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1

Kennedy, Rebecca Futo. "A Tale of Two Kings: Competing Aspects of Power in Aeschylus' Persians." Ramus 42, no. 1-2 (2013): 64–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000072.

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The frequent assumption that they [the Persians] were as greatly concerned on these levels [historically, culturally, strategically] with Greece [as they were with the east] is a misconception which stems from our own western view of the world and from the unfortunate fact that Greece has given us our main literary sources of information on the Achaemenids. It was the Greeks who were fascinated by Persia, by Persian mores, and, yes, by Persian court art and luxury goods—not the reverse. If only the Persians had spawned the likes of Aeschylus and Herodotus, our perceptions of their preoccupations would be quite different.Athenians were indeed fascinated by Persia as their art and literature attest. The fascination was both cultural and political, but not without tensions. Part of that fascination manifested itself in the allure of Persian kings and what they represented. The kings ruled over a vast empire, larger than any the Mediterranean world had yet seen. They sought in their iconography and building programmes to exert a particular identity for themselves and the Achaemenid dynasty. Although the Athenians were not imperialists of the type we see in Persia, Rome or the figure of Alexander, they did build for themselves a small, Hellenic empire (archē) and they adopted a number of Persian mechanisms of power and some aspects of Achaemenid iconography for representing their power. Aeschylus' Persians, produced in 472 BCE, helps us understand the Athenians' developing archē, specifically how the representations of the two Persian Kings in the play helped the Athenians differentiate and define their power vis-à-vis the Great Persian Menace and, more importantly, the rest of the Greeks. By understanding better the engagement by the Athenians with Persian culture, we can better understand how the Athenians conceptualised their own power and position in the Aegean in the early 5th century BCE.
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2

Gorshkov, Andrey. "Persian theme in Plutarch’s works based on the episode from the treatise “On Isis and Osiris”." Litera, no. 8 (August 2021): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2021.8.36326.

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The object of this research is the cultural ties between Greeks and Persians, while the subject is the image of Persia and Persian in Plutarch's treatise “On Isis and Osiris”. The author carefully examines such aspects of the topic as the problem of barbarism, Zoroastrianism as the foundation of Persian worldview, Persians from the perspective of Plutarch, description of Persian religious rites and traditions. Special attention is turned to the problems of borrowing Persian words into the Ancient Greek language (Avestan lexemes are being modified in the Ancient Persian language, and then adapted in the Ancient Greek language). It is noted that Greek language has been influenced by the barbarian languages due to deepening ties of the Greeks with other peoples. The conclusion is made that Plutarch was sincerely fascinated with Persians and certain aspects of their worldview; he compares the sayings of the Greek philosophers and poets with Persian ontology — contrary to the stereotypical perception of the Persians as barbarians, standing below the Greeks in their development. The author’s special contribution consists in juxtaposition of the Zoroastrian doctrinal provisions with the rites and practices of the Persians described by Plutarch. The novelty of this research consists in the advanced hypothesis that explains the rich spirit in the lexeme Ὡρομάζης. The relevance this work lies in examination of interaction between the Greek and Persian worlds, which has not received due attention in the Russian philological science.
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Paraskiewicz, Kinga. "O perskim oku i o tym, co naprawdę jest perskie w polskich konstrukcjach frazeologicznych." Język Polski 101, no. 1 (May 2021): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31286/jp.101.1.5.

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The subject of the article are certain idiomatic expressions constructed with the adjective perski (‘Persian’) in Polish: perskie oko (‘Persian eye’), perski dywan (‘Persian carpet’), perski proszek (‘Persian powder’) etc. Moreover, the author attempts to answer the question: What do we have that is really Persian in Polish? Are these phrases really related to Persia or Persians, or are they just a word game (homophones)? So far the origin of the most popular one, i.e. perskie oko (‘Persian eye’) has not been established even though a lively discussion on this subject was held on the pages of the Język Polski 90 years ago. It was started by Stanisław Szober who in his book Życie wyrazów, explained the origin of the phrase perskie oko for the first time, indicating that it is a semantic borrowing from French, and its basis is l’œil perçant ‘piercing eye’. In response, Józef Birkenmajer claimed this popular phrase comes from Krakow, relating it – quite incredibly – to a Persian man on the label of the popular Zacherlin insecticide powder called perski proszek (‘Persian powder’). It turns out that the source of this expression was a French anecdote by Alphonse Karr from the late nineteenth century based precisely on the word game.
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4

Dahmardeh, Mahdi, and Amir Nemati Limaee. "Foreign Languages: A Gate from the Past to the Present." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 63 (November 2015): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.63.48.

