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Journal articles on the topic 'Philosophy of liberalism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Curtis, William M. "Rorty as Virtue Liberal." Contemporary Pragmatism 13, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 400–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-01304004.

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Virtue liberalism holds that the success of liberal politics and society depends on the citizenry possessing a set of liberal virtues, including traits like open-mindedness, toleration, and individual autonomy. Virtue liberalism is thus an ethically demanding conception of liberalism that is at odds with conceptions, like Rawlsian political liberalism and modus vivendi liberalism, that attempt to minimize liberalism’s ethical impact in order to accommodate a greater range of ethical pluralism. Although he claims to be a Rawlsian political liberal, Richard Rorty’s pragmatic liberalism is best understood as a version of virtue liberalism that, in particular, recommends a controversial civic virtue of irony for good liberal citizenship. Indeed, Rorty ultimately joins Dewey in conceiving of liberal democracy as a “way of life,” rather than merely a set of political relations that have a minimal effect on our characters or on the shape of our private commitments and projects.

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2

Grafstein, Robert. "Missing the Archimedean Point: Liberalism's Institutional Presuppositions." American Political Science Review 84, no. 1 (March 1990): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963636.

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Though liberalism has been widely criticized for its attempt to frame a detached judgment of society based on an asocial conception of individuals, insufficient attention has been paid to the particular social and political relationships this search for an Archimedean point presupposes. Using collective choice theory, I show that liberalism has adopted two distinct kinds of Archimedean points reflecting different and unjustified presuppositions about the true institutional relation between politics and society. Liberalism's Archimedean search is not merely unsuccessful but biased in a way that is significant even for positions critical of liberalism. It is possible, I argue, to have a normative political theory that avoids an asocial conception of individuals without falling victim to liberalism's specific biases concerning institutional relations. The implications for both Rawlsian- or Nozickian-style liberalism are discussed, including the possibility of a political philosophy that avoids their “analytical extremism.“

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3

Alexander, Gregory S. "Can Human Flourishing Be Liberal?" Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 32, no. 1 (February 2019): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjlj.2019.10.

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The renewed interest in virtue ethics raises again a persistent question, namely, the relationship between the virtue ethics theory and liberalism as a political philosophy. Virtue ethicists focus on the good—i.e., human flourishing—and debate what constitutes that good. This focus creates a problem for liberals who are rights-oriented, which is the dominant form of contemporary liberalism.The recent and timely book by Menachem Mautner, Human Flourishing, Liberal Theory, and the Arts, reminds us, however, that liberalism comes in many stripes. There is no one liberalism. Rather, there are many liberalisms. I discuss three aspects of Mautner’s remarkable and important book: first, his conception of human flourishing and its relationship to liberalism; second, his argument that a liberal political order committed to human flourishing ought to promote the arts; and third, his argument that the liberalism of flourishing is better able than neutralist liberalism to compete with religion in providing what Mautner calls “Big Meaning.”

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Vasiliauskaitė, Nida. "RACIONALUMO IR TEISINGUMO SĄJUNGOS PROBLEMA JOHNO RAWLSO „POLITINIAME LIBERALIZME”." Problemos 82 (January 1, 2012): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2012.0.731.

