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Journal articles on the topic 'Pharisees'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Baumgarten, A. I. "The PharisaicParadosis." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 1 (January 1987): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023518.

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When historical reconstruction of the nature of a person or a group is carried out under ideal circumstances, we should have two kinds of evidence: we should know the self description of the subject, and be able to compare this self description with the way the subject was seen by others. These two types of evidence give historians the perspective which should allow them to draw a wellrounded portrait of the nature of their subject. When viewed in this light, the problems presented in attempting a historical reconstruction of the nature of the Pharisees before 70 CE make this case a classic example of the problems of historical work. Virtually no documents have survived that come from the Pharisees themselves. We know them as seen by Josephus (who claimed to have been and to be a Pharisee, but who in fact shows little indication of Pharisaic belief or practice in his life or writings), as they appeared to the authors of the gospels, or as seen in the hindsight of their heirs, the rabbis. Thanks to Qumran texts we may learn how the Pharisees were viewed by members of a competing group. Paul claimed to have once been a Pharisee, but was writing his letters as a Christian. The first type of evidence discussed above is thus almost entirely lacking; the second is available in abundance.

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2

Ilan, Tal. "The Attraction of Aristocratic Women to Pharisaism During the Second Temple Period." Harvard Theological Review 88, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000030376.

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Unlike Christianity, which regards the word “Pharisee” as synonymous with “hypocrite,” “legalist,” and “petty-bourgeois,” Jews have always understood Pharisaism as the correct and trustworthy side of Judaism. Since the eighteenth century, all disputants who participated in the great controversies and schisms within Judaism have claimed to represent the true heirs of the Pharisees. For example, adherents of the strong anti-Hasidic movement initiated by R. Eliyahu of Vilna in the second half of the eighteenth century, who are usually referred to in literature by the negative appellation “opposers” (םירננחמ), referred to themselves by the positive title “Pharisees” (םישורפ). When the Reform movement was founded in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century, with the goal of reforming the Jewish religion to make it more “modern” and acceptable to its neighbors, the reformers perceived themselves as the true heirs of the Pharisees. In his important study of the Pharisees and Sadducees, Abraham Geiger, one of the founders, ofWissenschaft des Judentumsand an important spokesman for the radical wing of the Reform movement, formulated the view of the flexible open-minded Pharisees, who reformed Judaism to the point of contradicting the laws set out in the Pentateuch, in order to accommodate them to their changing needs. Geiger's opponents easily produced evidence that negated his findings and proved beyond doubt that they, in their conservative strain, were the real heirs of Pharisaism. To his opponents, Geiger was a representative of the detestable Sadducees or their later counterparts, the Karaites.

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3

Hill, G. "A Pharisee to Pharisees: Reflections on Vaughan's 'The Night'." English 38, no. 161 (June 1, 1989): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/38.161.97.

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4

Magda, Ksenija, and Jasmin Zemunović. "The Pharisees in Mark." Kairos 13, no. 2 (December 6, 2019): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32862/k.13.2.4.

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The main purpose of this paper is to compare the facts about the Pharisees that we learn from extra-biblical sources against the facts we learn from the narrative in Mk. 1:21-3:35, with the purpose of setting a historical foundation for Mark’s account. In the first section we show the available historical accounts and we conclude it to be ambivalent, while in the second section we portray the developing conflict between Jesus and the Pharisees, which in turn sheds light on historical facts in line with the conclusion that Mark’s description of the Pharisees is historically plausible, because of this Mark’s Gospel can be used for its contribution to the historical discussion about the Pharisees. The paper is divided into two sections. The first, historical, section deals with the attempt to reconstruct the relationship between Jesus and the Pharisees based on historical data, and the second, exegetic section, uses narrative criticism to develop the history and the kerygma.

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5

Thomson, Andrew, Diana R. Hallman, and Mark Everist. "Scribes & Pharisees." Musical Times 144, no. 1883 (2003): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3650686.