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Persia has got an ancient, very rich history and civilisation. This has resulted into widespread relations between Persians and other nations along history. As a result, besides the Persian language which has been used to communicate by different people settled in this territory, befitting a time and era, a variety of foreign languages have become popular. By the means of historical research, this article aims to discuss foreign languages in Persia and their changes in different eras, from the past to the present. Having considered historical documents and existing knowledge, it has been realised that the number of languages that used to be spoken during the Persian history as well as their diversity is very impressive.
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5

Dmitriev, Vladimir. "John Chrysostom on the Roman-Persian Wars." Metamorphoses of history, no. 27 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s230861810024061-7.

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The writings of St. John Chrysostom include numerous information about Persia and the Persians. Some of them relate to military history and reflect the military and military-political realities of Roman-Persian relations in the John Chrysostom’s period. The main part of the information reported by John Chrysostom about the Roman-Persian wars is connected with the Persian expedition of the emperor Julian the Apostate in 363 AD. The Saint explains the unsuccessful outcome of the campaign of 363 for the Romans by the fact that Julian organized anti-Christian persecutions. So, the death of Julian during the campaign is interpreted by John Chrysostom as a Divine punishment. The saint leaves the question of the death of the emperor open, not leaning towards any of the versions that circulated at that time. The description by John Chrysostom of the invasion of the Roman army into Persia in many details coincides with the information of our main source - the “Res Gestae” by Ammianus Marcellinus, who was not only a contemporary of the saint, but also the participant of the events of 363 AD. This indicates a high degree of reliability of the information reported by John Chrysostom. At the same time, the saint demonstrates an ambivalent attitude towards the Persians, considering them, on the one hand, barbarians and opponents of Rome, and, on the other hand, a people demonstrating high moral qualities (in particular, humanity towards the Romans). In addition, John Chrysostom reports some information about the activities of the Persian military intelligence.
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6

Zhang, Zhiqian. "To What Extent Did the Rule of Cambyses II and Darius I Influence Egyptian Society?" Communications in Humanities Research 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 348–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/4/20220559.

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From 525-332 BC, Egypt was conquered and ruled by the Persian empire. Throughout this period, the first two emperors: Cambyses II and Darius I both played an important role in establishing Persian rule over Egypt. As a traditional society, the collision between the Egyptian ideology and the presence of the Persian empire influenced the administrative, cultural-political, and social structure of Egypt. This paper aims to discuss the influence of Cambyses II and Darius I on Egyptian society. As a result, these two Persian rulers mostly influenced the upper group of Egyptian society in order to integrate Egypt into Persia while exerting very few changes to the basic social order of Egypt. The disruption of Egyptian tradition includes establishing the province administration, cultural-political influence through introducing Persian-Egyptian imagery and corporation with the local elites. Although the presence of Persians caused changes in the legal and infrastructural system as well as some secondary effects on the Egyptian ethnicity belief, the Egyptian society mostly remained untouched and able to assimilate just some of the influences.
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7

Kulakov, Vladimir. "Russian-Persian Schools as an Element of Imperial Russia’s Soft Power Policy in Northern Persia: Late Nineteenth – Early Twentieth Centuries." Oriental Studies 17, no. 1 (May 15, 2024): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2024-71-1-8-17.