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Straipsnyje analizuojamos Johno Rawlso pastangos sukurti „politinės, bet ne metafizinės“ tvarkos modelį, kuris tenkintų specifiškai apibrėžtus „racionalumo“ bei „teisingumo“ kriterijus, ir išryškinamas šio modelio vidinis prieštaringumas. Parodoma, kokie problemiški yra pagrindiniai „politinio liberalizmo“ konstravimo įrankiai – politikos / moralės ir protingumo / racionalumo perskyros – ir teigiama, jog koncepcijos nenuoseklumų priežastis yra principinė, ji glūdi pačiame Rawlso sumanyme susieti, bet nesutapatinti du autonomiškus ir heterogeniškus normatyvumo šaltinius; o atsisakius kurio nors vieno „politinis liberalizmas“ apskritai suirtų.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: racionalumas, teisingumas, neutralumas, politinis liberalizmas, fundamentizmas.The Problem of Combining Rationality with Justice in John Rawls’ “Political Liberalism”Nida VasiliauskaitėSummaryThe article deals with Rawlsian attempts to offer a theoretical model for universal “political, not metaphysical” order, based on the ideas of rationality and justice specifically defined. My point is to reveal the inner inconsistency in the very notion of political liberalism showing that its fundamental presuppositions – the distinctions of politics / morals and reasonable / rational – are flawed. Which means that as a project built on two distinct in kind sources of normativity trying to “make them one” without damaging their logical autonomy, political liberalism is deemed to generate inconsistencies and cannot be saved by any “cosmetic changes”.Keywords: rationality, justice, neutrality, political liberalism, fundamentism.

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5

Beiner, Ronald. "What Liberalism Means." Social Philosophy and Policy 13, no. 1 (1996): 190–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001576.

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My purpose in this essay is to give an account of the kind of robust social criticism that I associate with the very enterprise of theory and to explain why the liberal philosophy that prevails in the contemporary academy is averse to this sort of social criticism. My purpose, then, is both to explore a certain conception of radical socialtheory and to defend this conception against familiar objections posed by those who represent the dominant liberal political philosophy.

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6

Talisse, Robert B. "Religion, respect and Eberle’s agapic pacifist." Philosophy & Social Criticism 38, no. 3 (January 9, 2012): 313–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711430931.

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Christopher Eberle has developed a powerful critique of justificatory liberalism. According to Eberle, justificatory liberalism’s doctrine of restraint, which requires religious citizens to refrain from publicly advocating for policies that can be supported only by their religious reasons, is illiberal. In this article, I defend justificatory liberalism against Eberle’s critique.

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7

Song, Robert. "After Agonistic Liberalism: Milbank and Pabst’s Relentless Pursuit of Radical Anglican Thomism." Studies in Christian Ethics 32, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946819826323.

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Milbank and Pabst’s account of liberalism as rooted in ontological violence picks out the secret commonalities of left-leaning rights-based and right-leaning market-based liberalisms with considerable shrewdness, and their elaboration of associationist and civil economic alternatives contains many strikingly expansive and novel elements. However, their totalising account of liberalism prevents them from engaging the strengths of the liberal era with sufficient generosity, and so impedes their efforts to articulate a way forward that is substantially and not just chronologically post-liberal.

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8

Kaufmann, Katharina. "Conflict in Political Liberalism: Judith Shklar’s Liberalism of Fear." Res Publica 26, no. 4 (July 24, 2020): 577–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-020-09475-z.

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Abstract Realists and non-ideal theorists currently criticise Rawlsian mainstream liberalism for its inability to address injustice and political conflict, as a result of the subordination of political philosophy to moral theory (Bernard Williams), as well as an idealising and abstract methodology (Charles W. Mills). Seeing that liberalism emerged as a theory for the protection of the individual from conflict and injustice, these criticisms aim at the very core of liberalism as a theory of the political and therefore deserve close analysis. I will defend Judith N. Shklar’s liberalism of fear as an answer to these challenges. I will argue that the liberalism of fear maintains realism’s conflictual and inherently political thrust while also integrating a perspective on injustice. I will defend the claim that in contrast to the two aforementioned criticisms, the liberalism of fear develops its own normative standard from which political arrangements can be assessed. It does so by replacing the idealising approach to political philosophy with a non-utopian methodology, which opens a negative perspective on what is to be avoided in the political sphere, and how to detect and deal with injustice. Due to this standard, it is a liberal theory that is uniquely able to meet the realist and non-ideal challenge.

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9

Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Conservative Anarchism. French Critics of the “Anthropological Mistake”." History of Philosophy 25, no. 2 (2020): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2020-25-2-81-95.