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6

Foster, Paul. "Pharisees without Bias." Expository Times 134, no. 1 (October 2022): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246221126841.

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7

Kocsi, György. "A farizeusok kovásza." Studia Theologica Transsylvaniensia 25 (December 20, 2022): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52258/stthtr.2022.01.

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This study attempts to decipher the meaning of the leaven of the Pharisees. It first presents the obscure history of the Pharisees – primarily with the help of Josephus, but also taking into account the relevant passages in the New Testament. In a second step, the study then explores what meanings the Old and New Testaments associate with leaven. I argue that the warning against the leaven of the Pharisees is a warning against the ambition of Jesus' disciples to gain power.

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8

Knowles. "Serpents, Scribes, and Pharisees." Journal of Biblical Literature 133, no. 1 (2014): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbibllite.133.1.165.

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9

Gorringe, Timothy J. "Job and the Pharisees." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 40, no. 1 (January 1986): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096438604000103.

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The concern to learn and profit from the past experience of exile and restoration and to implement the command “Be holy as I am holy” underlies both the dialogue of Job and later Pharisaic theology; to reflect on one is to clarify the other.

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10

King, J. S. "Nicodemus and the Pharisees." Expository Times 98, no. 2 (November 1986): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468609800205.

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11

Knowles, Michael P. "Serpents, Scribes, and Pharisees." Journal of Biblical Literature 133, no. 1 (2014): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jbl.2014.0008.

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12

Krause, Andrew R. "In Association with the Ancestral Customs." Novum Testamentum 57, no. 4 (September 9, 2015): 343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341502.

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Scholars have long believed that the “ancestral customs” of the Pharisees mentioned in texts such as Antiquitates judaicae 13.297 and Matt 15:1-9 were proto-rabbinic oral tradition, based on apparently corroborating readings of Rabbinic works. However, in this article, I will show that this terminology should be understood within the context of the codes of Graeco-Roman associations. Such language is consistent with both the use of association terminology elsewhere in Josephus, as well as with the corpus of association-related inscriptions and papyri presently extant. The idea of the Pharisees as a semi-private association is not unique, though this terminology provides further corroboration that the Pharisees were understood as a semi-private, itinerant association by contemporary Jewish writers.

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13

Benea, Nicolae Olimpiu. "“The Seat of Moses” – The Responsibility of Interpreting the Law in Matthew’s Gospel." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Orthodoxa 68, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbto.2023.2.02.

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The presentation will analyse the possible interpretative solutions proposed by the exegetes to the crux interpretum of Matthew 23:2-3. The Saviour's statement that the scribes and Pharisees “sit on the seat of Moses” is not intended to be an endorsement of their authority to interpret the Law, but, recognizing the reality in which the disciples lived and were to serve, they must fulfil and learn the commandments, they must know what Moses says. The scribes and Pharisees, although they were the keepers of the Torah in the social and religious environment in which these disciples lived, no longer had the authority to teach because it was given to the Church. Keywords: The Seat of Moses, Gospel of Matthew, Jesus, Law, Scribes, Pharisees

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14

Birenboim, Hannan. "Tevul Yom and the Red Heifer: Pharisaic and Sadducean Halakah." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 2 (2009): 254–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x429265.

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AbstractBoth the Qumran scrolls and the rabbinic sources teach of a controversy between the Pharisees, on the one hand, and the Sadducees and the Qumran sect, on the other, concerning the standing of the red heifer: The Sadducees, considering the red heifer as a sacrifice, held that a tevul yom was not permitted to deal with the heifer, whereas the Pharisees, not considering the red heifer as a sacrifice, held that a tevul yom was permitted to deal with it. This controversy derived from the Pharisees' desire to enable the common people to participate as much as possible in divine worship: by not considering the red heifer as a sacrifice, they made it possible for the masses to participate in the preparation of the ashes and even to sprinkle it upon the impure; this was opposed by the Sadducees and the Qumran sectarians.