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Introduction. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries witnessed an intensified Russia–UK confrontation in Persia, which was paralleled by penetrations of other great powers (France, Germany, USA) into the Near and Middle East. Under those conditions, Russia’s traditional economic methods of influence in Persia became insufficient. Goals. The study seeks to examine the phenomenon of Russian educational institutions in Northern Persia as another way of pursuing own national political goals in the designated country. The work aims at confirming — with evidence from archival documents — the activities of Russian-Persian schools during the specified period were to shape a positive image of Russia in Persian society. Materials and methods. The most important sources characterizing the process of opening Russian-Persian schools in Northern Persia (their goals and objectives, training agenda, certain results) are documents of both central authorities and diplomatic, economic and military institutions of the Russian Empire to Persia discovered at the Russian State Historical Archive. Analytical and generalization methods — with comparative into historiographic and archival materials — have proved most instrumental therein. Results. The article identifies some prerequisites for the emergence of Russian-Persian schools in Northern Persia, determines the validity of their activities in this particular region of the country, clearly outlines the context of Russia’s competition with other governments in this matter to conclude as follows: the Russian government was perfectly aware of the need to open such schools that would disseminate the Russian language and Russia-related ideas among Persia’s population; graduates of those educational institutions would serve an important element in pursuing Russia’s interests both in trade, economy, and politics; despite various difficulties — primarily financial ones — the schools were popular enough among ethnic Persians both in Tehran and in other cities of Northern Persia.
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8

Herman, Geoffrey. "Ahasuerus, the former Stable-Master of Belshazzar, and the Wicked Alexander of Macedon: Two Parallels between the Babylonian Talmud and Persian Sources." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000140.

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Throughout the Talmudic era, the Jewish community of Babylonia lived under Persian rule while Zoroastrianism, serving as a state religion, was enjoying something of a renaissance. In Babylonia, known in the later geographical literature as the Persian heartland, Jews lived alongside Persians. Babylonian Jews had also already experienced Persian rule for centuries prior to the Talmudic era under the Achaemenids, and later under the persianized Arsacid dynasty. This alone should have sufficed to lure a number of scholars into exploring various cross-cultural contacts between the two neighboring religious communities during this period. Until recently, however, scholarship has not been greatly drawn to this field, despite an exhaustive focus, of venerable antiquity, on the relationship between Israel and Persia in the biblical and Second Temple periods, including the Qumran library.
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9

Koparal, Elif. "Janett Morgan. Greek perspectives on the Achaemenid Empire: Persia through the looking glass." Journal of Greek Archaeology 1 (January 1, 2016): 446–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v1i.667.

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Janette Morgan’s ‘Greek Perspectives on the Achaemenid Empire: Persia through the Looking Glass’ is the last book published as part of the series of Edinburgh Studies in Ancient Persia. Almost twenty years after Margaret C. Miller’s ‘Athenians and Persians in the Fifth century BC: A Study in Cultural Receptivity’ was published, one is still in awe of the way that Miller contributed to the debate on cultural receptivity within the context of Greek and Persian engagement.
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10

Fallahi, Esmaeil, Pontia Fallahi, and Shahla Mahdavi. "Ancient Urban Gardens of Persia: Concept, History, and Influence on Other World Gardens." HortTechnology 30, no. 1 (February 2020): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech04415-19.

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The history of Persian gardens goes back to a few millennia before the emergence of Islam in Iran (Persia). Designs of Persian gardens have influenced and are used extensively in the gardens of Al-Andalus in Spain, Humayun’s Tomb and the Taj Mahal in India, and many gardens in the United States and other countries around the globe. Bagh in the Persian language (Farsi) means garden and the word Baghdad (the capital city of Iraq) is rooted from the words bagh and daad (meaning “the garden of justice”). Pasargadae, the ancient Persian capital city, is the earliest example of Persian garden design known in human civilization as chahar bagh or 4-fold garden design. Bagh-e-Eram, or Garden of Eden or Eram Garden, is one the most attractive Persian gardens and is located in Shiraz, Iran. There are numerous other urban ancient gardens in Iran, including Bagh-e-Shahzadeh (Shazdeh), meaning “The Prince’s Garden” in Mahan, Golestan National Park near the Caspian Sea; Bagh-e-Fin in Kashan; Bagh-e-El-Goli in Tabriz; and Bagh-e-Golshan in Tabas. The design of each Persian garden is influenced by climate, art, beliefs, poetry, literature, and romance of the country and the region where the garden is located. In addition, each garden may have a gene bank of fruits, flowers, herbs, and vegetables. Although countless gardens were destroyed in the hands of invaders throughout the centuries, Persians have attempted either to rebuild or build new gardens generation after generation, each of which has become a favorite destination to tourists from around the world.
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11