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G. Orwell once called himself “anarchist tory”, the collocation “anthropological mistake” belongs to British theologian J. Milbank, characterizing so liberal thought. These expressions are used today by two French philosophers, Jean-Claude Michea and Alain de Benoist. Though they came from opposing political camps, both are ready to define themselves “populists” and “conservative anarchists”. Their common enemy is contemporary liberalism. This article is a description of this polemics, especially with liberal anthropology. Their difference with many critics of political or economic liberalism lies in their belief that liberalism is a totality, and the core of all the aspects of this doctrine (economy, law, politics) is represented by the vision of man in liberal philosophy, which have a long history. This genealogy of liberalism, proposed by French thinkers, is the main theme of the article.

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10

Kelbley, Charles. "Political Liberalism." International Philosophical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (1996): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq199636163.

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11

Fairfield, Paul. "Hermeneutical Liberalism." Philosophy Today 46, no. 3 (2002): 330–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday200246339.

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12

Cohen, Carl. "Against Liberalism." International Studies in Philosophy 35, no. 4 (2003): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil2003354121.

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13

Pettit, Philip, and John Rawls. "Political Liberalism." Journal of Philosophy 91, no. 4 (April 1994): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2940773.

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14

Mulhall, Stephen, Adam Swift, and John Rawls. "Political Liberalism." Philosophical Quarterly 44, no. 177 (October 1994): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2220257.

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15

Kotzen, Matthew. "Silins’s Liberalism." Philosophical Studies 159, no. 1 (December 30, 2010): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11098-010-9689-7.

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16

Poe, Danielle. "Challenging Liberalism." Teaching Philosophy 30, no. 1 (2007): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil200730148.

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17

North, Richard. "Justifying Liberalism." Res Publica 11, no. 3 (September 2005): 311–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-005-4336-4.

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18

Matson, Wallace, and John Kekes. "Against Liberalism." Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 59, no. 4 (December 1999): 1096. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2653579.

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19

Brust, Steven J. "It's About Liberty." Catholic Social Science Review 24 (2019): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20192428.

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While there are legitimate concerns about the sweeping character of Deneen’s indictment of liberalism’s anthropology and political theory and its impact on American society—in particular, his tendency to make the story of creation and instantiation of liberalism simpler than it actually is, to reduce the Constitution to a simple expression of liberal political philosophy, and not be specific about the actual accomplishments of liberalism—his overarching argument about liberalism and its trajectory is ultimately convincing, as is his critique of its understanding of liberty. The historical experience of American Catholics and the thought of two of its leading thinkers—Orestes Brownson and John Courtney Murray—support Deneen’s argument that a false understanding of liberty has been part of our American culture and provide guidance as to how a true understanding might be articulated and instantiated.

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20

VAN DE PUTTE, André. "Rawls' Political Liberalism." Ethical Perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 1, 1995): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ep.2.3.563057.

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BARRY, Brian. "Liberalism and Multiculturalism." Ethical Perspectives 4, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ep.4.1.563012.

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22

Krannick, Isaac. "Essay on Liberalism." International Studies in Philosophy 31, no. 4 (1999): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199931498.

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23

Cunningham, Anthony. "Liberalism, Egalité, Fraternité?" Journal of Philosophical Research 16 (1991): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpr_1991_28.

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24

McGregor, Joan. "Liberalism and Democracy." Philosophy East and West 38, no. 3 (July 1988): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1398871.

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25

GRAHAM, GORDON. "Liberalism and Democracy." Journal of Applied Philosophy 9, no. 2 (October 1992): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5930.1992.tb00305.x.

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26

Sparrow, Robert. "Liberalism and Eugenics." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 89, no. 3 (September 2011): 499–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00048402.2010.484464.

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27

Kymlicka, Will. "Liberalism and Communitarianism." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 18, no. 2 (June 1988): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1988.10717173.