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15

NEUSNER, JACOB. "Mr. Sanders’s Pharisees and Mine." Bulletin for Biblical Research 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422120.

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16

NEUSNER, JACOB. "Mr. Sanders’s Pharisees and Mine." Bulletin for Biblical Research 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.2.1.0143.

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17

Yaron, Reuven. "Sadducees and Pharisees: Two Controversies." Israel Law Review 33, no. 4 (1999): 743–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016174.

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Our colleague, Professor Ze'ev Falk died on the eve of Rosh Hashana 5759, at the age of 75. His scholarly interests ranged widely; he was expert, inter alia, on the law of the interim period, between Bible and Talmud. Concerning later periods, his attention was given primarily to the law of marriage and divorce. He was a deeply religious man, yet free from any trace of complacency. When, as happens, he was unhappy with the way halakha went, he was wont to speak out and search for solutions. That the custodians of halakha would not tend to heed his suggestions, need not surprise. As a rule, they are reluctant to take notice of question-marks and solutions originating from without; and in their strict sense Falk was an outsider. But this was their problem rather than his.This short paper is presented here in eius memoriam, as a token of friendship and respect. It would have been within the sphere of his interest.May he rest in peace.

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18

Davies, P. R. "Book Reviews : The Pharisees Remembered." Expository Times 97, no. 9 (June 1986): 280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468609700918.

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19

Bartlett, J. R. "Book Reviews : Pharisees, Scribes, Sadducees." Expository Times 101, no. 9 (June 1990): 279–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469010100911.

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20

Isbell, Charles David. "Saul the Sadducee? A Rabbinical Thought Experiment." Socio-Historical Examination of Religion and Ministry 1, no. 2 (August 13, 2019): 85–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33929/sherm.2019.vol1.no2.01.

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In keeping with talmudic tradition, this article presents a rabbinical thought experiment that questions the authenticity—indeed the very historicity—of the Apostle Paul’s Pharisaic Jewish background. By examining current interpretations of Saul’s Damascus road conversion, as well as Lukan and Pauline accounts in the New Testament, it becomes evident that there exists a striking disparity between Paul and other first century Pharisees, particularly since he took far too many liberties with his beliefs and behaviors (pre- and post-conversion) that would have set him apart from his Pharisaic contemporaries. Moreover, Luke (a non-Jew writing in a post-Sadducean world) was both an unreliable biographer and yet the primary source for claiming Paul was a Pharisee. Thus, from a Jewish perspective, it is thought-provoking to ask whether the idea of Paul as originally a Sadducee best explains these disparities. Ultimately, the thesis of this article is that interpreters should not view Paul as having followed the standard path to becoming an authentic Pharisee. In fact, Paul’s radical revision of prevailing Pharisaic exegesis suggests he was likely never a Pharisee or, at the very least, not a consistent Pharisee in the tradition of Gamaliel. The purpose of this article is to trace just how modern scholarship would change if Pauline scholars presumed that Paul was, in fact, a Sadducee instead of a Pharisee. Undoubtedly, the consequence would suggest that both Paul and Luke were world-class (albeit opportunistic) rhetoricians who used Pharisaic imagery solely to add credibility to Paul’s image and his emerging influence on the primitive church.

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21

Mason, Steve. "Pharisaic Dominance Before 70 CE and the Gospels' Hypocrisy Charge (Matt 23:2–3)." Harvard Theological Review 83, no. 4 (October 1990): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023841.

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The following study treats two distinct but related questions. First, were the Pharisees the dominant party in Palestinian Judaism before the destruction of the temple? And second, did Jesus of Nazareth engage in controversy with them? Many scholars today would answer one or both of these questions negatively. My thesis, however, is that both should be answered affirmatively and, further, that it was precisely the status of the Pharisees as the dominant party that makes intelligible Jesus' charge of hypocrisy.

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22

Wróbel, Mirosław Stanisław. "Faryzeusze i saduceusze wobec zmartwychwstania." Verbum Vitae 15 (January 14, 2009): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1511.