Farazmand, Ali. "Administrative Legacies of the Persian World-State Empire: Implications for Modern Public Administration, Part 1." Public Administration Quarterly 26, no. 3 (September 2002): 280–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073491490202600302.

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Knowledge about governance and administration is cumulative with strong roots in ancient civilizations. Many of these roots have firm grounding in the ancient Persian Empire whose theory and practice of governance and administration have made immense contributions to world civilizations, their governments, and public administration. By conquering virtually the entire known world of antiquity in a single generation, the Persians changed the world's political and administrative history forever. Their legacies are both widespread and profound. This article discusses some of these legacies whose impacts and implications transcended faraway cultures and administrative systems and are preserved in various forms in the modern systems of public administration and governance around the world. Although the pre-Persian, six thousand years of administrative history of Iran is briefly touched as a background, the main focus of this article is on the Achae-menid World-State Empire (559-330 B.C.). By addressing the theory and practice of public administration and governance of the Persian Empire, the article outlines a number of implications for modern public administration. The article does not address the mighty Persian and Sasanian empires of Persia which, along with Rome, divided and ruled the ancient world for the next millennium.
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12

Dmitriev, Vladimir. "St. John Chrysostom About the Religious Life of Sasanian Iran." Metamorphoses of history, no. 30 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s230861810025421-3.

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The writings of John Chrysostom contain information about the religious life of Persian society. Along with information about the official religion of Sasanian Iran (Zoroastrianism) the John Chrysostom’s writings provide information indicating the gradual spread of Christianity in Persian Empire. The information about Zoroastrianism reported by John Chrysostom concerns mainly two aspects: (1) the cult of Fire and (2) the priestly estate. The most notable feature of this part of data is the anachronistic identification of the inhabitants of Ancient Babylon as Persians and the resulting definition of the Babylonians as fire worshipers. This can be explained by the fact that in the Late Antiquity non-Roman Asia was associated just with Persia, and all the inhabitants of the territories located east of the Euphrates were perceived as the Persians, no matter what historical era was discussed. John Chrysostom also notes the tendency of Zoroastrian priests (magoi) to perform their rituals in a state of religious ecstasy. John Chrysostom’s references to the spread of Christianity in Sasanian Iran are more numerous. He reports (1) on the widespread preaching of the Christian faith in Persia, (2) on anti-Christian persecution by the Persians, (3) on the appearance of numerous martyrs in Iran and (4) on the erection of Christian churches there. All this information is confirmed both in Western (i.e. Classical) and in Eastern (i.e. Persian and Syrian) literary sources as well as archaeological excavations. An analysis of the information reported by John Chrysostom shows that he adhered to the usual for Late Antiquity paradigm of perception of the Oriental world. In addition, it should be noted the reliability of the John Chrysostom’s information about the religious life of Sasanian Iran, which testifies to the reliability of the writings of John Chrysostom as a historical source.
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MacDonald, David. "Overstruck sigloi of Azbaal and Baalmelek II of Kition." KOINON: The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies 3 (January 1, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/k.v3i.1127.

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After the Persian conquest of the Babylonian Kingdom in 539 BC, the Phoenicians submitted readily to the Persians. The Persian Empire united the Near East and provided relatively stable, equitable, and tolerant government, all good for commerce, and the importance of Phoenician naval power to the Persians guaranteed that the Phoenician cities enjoyed a favored position within the Persian Empire. Such considerations far outweighed the dubious and dangerous attractions of political independence.
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Foroughi, E., R. Misajon, and R. A. Cummins. "The Relationships Between Migration, Social Support, and Social Integration on Quality of Life." Behaviour Change 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 156–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/bech.18.3.156.