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It is a commonplace amongst communitarians, socialists and feminists alike that liberalism is to be rejected for its excessive ‘individualism’ or ‘atomism,’ for ignoring the manifest ways in which we are ‘embedded’ or ‘situated’ in various social roles and communal relationships. The effect of these theoretical flaws is that liberalism, in a misguided attempt to protect and promote the dignity and autonomy of the individual, has undermined the associations and communities which alone can nurture human flourishing.My plan is to examine the resources available to liberalism to meet these objections. My primary concern is with what liberals can say in response, not with what particular liberals actually have said in the past. Still, as a way of acknowledging intellectual debts, if nothing else, I hope to show how my arguments are related to the political morality of modem liberals from J.S. Mill through to Rawls and Dworkin. The term ‘liberal’ has been applied to many different theories in many different fields, but I’m using it in this fairly restricted sense. First, I’m dealing with a political morality, a set of moral arguments about the justification of political action and political institutions. Second, my concern is with this modem liberalism, not seventeenth-century liberalism, and I want to leave entirely open what the relationship is between the two. It might be that the developments initiated by the ‘new liberals’ are really an abandonment of what was definitive of classical liberalism. G.A. Cohen, for example, says that since they rejected the principle of ‘self-ownership’ which was definitive of classical liberalism (e.g. in Locke), these new liberals should instead be called ‘social democrats.’My concern is to defend their political morality, whatever the proper label.

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Wei-ming, Tu. "Confucianism and liberalism." Dao 2, no. 1 (December 2002): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02856993.

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Milosavljevic, Boris. "dr. Boris Milosavljevic: Vladimir Jovanovic: Philosophy, science, politics." Theoria, Beograd 59, no. 2 (2016): 113–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1602131m.

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The unity of freedom, science and nation, viz. liberalism, positivism and nationalism, as well as his belief in two fundamental principles - freedom and justice, were the two lodestars and credo of Vladimir Jovanovic`s entire political work and view of life. Although he was strongly inclined to the continental liberalism, he corrected it with Millian liberalism and embracement of the Westminster system, thus avoiding the radicalism of the French role model, which was followed by the prevalent majority of socialist and Marxian-oriented Serb intelectuals in the second half of the XIX century and the first half of XX century. Vladimir Jovanovic firmly belived that liberty was the right exercise of which must not be blocked out by the ideal of equality. As a positivist, he appreciated Herbert Spencer?s theory of evolution, organic interpretation of society and analogy between the natural and social domains, according to which social phenomena could be reduced on natural laws. Under Mazzini?s influence he made a synthesis of liberalism and nationalism. Vladimir Jovanovic`s son Slobodan Jovanovic pointed out that unity of freedom, science and nation was not founded in sciences itself, but in rationalist philosophy. Liberalism, positivism and patriotism were not only concepts of Vladimir Jovanovic`s political theory, but also ideological basis for his active political work.

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STEARS, MARC. "Liberalism and the Politics of Compulsion." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 3 (June 5, 2007): 533–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000270.

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This review presents a critical account of the most powerful critique of liberal political thought to have emerged in recent years: a critique it calls the ‘politics of compulsion’. Drawing on the work of a wide range of critics of contemporary liberalism, this article contends that although those who advance this critique are divided in many ways they are nonetheless held together by a series of powerful descriptive and normative challenges to liberal political philosophy as it has developed since the publication of John Rawls's Political Liberalism. The article further demonstrates that most of these challenges centre on the place of coercive power in modern political life and suggests that, although these challenges should not undermine liberals' commitment to their central normative claims, they do nonetheless provide an essential rejoinder to some of liberalism's more complacent assumptions.

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HAYDON, GRAHAM. "Dogmatic Liberalism." Journal of Philosophy of Education 22, no. 1 (July 1988): 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9752.1988.tb00183.x.

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Festenstein, M. I. "Pragmatism and liberalism: Interpreting Dewey's political philosophy." Res Publica 1, no. 2 (1995): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01113139.

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Miroff, Bruce. "Getting the Left Right: The Transformation, Decline, and Reformation of American Liberalism. By Thomas A. Spragens, Jr. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2009. 304p. $34.95." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 2 (June 2010): 620–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710000472.