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In the present article the author shows the different attitudes of Pharisees and Sadducees regarding the life after death and resurrection. First he describes the motives and the nature of Pharisaic faith in resurrection in the context of Old Testament, Josephus Flavius sources, and Apocryphal Literature. Then he shows the views of Sadducees who rejected the reality of life after death. At the end he describes novum of the teaching of Jesus about resurrection which can be better understood in the context of His discussion with Pharisees and Sadducees.

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23

WILLIAMS, David S. "Josephus or Nicolaus on the Pharisees?" Revue des Études Juives 156, no. 1 (July 1, 1997): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rej.156.1.519371.

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24

Cook, Donald E. "A Gospel Portrait of the Pharisees." Review & Expositor 84, no. 2 (May 1987): 221–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738708400205.

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25

Di Luccio, Pino, and Massimo Grilli. "Jesus and the Pharisees: Beyond Stereotypes." La Civiltà Cattolica, English Edition 3, no. 11 (November 15, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32009/22072446.1911.1.

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26

Goodman, Martin. "Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society." Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (October 1, 1990): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1551/jjs-1990.

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27

Poirier, John C. "Why Did the Pharisees Wash Their Hands?" Journal of Jewish Studies 47, no. 2 (October 1, 1996): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1897/jjs-1996.

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28

Mandel, Paul. "Scriptural Exegesis and the Pharisees in Josephus." Journal of Jewish Studies 58, no. 1 (April 1, 2007): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2702/jjs-2007.

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29

Walker, Colin. "WERTHER, THE GOOD SAMARITAN AND THE PHARISEES." German Life and Letters 41, no. 4 (July 1988): 393–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1988.tb02103.x.

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30

Williams, David S. "Morton Smith on the Pharisees in Josephus." Jewish Quarterly Review 84, no. 1 (July 1993): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454698.

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31

Sunarto, Theofilus. "Model Pembelajaran Yesus Berdasarkan Injil." Jurnal Missio Cristo 5, no. 1 (April 18, 2022): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.58456/jmc.v5i1.24.

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In Matthew 9:11 the Pharisees mention Jesus; "Teacher" ..., they said to Jesus' disciples: "Why does your teacher eat with tax collectors and sinners?". Then in Matthew 17:24 Jesus was again called "teacher" by the tax collector, who said to Peter: "Did teacher not yourpay the two dirhams?". Further in John 3: 2 a Pharisee named Nicodemus called Jesus "teacher", Nicodemus said: "Rabbi, we know that you have come as a teacher sent by God; .....". From this statement, both the Pharisees and the temple tax collectors mention and acknowledge Jesus as a teacher. As a teacher of course Jesus had a model in doing learning to His disciples. Because the learning model is very necessary to achieve an educational goal. The model of Jesus' teaching to His disciples ”which is focused in the four Gospels. By studying Jesus' model of learning, teachers can prepare their learning process well and their educational goals can be achieved. Abstrak Bahasa Indonesia Dalam Kitab Injil Matius 9:11 orang Farisi menyebut Yesus ; “guru” ..., berkatalah mereka kepada murid-murid Yesus: “Mengapa gurumu makan bersama-sama dengan pemungut cukai dan orang berdosa ?”. Kemudian dalam Matius 17:24 kembali Yesus disebut “guru” oleh pemungut bea Bait Allah, yang berkata kepada Petrus: “Apakah gurumu tidak membayar bea dua dirham itu ?”. Selanjutnya dalam Yohanes 3:2 seorang Farisi yang bernama Nikodemus menyebut Yesus “guru”, Nikodemus berkata: “Rabi, kami tahu, bahwa Engkau datang sebagai guru yang diutus Allah;.....”. Dari pernyataan tersebut, baik orang Farisi dan juga pemungut bea Bait Allah menyebut serta mengakui bahwa Yesus sebagai guru. Sebagai seorang guru tentu Yesus mempunyai model dalam melakukan pembelajaran kepada murid-murid-Nya. Karena model pembelajaran sangat diperlukan untuk mencapai suatu tujuan pendidikan. Model pembelajaran Yesus kepada murid-murid-Nya” yang difokuskan dalam ke empat Kitab Injil. Dengan mempelajari model pembelajaran Yesus, para pengajar dapat mempersiapkan proses pembelajarannya dengan baik dan tujuan pendidikannya dapat tercapai.