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AbstractPast research indicates that humans have a remarkable ability to maintain normal levels of subjective wellbeing despite adverse objective circumstances. This suggests that such wellbeing may be held under homeostatic control. This paper investigates some of the potential factors that may contribute to this homeostatic mechanism, in response to the major life event of migration. Three groups were examined: Persian immigrants to Australia (Persian-Australians), non-Persian Australians, and Persians residing in Iran. A total of 330 subjects were recruited. A notable finding was that all three groups did not differ in regard to subjective wellbeing, despite the Persian-Australians being a minority ethnic group in Australia, and the Persians having significantly lower objective life quality. The Persian-Australians who migrated at an older age reported lower subjective quality of life, while the number of years of residence in Australia did not appear to be related to the extent of social integration. Subjective life quality was, however, related to subjective social support for the Australian and Persian samples, and to reciprocality of support for the Persian-Australians.
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Farhad Ahmad and Dr.Gohar Noshahi. "Ahmed Shamlo: Introductory Study." Dareecha-e-Tahqeeq 2, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.58760/dareechaetahqeeq.v2i1.12.

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Persian literature is very rich literature of the world. Persian poets introduced a special identification in the world. Ahmed Shamlo one of the v renowned poet in persia. He bears a significant position in modern Persian poets. He is especially known due to his restive writing style in Persian poetry . This is an initial and interdictory essay pertaining to Ahmed Shamlo
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Haliwungan, Azhar Ilham, and Mathias Revando. "Perubahan Fonologis dalam Kasus Arabisasi Lafaz-lafaz Persia pada Syair “Alamma Khayalun min Qutaylah” Karya Al-A’sya / Phonological Change in the Case of Arabization of Persian Words in the Poem “Alamma Khayalun min Qutaylah” by Al-A'sha." Loghat Arabi : Jurnal Bahasa Arab dan Pendidikan Bahasa Arab 5, no. 1 (June 20, 2024): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.36915/la.v5i1.239.

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The Arabization of Persian phrases is found in Al-A'sha's poem entitled “Alamma Khayalun min Qutaylah”. This is because Al-A'sha was a delegate who had a strong relationship with Persian kings. This study aims to analyze the phonological changes in the case of the arabization of Persian words in the poem. This type of research is qualitative research, while the data sources are the book of Diwan Al-A'sha Al-Kabir and the Arabic-Persian dictionary as data sources. Data collection is done by library research technique. The literature review was conducted by looking for changes in the words in several dictionaries. With such data collection, it can be found the original Persian word before the arabization process occurred. In this study, the phonological approach is applied in content analysis by categorizing the phonological changes into several parts. The analysis of phonological changes is carried out using the school of ancient linguists, especially the school of Sibawaih. Based on the analysis, it can be found that there are four phonological changes, namely the replacement of consonants with consonants as in the word مِسك which is the result of the arabization of the Persian word مُشك, the replacement of vowels with vowels as in the word سَوسن which is the result of the arabization of the Persian word سُوسن, the addition of letters or the like as in the word جُلَّسان which is the result of the arabization of the Persian word جُلْشن, and the removal of letters as in the word مرزجوش which is the result of the arabization of the Persian word مرزنكوش.Abstrak: Arabisasi lafaz-lafaz Persia banyak ditemukan pada syair Al-A’sya yang berjudul “Alamma Khayalun min Qutaylah”. Hal ini karena Al-A’sya merupakan delegasi yang memilki hubungan kuat dengan raja-raja Persia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis perubahan fonologis dalam kasus arabisasi lafaz-lafaz Persia pada syair tersebut. Jenis Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif, adapun sumber datanya adalah kitab Diwan Al-A’sya Al-Kabir dan kamus Arab-Persia sebagai sumber data. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik kajian pustaka. Tinjauan pustaka dilakukan dengan mencari perubahan lafaz-lafaz tersebut dalam beberapa kamus. Dengan pengumpulan data yang demikian, dapat ditemukan lafaz Persia asli sebelum proses arabisasi terjadi. Dalam penelitian ini pendekatan fonologi diterapkan dalam analisis isi dengan mengkategorikan perubahan-perubahan fonologis menjadi beberapa bagian. Analisis perubahan fonologis dilakukan dengan menggunakan mazhab ahli bahasa zaman dulu khususnya mazhab Sibawaih. Berdasarkan analisis tersebut dapat ditemukan bahwa ada empat perubahan fonologis, yaitu penggantian konsonan dengan konsonan seperti pada kata مِسك yang merupakan hasil arabisasi kata Persia مُشك, penggantian vokal dengan vokal seperti pada kata سَوسن yang merupakan hasil arabisasi kata persia سُوسن, penambahan huruf atau sejenisnya seperti pada kata جُلَّسان yang merupakan hasil arabisasi kata Persia جُلْشن, dan penghilangan huruf seperti pada kata مرزجوش yang merupakan hasil arabisasi kata Persia مرزنكوش.
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Kurth, Amélie. "Can we understand how the Persians perceived ‘other’ gods / ‘the gods of others’?" Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 15, no. 1 (March 2014): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2013-0011.