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Why have American liberals been losing most political contests in recent decades? Theorist Thomas A. Spragens argues that the core of liberalism's problems lies in an ill-conceived transformation in public philosophy. In a “political treatise informed by scholarly resources” (p. ix), he defends an older liberalism, which he describes as populist and progressive, and decries a new one that he associates with the social justice approach of John Rawls. Shifting his attention back and forth from theory to practice, Spragens constructs an argument that liberalism will not recoup its political fortunes until it rediscovers its “populist heart” (p. xvii). Bearing some resemblance to previous treatises by Richard Rorty and Michael Sandel (along with important differences that Spragens notes), Getting the Left Right is provocative and powerful as theoretical critique and advocacy, but is less effective in providing a historical explanation for contemporary liberalism's troubled state.

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Mahoney, Jon. "Public Reason and the Moral Foundation of Liberalism." Journal of Moral Philosophy 1, no. 3 (2004): 311–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/174046810400100306.

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AbstractI argue against Rawls’s freestanding conception of liberalism. On my view, the moral foundation of liberalism can be defended in one of three ways: (1) as a conception one accepts as a result of one’s affirmation of political liberalism, (2) as a conception one must affirm as a presupposition for political liberalism, or (3) as a philosophical truth about practical reason and persons. The first option makes it impossible to distinguish a moral consensus from a modus vivendi. The second renders the moral foundation of liberalism dogmatic because it affirms a moral foundation for which no justification is provided. Since there are good reasons for rejecting (1) and (2), that leaves option (3). I argue that (3) should be the preferred option for liberals who advance liberalism as a political doctrine with a moral foundation.

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Shafer-Landau, Russ. "LIBERALISM AND PATERNALISM." Legal Theory 11, no. 3 (September 2005): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325205050081.

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Joel Feinberg's brief against legal paternalism, which is the central focus of his Harm to Self, is undoubtedly the most scrupulous, nuanced, and thorough critique of the view yet provided by a liberal philosopher. I was once convinced of Feinberg's case and am now less sure. This makes me uneasy, both because I have strong liberal instincts that I would prefer to be able to justify, and also because I suppose I have not thought about the matter with the kind or degree of care that Feinberg himself did. In assessing his antipaternalist arguments, I include here a number of excerpts from Feinberg's own writings to remind us of his subtlety and precision, his broad range of references, his elegant and informed style, his sound good sense, his ability to provide the revealing, compelling example, and his supple cast of mind. That my commentary is bound to pale by comparison is inevitable, but I take some comfort in thinking that one cannot be held liable for what cannot be helped.

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Gray, John. "Agonistic Liberalism." Social Philosophy and Policy 12, no. 1 (1995): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004581.

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In all of its varieties, traditional liberalism is a universalist political theory. Its content is a set of principles which prescribe the best regime, the ideally best institutions, for all mankind. It may be acknowledged — as it is, by a proto-liberal such as Spinoza — that the best regime can be attained only rarely, and cannot be expected to endure for long; and that the forms its central institutions will assume in different historical and cultural milieux may vary significantly. It will then be accepted that the liberal regime's role in political thought is as a regulative ideal, which political practice can hope only to approximate, subject to all the vagaries and exigencies of circumstance. Nonetheless, the content of traditional liberalism is a system of principles which function as universal norms for the critical appraisal of human institutions. In this regard, traditional liberalism — the liberalism of Locke and Kant, for example — represents a continuation of classical political rationalism, as it is found in Aristotle and Aquinas, where it also issues in principles having the attribute of universality, in that they apply ideally to all human beings.

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Vincent, K. Steven. "Doctrinaire liberalism." European Legacy 10, no. 3 (June 2005): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770500084861.

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Marjuni, Marjuni, Yuspiani Yuspiani, and Alwan Suban. "LIBERALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF ISLAMIC EDUCATION." Lentera Pendidikan : Jurnal Ilmu Tarbiyah dan Keguruan 24, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/lp.2021v24n1i3.