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32

HAGNER, DONALD A. "Jesus and the Synoptic Sabbath Controversies." Bulletin for Biblical Research 19, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26424047.

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Abstract The historicity of the Sabbath-controversy passages passes a variety of tests including historical plausibility, dissimilarity, and multiple attestation. These passages find a natural place in Jesus' encounter with the Pharisees. The plucking of grain on the Sabbath and the Sabbath healings could not but raise the ire of the Pharisees, who thought of themselves as the guardians of the law. Since the Sabbath was an anticipation of the eschaton, Jesus regarded it as the perfect day for bringing wholeness to those in need. These Sabbath deeds are an indispensable part of the kingdom he brings, and thus they point to his messianic mission, his authority, and his identity. Thus, as with the question of Jesus' view of the law itself, so too the Sabbath controversies find their final explanation in matters of Christology and eschatology.

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33

Selvatici, Monica. "Constructing Christian identity in 'Luke-Acts': the purpose of Pharisees in Lukan theology." Romanitas - Revista de Estudos Grecolatinos, no. 10 (February 18, 2018): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/rom.v0i10.18983.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the references made by the author of the third gospel and the book of Acts (so-called Luke) to members of the Christian communities in the 1st century CE who defended that Christians had to fully observe Torah laws and who especially defended circumcision for Gentile Christians. Luke refers to them as ‘Pharisees’ in Acts 15, 5. Indirect allusions to these Christian Pharisees are ubiquitous in Luke’s work, showing that this issue was very important within his theology. When writing Luke-Acts, Luke was confronted with the sense of orphanhood of the Gentile Christian movement after the Apostle Paul’s death. Careful analysis of his books reveals more clearly the evangelist’s intent to convince his readers that the Gentile Christian movement is heir of the eschatological blessings promised to Judaism.

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34

Regev, Eyal. "The Sadducees, the Pharisees, and the Sacred: Meaning and Ideology in the Halakhic Controversies between the Sadducees and Pharisees." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 9, no. 1-2 (2006): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007006777571541.

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35

Pavlenko, Pavlo Yuriyovych. "The Essay-Qumran Origin of Christianity: Pros and Cons." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 45 (March 7, 2008): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.45.1898.

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Essayism or essayism is one of the largest and most authoritative currents of pre-Christian Judaism. According to the texts of Flavius, the essays, after the Pharisees and Sadducees, were the third "philosophical school" or "sect" within Judaism at that time.73 to say something like a secret order. And what characterized the essays in general was their remoteness from the people, their conscious secrecy, the system of rigid admission to membership, and strict religious discipline. And while in the religious literature the search for the origins of Christianity in the environment of the Pharisees, not to mention the Sadducees, is unpopular, then the Essenic version of the origin of the religion of Christ is quite common. The first who tended to such a point of view were the English deists and French encyclopedists (late XVII - XVIII centuries). Later, this version was supported by German rationalists, especially Wachter and Steidlin.

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36

Neusner, Jacob. "Mr. Sanders' Pharisees and Mine A Response to E. P. Sanders, Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah." Scottish Journal of Theology 44, no. 1 (February 1991): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600025242.