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Abstract The article considers the question of how the Persians may have understood and interacted with the gods of the peoples making up their empire. It begins with a clarification of Persian religion in the Achaemenid period, moves on to consider the authority’s relations with local cults, the dedications by individual Persians to local deities and, finally, the behaviour of Persians entering the power sphere of non-Persian deities.
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Janzen, David. "A Colonized People." biblical interpretation 24, no. 1 (January 12, 2016): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-00241p03.

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The article draws on Achaemenid royal inscriptions in a postcolonial investigation of Ezra-Nehemiah’s portrayal of the community of immigrants from Babylon. The book presents the community’s identity as a hybrid of the way imperial hegemony portrays the colonized who live in the Persian Empire and of aspects of the community’s own Judean heritage that is strongly influenced by Yahwism. In Ezra 1–6, the community is portrayed as a group of colonists sent from the imperial center by the king, but, in these chapters, loyalty to the king amounts to loyalty to Yhwh, since it is the community’s God who commands the Persian king to act. In Ezra 7-Nehemiah 13, however, this loyal group of colonizers becomes a colonized people disloyal to their God and king. These chapters present the community as a group who has ceased to be the loyal imperial subjects of Ezra 1–6 and who have declined to the state of their ancestors, congenitally unable to keep Yahwistic and Persian law, and thereby justifying the colonized state of the community and imperial exploitation of its resources. In this section of the narrative, the community is just what Persian hegemony defines its colonized peoples to be: They are a group of “slaves” to the Persians, and rely utterly on individuals commissioned by the Persian king and sent from the center of the empire – that is, Ezra and Nehemiah – to lead them and to keep them loyal to their God and, therefore, a loyal colonized people to Persia.
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Abdoli, Mahsima, and Kamran Mahlooji. "Paradise of Wisdom." Acta medico-historica Adriatica 20, no. 2 (2022): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31952/amha.20.2.4.

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Antique traditional medical theories created by old medical doctrines and their historical background have been significantly mentioned today by medical historian scholars. Persia and India had many interactions in different perspectives, such as knowledge, religion, and traditions. One of the most considerable aspects of the relationship between Indians and Persians is the transmission of basic theories of their medical doctrines. As it is reported in many historical texts from the first ages of the Islamic era in Iran, a large number of medical texts were gathered from contiguous civilizations in Iran by order of the Abbasid Caliph. They were then translated into Arabic, Syriac, and Persian. So, Persian physicians and authors used them that way. One of the earlier physicians who reflected the viewpoints of Indian medicine in his famous medical textbook entitled “Paradise of Wisdom” is Ali ibn Sahl Rabban al-Tabari (3rd century A.H./9th century A.D.). Persian physicians in the Islamic golden age (8th to 16th A.D.) played an astonishing role in the development of medical knowledge in several aspects through physician innovations and expression and evaluation of different ideas about medicine. In this regard, some of the Indian medical theories were expressed by a famous Persian physician, Ali ibn Sahl Rabban al-Tabari. Ali ibn Sahl Rabban al-Tabari was a Persian physician of the 3rd century A.H./9th century A.D. He wrote the book Firdous al-Hikmah (or Paradise of Wisdom), the first encyclopedia of Islamic medicine in Iran. The book introduces and describes the basics and therapeutic procedures adopted in Indian medicine, along with procedures of Persian and Greek medical doctrines, by discussing the basic medical theories in these three doctrines. In this paper, we discuss the reflection of traditional Indian medicine as described in Firdous alHikmah and its influence on later medical texts.
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Nakhaei, Mohammad. "ON THE QUESTION OF THE RUSSIAN ULTIMATUM OF 1911 AND ITS IMPACT ON THE INTERNAL POLITICAL SITUATION IN PERSIA." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations 4, no. 3 (2023): 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-4-407-422.

