4 (December 1990): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000841310001392x.
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Numerous interesting problems in the phonology of different dialects of Chinese tend to be buried in Chinese-language sources, or have not yet gained the attention of phonologists in general. One such case is the final glottal stop in modern Fuzhou, with respect to its behaviour synchronically and its historical origins. The final glottal stop came from two earlier sources, *-k and *-?. While *-k has completely merged with *-? in stressed syllables, evidences of the earlier contrast can still be found in the modern dialect — in how it behaves in more weakly stressed syllables in tone sandhi spans, and in its effect on adjacent consonants. It is proposed here that the continued relevance of the former phonological contrast can be accounted for by treating the final glottal stop from *-k as a prelinked glottal stop, and the one from *-? as a floating segment within the autosegmental approach. In this paper I will trace the history of these two codas, as well as address the implications that the differences in representation have with respect to subsequent changes in the language. I will conclude with a discussion of other languages for which a floating glottal stop solution has been offered.
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Jun, Sun-Ah, and Xiannu Jiang. "Differences in prosodic phrasing in marking syntax vs. focus: Data from Yanbian Korean." Linguistic Review 36, no. 1 (February 23, 2019): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2018-2009.
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Abstract In studying the effect of syntax and focus on prosodic phrasing, the main issue of investigation has been to explain and predict the location of a prosodic boundary, and not much attention has been given to the nature of prosodic phrasing. In this paper, we offer evidence from intonation patterns of utterances that prosodic phrasing can be formed differently phonologically and phonetically due to its function of marking syntactic structure vs. focus (prominence) in Yanbian Korean, a lexical pitch accent dialect of Korean spoken in the northeastern part of China, just above North Korea. We show that the location of a H tone in syntax-marking Accentual Phrase (AP) is determined by the type of syntactic head, noun or verb (a VP is marked by an AP-initial H while an NP is marked by an AP-final H), while prominence-marking accentual phrasing is cued by AP-initial H. The difference in prosodic phrasing due to its dual function in Yanbian Korean is compared with that of Seoul Korean, and a prediction is made on the possibility of finding such difference in other languages based on the prosodic typology proposed in (Jun, Sun-Ah. 2014b. Prosodic typology: by prominence type, word prosody, and macro-rhythm. In Sun-Ah Jun (ed.), Prosodic Typology II: The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing. 520–539. Oxford: Oxford University Press).
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Tranel, Bernard. "Tone Sandhi and vowel deletion in Margi." Studies in African Linguistics 23, no. 2 (June 15, 1993): 111–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v23i2.107415.
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Within the theoretical framework of nonlinear phonology, this paper proposes an account of tone sandhi and vowel deletion in Margi, a Chadic language spoken in Northern Nigeria. The database is Hoffman's Grammar of the Margi Language. Language-specific tonal processes in Margi are shown to originate in tone trapping, i.e., the impossibility for a tone to anchor to a skeletal slot by a universal mechanism. The paper identifies the circumstances leading to tone trapping (e.g., Vowel Elision) and formalizes the various tone-rescue processes available both word-internally and across words. Whereas trapped high tones are always saved (either taking over low-tone vowel positions or giving rise to contour tones), trapped low tones may remain trapped throughout a derivation and thus receive no phonetic realization (by universal convention).
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Zhang, Hang, and Yirui Xie. "Coarticulation effects of contour tones in second language Chinese." Chinese as a Second Language Research 9, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caslar-2020-0001.
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AbstractThis study tests for evidence of tonal coarticulation effects, especially anticipatory effects, in production of non-native Chinese contour tones. Eighty second language learners of Chinese and ten native speakers participated in a main experiment and two supplementary experiments in which they produced both real and pseudo disyllabic words. Findings indicate that anticipatory coarticulation is relevant in L2 contour tone production. L2 speakers’ Tone 2 and to some extent Tone 4 tend to be less intelligible to native listeners when followed by tones starting with a high onset (Tone 1 or Tone 4) due to anticipatory coarticulation. Some similar and different tonal coarticulation effects between native Chinese speakers and second language learners of Chinese are also noted in the paper based on the experiment results. This study argues that a ‘universal’ coarticulatory constraint plays a role in shaping second language Chinese tone phonology.