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Despite the risible misnomer of his book of miscellaneous essays, which, claiming to speak of ‘Jewish law to the Mishnah,’ discuss mere anecdotes and episodes in Jewish law in the first century with special reference to the Gospels, Professor Edward P. Sanders’ current account of his views should not be dismissed as the merely random thoughts of one who wanders beyond the boundaries of his field of first-hand knowledge. Holding Sanders to his claim that he knows something about what he calls ‘Jewish law,’ let us take seriously his conception of the Pharisees of the first century. Since, intending to persuade colleagues that his picture of, and apologia for, the Pharisees, not mine, accurately portray how things really were in the first century, Sanders devotes two of his five chapters to that subject, we turn forthwith to the contrasting results contained in his current book.

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37

Okure, Teresa. ""The Ministry of Reconciliation" (2 Cor 5:14–21): Paul's Key to the Problem of "the Other" in Corinth." Mission Studies 23, no. 1 (2006): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338306777890411.

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AbstractLocating the theme of reconciliation in the complex world of diversity, this article affirms and revisits reconciliation as a theological key to deal with the complex reality of our world. Recognizing the possibility of deep diversity of the first century Corinth, the author states that Paul's main purpose in writing to the Corinthians was to help them relate with "the other" within the Christian community and with him. The author then went on to draw what can be learned from Paul's plea to reconcile with God and with each other in 2 Corinthians 5:14–21. In his ministry of reconciliation, the former Pharisee of Pharisees crossed new boundaries as evident, for instance, in his affirmation of women as his co-ministers. Secondly, Paul tried to persuade others to join him in reflecting the meaning of their call to be ministers of reconciliation in concrete situations. Did Paul succeed in his ministry of reconciliation? It is clear from his letters that he was not successful. We will also encounter obstacles and difficulties, but we must hold on to God's reconciling ministry given to us as a gift, plead the author.

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38

Freyne, Seán. "Book Review: Pharisees, Scribes, Sadducees in Palestinian Society." Theology 94, no. 757 (January 1991): 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9109400121.

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39

Bird, Michael. "The Case of the Proselytizing Pharisees?—Matthew 23.15." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 2, no. 2 (2004): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147686900400200202.

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AbstractThis essay examines Matthew 23.15 in the context of the debate concerning pre-Christian Jewish proselytizing activity amongst Gentiles. The study assesses the historical authenticity of the logion and examines the various positions for understanding its meaning. It then attempts to argue that Matthew 23.15 is an authentic saying of Jesus aimed at censuring a Pharisaic group for endeavouring to recruit Gentile adherents (God-fearers) to the cause of Jewish resistance against Rome. It concludes that the logion does not constitute evidence for the existence of a Jewish proselytizing mission.

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40

LIEU, J. M. "EPIPHANIUSON THE SCRIBES AND PHARISEES (Pan. 15.1–16.4)." Journal of Theological Studies 39, no. 2 (1988): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/39.2.509.

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41

Long, D. Stephen. "Being Good Pharisees: The Joy of Inauthentic Community." Christian Higher Education 17, no. 5 (October 20, 2018): 290–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363759.2018.1500809.

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42

Young, Brad H. "‘Save the Adulteress!’ Ancient JewishResponsain the Gospels?" New Testament Studies 41, no. 1 (January 1995): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022943.

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The gospel story of the Woman Caught in Adultery (John 7.53–8.11), has captured the hearts of many listeners because it stirs up strong feelings of compassion for a human being in a vulnerable situation, even someone who has betrayed his or her marriage vow and committed a serious wrong. The love, acceptance and forgiveness of Jesus as well as his profound wisdom as a respected teacher come out of the narrated scene. Jesus answers a question that solves a very severe problem. These elements of the dramatic episode from the life of Jesus are clear. The Jewish people in the story, however, are viewed as antagonists. The Pharisees threaten the woman's life and seek to accuse Jesus. Silhouetted against the passion, this accusation might even be viewed by some readers as a charge to bring about the death of Jesus. Is this the only possible interpretation of the Pharisees' role in the gospel story?

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De Boer, Martinus C. "Expulsion from the Synagogue: J. L. Martyn's History and Theology in the Fourth Gospel Revisited." New Testament Studies 66, no. 3 (June 5, 2020): 367–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688519000535.