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Abstract:In the perspective of Islamic education, the concept of liberalism and democracy in education is about owning academic freedom, in which a lecturer can teach, and the students have the right to learn without limitation and mixing it with irrational thoughts. This paper aims to elaborate on the nature and the development of liberalism and democracy in Islamic higher education from different sources. The type of research used in this study was library research. The data were taken from various books and articles related to the topic then analyzed using content analysis. Based on the findings, the theory of the Islamic education philosophy about the concept of liberalism and democracy were so sustainable to provide possible solutions in education management, educational facilities, and infrastructure. Also, it could be a solution for educators to implement teaching methods or approaches that are more suitable for the learning process.Abstrak:Dalam perspektif pendidikan Islam, konsep liberalisme dan demokrasi dalam pendidikan adalah tentang memiliki kebebasan akademik, dimana seorang dosen dapat mengajar, dan mahasiswa berhak untuk belajar tanpa batasan dan mencampurkannya dengan pemikiran-pemikiran yang irasional. Makalah ini bertujuan untuk mengelaborasi sifat dan perkembangan liberalisme dan demokrasi di perguruan tinggi Islam dari berbagai sumber. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian kepustakaan. Data diambil dari berbagai buku dan artikel yang berkaitan dengan topik tersebut kemudian dianalisis menggunakan analisis isi. Berdasarkan temuan tersebut, teori filosofi pendidikan Islam tentang konsep liberalisme dan demokrasi yang begitu lestari dapat memberikan solusi yang memungkinkan dalam pengelolaan pendidikan, sarana dan prasarana pendidikan. Selain itu, dapat menjadi solusi bagi pendidik untuk menerapkan metode atau pendekatan pengajaran yang lebih sesuai untuk proses pembelajaran.

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Franco, Paul. "Hegel and Liberalism." Review of Politics 59, no. 4 (1997): 831–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500028345.

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In this article, the venerable but still not entirely resolved issue of Hegel's relationship to liberalism is discussed. In contradistinction to recent communitarian accounts, the Kantian and Enlightenment idea of rational freedom in Hegel's political philosophy is shown to be the basis for Hegel's critique of traditional liberalism. While the Hegelian state incorporates most of the rights and freedoms ordinarily associated with liberalism, Hegel's rationale for these rights and freedoms is never the traditional liberal one. In conclusion, the relevance of Hegel's ideal of the rational state to our understanding of contemporary liberalism and its discontents is assessed.

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Moore, Margaret, and Will Kymlicka. "Liberalism, Community and Culture." Noûs 26, no. 4 (December 1992): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2216039.

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41

Westphal, Merold. "Hegel’s Critique of Liberalism." International Philosophical Quarterly 32, no. 4 (1992): 527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq199232448.

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Grasso, Kenneth L. "Liberalism and the Good." International Philosophical Quarterly 33, no. 3 (1993): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq199333332.

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Dulles, Avery. "Catholicism, Liberalism, and Communitarianism." International Philosophical Quarterly 36, no. 3 (1996): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq199636330.

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Barnes, Jonathan. "Liberalism at Wits’ End." International Philosophical Quarterly 25, no. 2 (1985): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq198525214.

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Goodin, Robert E. "Liberalism, Constitutionalism, and Democracy." Journal of Philosophy 98, no. 7 (2001): 374–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphil200198717.

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Fairfield, Paul. "Liberalism and Moral Selfhood." Philosophy Today 40, no. 3 (1996): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday199640311.

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Curley, Edwin. "Sebastian Castellio’s Erasmian Liberalism." Philosophical Topics 31, no. 1 (2003): 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics2003311/23.

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Paden, Roger. "Liberalism and Neo-Aristotelianism." International Studies in Philosophy 22, no. 1 (1990): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199022176.

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Schultz, David. "Hegel’s Critique of Liberalism." International Studies in Philosophy 24, no. 1 (1992): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199224159.

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Goodin, Robert E., and Russell Hardin. "Liberalism, Constitutionalism, and Democracy." Journal of Philosophy 98, no. 7 (July 2001): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2678442.

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