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Korol, Tatiana. "A sketch of Ngen phonology." Language in Africa 2, no. 2 (July 30, 2021): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2021-2-2-105-116.
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The paper provides a preliminary description of the phonology of Ngen, a South Mande language spoken in Ivory Coast. Ngen has a system of oral and nasal vowels. The consonant inventory is characterised by a complementary distribution between [b] and [m], [l] and [n], [y] and [ɲ]. There are 3 level tones. Tone melodies on disyllabic feet exhibit all possible combinations except LH. The majority of nonderived words have CV, CVCV, and CVŋ structures.
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Jardine, Adam. "Computationally, tone is different." Phonology 33, no. 2 (August 2016): 247–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675716000129.
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This paper establishes that unbounded circumambient processes, phonological processes for which crucial information in the environment may appear unboundedly far away on both sides of a target, are common in tonal phonology, but rare in segmental phonology. It then argues that this typological asymmetry is best characterised by positing that tone is more computationally complex than segmental phonology. The evidence for the asymmetry is based around attestations of unbounded tonal plateauing, but it is also shown how the ‘sour-grapes’ harmony pathology is unbounded circumambient. The paper argues that such processes are not weakly deterministic, which contrasts with previous typological work on segmental phonology. Positing that weak determinism bounds segmental phonology but not tonal phonology thus captures the typological asymmetry. It is also discussed why this explanation is superior to any offered by Optimality Theory.
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Yao, Yao, Angel Chan, Roxana Fung, Wing Li Wu, Natalie Leung, Sarah Lee, and Jin Luo. "Cantonese tone production in pre-school Urdu–Cantonese bilingual minority children." International Journal of Bilingualism 24, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 767–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367006919884659.
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Aim: In this study, we examine the production of Cantonese tones by preschool Urdu–Cantonese children living in Hong Kong. Methodology: 21 first language Urdu second language Cantonese children (ages 4–6) and 20 age-matched first language Cantonese children participated in a picture-naming experiment with 86 words (109 syllables in total). Data and Analysis: Acoustic analysis was carried out for perceptually correct and incorrect tone productions of each tone. Comparisons were also made across speaker groups regarding accuracy rates and error patterns. Findings: Overall, first-language Urdu participants had lower accuracy and greater tone confusion than first language Cantonese participants. The pattern is attributable to influence from Urdu prosody, ongoing Cantonese tone mergers, and general sensitivity to phonetic information. Originality: This is the first empirical study on the acquisition of Cantonese tones by children who are heritage speakers of a non-tone language. Significance: This study extends the literature of early bilingual phonology by furthering our understanding of an under-studied bilingual population, that is, heritage children of a non-tone language acquiring a tone language as the majority language. The findings of this study also produce implications for the practice of language educators and speech therapy professionals working with bilingual children.
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Sun, Jackson T. S. "The synchronic and diachronic phonology of Va." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 41, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 133–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.18010.sun.
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Abstract Va, an obscure language of Southwestern Yunnan, belongs to the Wa-Lawa cluster under the Waic subgroup of Palaungic in the Austroasiatic language family. This article presents an overview of Va synchronic phonology and an account of its evolution from the Proto-Wa-Lawa sound system reconstructed by Gérard Diffloth. Modern Va phonology is characterized by fully monosyllabic word structure, reduced syllable canon, and a robust three-tone system. Its atypical phonological profile from an Austroasiatic perspective and its tonogenesis may be directly attributed to the sociolinguistic ambience of the Va-speaking areas. The phonological innovations discussed herein, including onset-driven tone splitting rules and coda-driven vowel splitting rules, will help determine the language’s distinct status within the Wa-Lawa language cluster.
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Paster, Mary. "Floating tones in Ga." Studies in African Linguistics 32, no. 1 (June 1, 2003): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v32i1.107345.
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This paper provides robust empirical evidence for floating tones in Ga, a Kwa language of Ghana. As will be shown, floating tones are crucial to an analysis of verbal tense/aspect/mood distinctions. I begin by describing two tonal processes, the HL rule and Plateauing. While these are regular processes of the language, both are blocked in the perfective. I show that the blockage is the result of a floating low tone that marks the perfective, and that the floating tone marker explains other anomalous tonal effects in the perfective. I then give an analysis of floating tone prefixes that mark certain tenses/aspects/moods by associating to the subject prefix, thus overwriting the lexical tone of the subject prefix. Finally, I give examples of suffixed floating that mark tense/aspect/mood by associating to verb stems, causing the underlying stem tones to delink. In these tenses/aspects/moods, we find evidence for an underlying L vs. toneless contrast, constituting another phenomenon where, as with floating tones, there is a mismatch between the number of tones and tonebearing units. Thus, a major prediction of Autosegmental Phonology (Goldsmith 1976, Clements and Ford 1979) is borne out in Ga.