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In History and Theology in the Fourth Gospel, Martyn argued that John 9.22 concerns the formal expulsion from the synagogue of Jews who were confessing Jesus as the Messiah of Jewish expectation. Johannine scholars following Martyn have often claimed that a ‘high’ Christology must have provided the catalyst for this trauma, not the ‘low’ Christology posited by Martyn. For Martyn, however, a ‘high’ Christology was a subsequent development, leading to a second trauma, that of execution for blasphemously claiming that Jesus was somehow equal to God. Accepting Martyn's argument on 9.22 with respect to this issue, and leaving aside the debate about the relevance of the Birkat ha-Minim, this article seeks to determine why local synagogue authorities, evidently represented in John's narrative by the Pharisees, would have found the acceptance of Jesus as Messiah so offensive that they formulated a decree to expel fellow Jews espousing this new messianic faith. Analysis of John 5, 7 and 9 demonstrates that the Pharisees in the Johannine setting found this confession offensive because they regarded the behaviour of Johannine disciples on the Sabbath as thoroughly inconsistent with their own understanding of the Sabbath commandment and as significantly hindering their desire to play an authoritative role in determining what counted as acceptable behaviour on the Sabbath and what did not. In short, the specific catalyst for expelling Jews confessing Jesus as Messiah from the synagogue was their Sabbath observance, which the Pharisees in the Johannine setting came to regard as an unacceptable deviation from their own developing views on the matter in the period after 70 ce.

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Simanjuntak, Fredy, Eko Prasetyo, and Rita Evimalinda. "Praksis Yesus Menafsir Ulang Torah." DIEGESIS: Jurnal Teologi Kharismatika 2, no. 2 (December 20, 2019): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53547/diegesis.v2i2.52.

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The Practical Jesus Interpreted the ToraThe central position of the Torah in the Gospels needs to be understood from the way Jesus taught the Torah and the results for establishing the purpose of the Torah. Starting from the response of the scribes or Pharisees interpreted the existence of contradictions in Jesus' ministry regarding the violation of the Torah. Without knowing the context, we cannot know the current debate between Jesus and the scribes and Pharisees. This paper aims to analyze and describe Jesus' actions not as violations but rather than reinterpreting the true Torah.AbstrakPosisi sentral Torah dalam Injil perlu dipahami dari cara Yesus mengajarkan Taurat dan hasil untuk menetapkan maksud Taurat. Bertolak dari tanggapan para ahli taurat atau orang farisi memaknai adanya kontradiksi dalam pelayanan Yesus mengenai pelanggaran Torah. Tanpa mengetahui konteksnya, kita tidak bisa mengetahui perdebatan yang terjadi pada saat itu antara Yesus dengan para ahli taurat dan orang farisi. Tulisan ini Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan menggambarkan aksi Yesus bukan sebagai pelanggaran tetapi lebih dari kepada menafsir ulang Torah secara utuh.

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Gi moon Jung. "The Debate on the Law between Pharisees and Jesus." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 29 (December 2011): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2011..29.125.

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Grabbe, Lester L. "Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees: A Composition-Critical Study." Journal of Jewish Studies 45, no. 1 (April 1, 1994): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1747/jjs-1994.

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Goodman, Martin. "A Note on Josephus, the Pharisees and Ancestral Tradition." Journal of Jewish Studies 50, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2163/jjs-1999.

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Collins, N. L., and Steve Mason. "Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees. A Composition-Critical Study." Novum Testamentum 34, no. 3 (July 1992): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1561302.

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HENGEL, MARTIN, and ROLAND DEINES. "E. P. SANDERS' ‘COMMON JUDAISM’, JESUS, AND THE PHARISEES." Journal of Theological Studies 46, no. 1 (1995): 1–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/46.1.1.

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Clay Javier Boggs. "“The Jews” and “the Pharisees” in Early Quaker Polemic." Quaker History 97, no. 2 (2008): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/qkh.0.0009.

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