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UCHIHARA, HIROTO, and GREGORIO TIBURCIO CANO. "A phonological account of Tlapanec (Mè’phàà) tonal alternation." Journal of Linguistics 56, no. 4 (September 20, 2019): 807–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222671900032x.
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Tlapanec (Mè’phàà) is known for its enigmatic tonal alternation in verb forms according to person and aspect-mode categories, in addition to suppletion and other segmental alternations. In this paper, we argue that the tonal alternations observed in Tlapanec regular agentive verbs can be straightforwardly accounted for by phonology, without resorting to any extreme abstractness: the lexical tones of the prefixes and the verb stems, with underspecification and floating tones, and cross-linguistically common tone processes such as tone spreading and floating tone docking. Such a phonological (or a morpheme-based) approach is contrasted with a word-based approach, where tonal alternations are viewed as inflectional classes. We show that the phonological approach is more adequate than a word-based approach.
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Shih, Stephanie S., and Sharon Inkelas. "Autosegmental Aims in Surface-Optimizing Phonology." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 137–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00304.
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We develop a novel optimization approach to tone. Its grammatical component consists of the similarity- and proximity-based correspondence constraint framework of Agreement by Correspondence theory (ABC). Its representational component, Q Theory, decomposes segments ( Q) into temporally ordered, quantized subsegments ( q), which comprise unitary sets of distinctive features, including tone. ABC+Q unites phonological alternations and static lexical patterns, as we illustrate with a programmatic survey of core tonal phenomena: assimilation, dissimilation, lexical tone melodies, and consonant-tone interaction. ABC+Q surmounts long-standing problems for autosegmental-era, multitiered representational approaches to tone, and unites tonal and segmental phonology under the modern umbrella of correspondence theory.
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Beavon-Ham, Virginia. "Phonological tone. (Key topics in phonology)." Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 41, no. 1 (August 4, 2020): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall-2020-2006.
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Kubozono, Haruo. "Secondary High Tones in Koshikijima Japanese." Linguistic Review 36, no. 1 (February 23, 2019): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2018-2006.
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Abstract This paper examines the nature and behavior of secondary H(igh) tones in Koshikijima Japanese, a highly endangered dialect spoken on three small, remote islands in the south of Japan. This dialect generally has a mora-counting prosodic system with two distinctive accent types/classes (Type A and Type B), and displays two H tones, primary and secondary, in words of three or more moras: The primary H tone appears on the penultimate and final moras in Type A and Type B, respectively, whereas the secondary H tone occurs at the beginning of the word redundantly. Koshikijima Japanese displays regional variations with respect to the secondary H tone, particularly regarding its domain/position, its (in)dependence on the primary H tone, its interaction with the syllable, and its behavior in postlexical phonology. This paper examines how the secondary H tone behaves differently in three distinct accent systems of the dialect: (i) the system described by Takaji Kamimura eighty years ago, (ii) the one that is found quite extensively on the islands today, including Kamimura’s native village (Nakakoshiki) and Teuchi Village, and (iii) the system observed in Kuwanoura Village today. Comparing the three accent systems, this paper also proposes historical scenarios to account for the different behaviors of the secondary H tone across time and space.
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Hyman, Larry M., and Armindo Ngunga. "On the non-universality of tonal association ‘conventions’: evidence from Ciyao." Phonology 11, no. 1 (May 1994): 25–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001834.
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One of the major aims of linguistic theory is to determine what is universal vs. language-specific within grammatical systems. In phonology, for example, a number of universals have been proposed and incorporated into the various subtheories that deal with segmental and prosodic aspects of sound systems. In his original autosegmental theory, for instance, Goldsmith (1976) provided a formalism and a set of principles embodying a number of universal claims about how different tiers may link to each other. Most of the support for this theory came from the study of tone: tones (Ts) were said to reside on separate ‘tiers’ joined by association lines to their respective tone-bearing units (TBUs).
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Chang, Charles, and Yao Yao. "Toward an Understanding of Heritage Prosody." Heritage Language Journal 13, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.13.2.4.
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In previous work examining heritage language phonology, heritage speakers have often patterned differently from native speakers and late-onset second language (L2) learners with respect to overall accent and segmentals. The current study extended this line of inquiry to suprasegmentals, comparing the properties of lexical tones produced by heritage, native, and L2 speakers of Mandarin living in the U.S. We hypothesized that heritage speakers would approximate native norms for Mandarin tones more closely than L2 speakers, yet diverge from these norms in one or more ways. We further hypothesized that, due to their unique linguistic experience, heritage speakers would sound the most ambiguous in terms of demographic background. Acoustic data showed that heritage speakers approximated native-like production more closely than L2 speakers with respect to the pitch contour of Tone 3, durational shortening in connected speech, and rates of Tone 3 reduction in non-phrase-final contexts, while showing the highest levels of tonal variability among all groups. Perceptual data indicated that heritage speakers’ tones differed from native and L2 speakers’ in terms of both intelligibility and perceived goodness. Consistent with the variability results, heritage speakers were the most difficult group to classify demographically. Taken together, these findings suggest that, with respect to tone, early heritage language experience can, but does not necessarily, result in a phonological advantage over L2 learners. Further, they add support to the view that heritage speakers are language users distinct from both native and L2 speakers.
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Odden, David. "Floating tones and contour tones in Kenyang." Studies in African Linguistics 19, no. 1 (April 1, 1988): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v19i1.107467.
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Tonal alternations in the Bantu language Kenyang appear on first consideration to be rather complicated but yield to analysis into a small number of rules, which reveal interesting properties of floating tones, contour tones, and the tone-bearing unit in the language. This study focuses on the following problems. First, there is a phonetic contrast, found only at the end of the utterance, between the downgliding L of eket and the unreleased L of basemo. Unreleased L will be shown to derive from rising tone. Second, I argue that syllable final consonants may be tone-bearing, a claim supported by analysis of tone alternations resulting from postlexical resyllabification. Third, Kenyang uses floating L prefixes to form morphological verb tense distinctions. There is a behavioral contrast between the free L tone marking the progressive, which triggers downstep and blocks a spreading rule, versus the free L used in the recent past, which docks to the first root vowel, thereby causing the root tone to shift rightward. The analytic problem is to find a way to represent these two types of floating L. The distinction can be handled by assigning them to different levels of the lexical phonology, so that the shift-inducing L is added when verb roots are inserted, but the float-only L is added at a later stratum-. Finally, I show that the interaction between the two rules H Spreading and Fall Simplification provides evidence for the cyclic application of postlexical rules.
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Andersen, Torben. "Jumjum phonology." Studies in African Linguistics 33, no. 2 (June 15, 2004): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v33i2.107333.
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This article describes the basic aspects of the phonology of Jumjum, a littleknown Western Nilotic language. The treatment includes syllable structure and word shapes, vowels and vowel harmony, consonants and consonant assimilation, and tones and tonal processes.
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Mooney, Kate, and Chiara Repetti-Ludlow. "Sonority and syllable structure: The case of Burmese tone." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 6, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v6i1.4900.
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The relationship between tone and sonority has been a recurrent theme in the literature over recent years, raising questions of how supraseg- mental features like tone interact with segmental or prosodic qualities, such as vowel quality, sonority, and duration (de Lacy 2006; Gordon 2001). In this paper, we present an original phonetic study that investigates the relationship between tone, vowel quality, and sonority in Burmese. These are not simple to disentangle in Burmese, since the language has a unique vowel alternation system where certain vowels can only combine with certain tones or codas. While some researchers have analyzed these alternations as directly stemming from tone itself (Kelly 2012), we argue that the vowel alternations are tone-independent. We propose that the Burmese vowel alternations follow from general preferences on sonority sequencing (cf. Clements 1990), and so there is no need for tone and segmental quality to interact directly. Not only does this explain the complex vowel system of Burmese, but this proposal casts a new view on recurrent issues in Burmese phonology, such as the representation of underlying tonal contrasts and minor syllables.
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Coupe, Alexander R. "Northern Sangtam phonetics, phonology and word list." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 43, no. 1 (August 28, 2020): 147–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19014.cou.
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Abstract This paper presents a comprehensive phonetic and phonological description of Northern Sangtam, an essentially undescribed Tibeto-Burman language of central Nagaland belonging to the Aoic subgroup. It is a noteworthy language from a number of phonological perspectives, not least because its phoneme inventory contains two of the world’s rarest phonemes: a pre-stopped bilabial trill, and a doubly-articulated labial-coronal nasal. These unique segments are described in detail, and an attempt is made to determine how they might have developed their phonemic status. The tone system is also of interest, as it demonstrates evidence of debuccalization resulting in the development of a new high tone. Following a systematic description of the syllable and word structure, the tone system, and the segmental phonology, some observed age-related differences in the phoneme inventory are discussed. The paper is linked to an online repository containing the audio-visual data and transcribed word lists of approximately 900 items, based on the recorded utterances of eight speakers.
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Snow, David. "Prosodic Markers of Syntactic Boundaries in the Speech of 4-Year-Old Children With Normal and Disordered Language Development." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 41, no. 5 (October 1998): 1158–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jslhr.4105.1158.
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This study focuses on the potential role of prosodic "boundary features" in developmental disorders of morphosyntax. As exemplified melodically by the final portion of the falling tone and rhythmically by final syllable lengthening, boundary features mark the right edge of major constituent units in speech and thus phonetically reflect syntactic structure on the level of clauses and sentences. To resolve conflicting findings about the development of boundary features in children with specific language impairment (SLI), this study describes the falling tone and final syllable lengthening in the spontaneous speech of 10 four-year-old children with the phonologic-syntactic type of SLI and 10 four-year-old children with normal language development. The results—indicating that some prosodic boundary features are normal in preschoolers with SLI—show that impairments of morphology and syntax on the segmental level of the grammar do not implicate systematic deficits in syntax-sensitive features on the suprasegmental level. The potential dissociation between prosodic and morphosyntactic development is shown most clearly by the remarkable robustness of the falling tone, which was observed in 9 of the 10 children with SLI, in spite of the moderate to severe deficits they demonstrated in segmental phonology, morphosyntax, and mean length of utterance.
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De Voogt, Alex. "A sketch of Afitti phonology." Studies in African Linguistics 38, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v38i1.107293.
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Political conflict in the Sudan and the spread of Arabic are threatening Afitti, a North Eastern Sudanic language that has received relatively little scholarly attention. In addition to presenting original data on the language, this paper shows that Afitti is markedly different from Nyimang, its nearest linguistic neighbor, in respect to the absence of a third tone, the lack of a contrast between dentals and alveolars, the absence of distinctive vowel length, and its limited labialization.
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Rose, Phil. "Acoustics and Phonology of Complex Tone Sandhi." Phonetica 47, no. 1-2 (1990): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000261850.
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Andersen, Torben. "Kurmuk phonology." Studies in African Linguistics 36, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 30–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v36i1.107305.
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This article describes the basic aspects of the phonology of Kurmuk, a previously undescribed language belonging to the Northern Burun subbranch of the Western Nilotic family. After a morpho syntactic overview, the treatment of the phonology includes syllable structure and word shapes, vowels and vowel alternation, consonants and consonant alternation, and tones and tonal processes.
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Dehé, Nicole. "An intonational grammar for Icelandic." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 32, no. 1 (June 2009): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586509002029.
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The aim of this paper is to shed new light on the tonal grammar of Icelandic and to complement the tone inventory as previously described in the literature (Árnason 1998). Specifically, types of pitch accents and edge tones and their combinations in neutral declaratives and questions, and in utterances containing narrow focus are addressed. Two pitch accent types (H* and L*) and two edge tones (H- and L-) are identified, for which evidence has not been found in previous research. Moreover, the paper shows for declaratives, that along with downstep, Icelandic has upstep across Intonational Phrases. Upstep applies to a series of pitch peaks. It may occur in neutral declaratives and in utterances with final narrow focus. Overall, the results of this study provide a substantial addition to our knowledge of Icelandic intonational phonology.
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Harrison, Phil. "Acquiring the phonology of lexical tone in infancy." Lingua 110, no. 8 (August 2000): 581–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(00)00003-6.
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