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In 1910, the Persian government appointed an American adviser, Morgan Schuster, head of the Treasury to reform the country’s financial system. Schuster’s actions endangered the position of some influential politicians in Persia from the very beginning and also antagonized Russia, which had significant interests in Persia. The contradictions between the American adviser and the Russian government were growing until in 1911 Russia presented an ultimatum to the Persian government, with a demand for the dismissal of Schuster. The Russian ultimatum led to a split among the former pro-constitutional forces and provided an opportunity for Shuster’s opponents to remove him and strengthen their position in the Majlis, which actively supported the American adviser. In the end, under pressure from Russia and with the support of the government and some top Persian politicians, the Persian government accepted the ultimatum, Shuster was forced to end his mission in Persia and the Majlis was dismissed by supporters of the ultimatum
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Chelidze, V. "Written Sources from Ancient Albanian-Georgian Communications (Sagdukht - Princess Rani and Queen of Kartli)." Язык и текст 7, no. 3 (2020): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2020070309.

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National-cultural and religious disappearance of the Christian countries of the Caucasus (Albania, Iberia, Armenia) from the V century was threatened by Persia. "Kartlis Tskhovreba" (History of Georgia) tells in detail about these acute and dramatic historical events. Historical writings from a later period show one feature of this region. The references to Rani (Aran) as Persia ("Mirian... called from Persia his relative, a descendant of kings, named Peroz") and the inhabitants of this country as Persians ("in Ran, wherever the Persians fought") should not be taken literally. In Georgian historical works, the terms "Persia" and" Persian " in addition to Persia and Persians also meant countries and peoples of the Near and Middle East-Arabs, Turks, and others: "Sultan Arfasaran came out, king of P e R s I I" (Leonti Mroveli, Life of kings); "P e R s I d s K I e s u l t a n s, far and near" ("Chronicle of the times of lash Giorgi", life of king Giorgi); "the Georgians entered the castle, and there was a strong battle, and p e R s s B a g d a d a were defeated" (Chronicle of the century). This situation is due to the fact that the entire territory to the East of the Caucasus for centuries belonged to and was ruled by the Persian Empire of the Achaemenid, Arshakid and Sasanian eras (much later the Arab Caliphate and then the Turkish Sultanate appeared on the historical scene). In Georgian historical texts, in particular in the chronicle "Life of the kings" by Leonti Mroveli, a logical geographical description is given about this – "Persians from the East of the sun". According to Georgian historical data, these peoples also include Albanians who lived to the East of the Georgians. One of the most notable historical events is an extensive episode of romantic love in the life of an Albanian Princess, the daughter of the ruler of Rani (Aran) Barzaboda and a thorough historical account of the dramatic state activities of the Queen of Kartli (Iberia), mother of the great Georgian king Vakhtang Gorgasal-S a g d u x t.
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22

Willi, Andreas. "Old Persian in Athens Revisited (Ar. Ach. 100)." Mnemosyne 57, no. 6 (2004): 657–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525043083514.

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AbstractThe Old Persian line in Aristophanes' Acharnians (100) is commonly believed to contain nothing but comic gibberish. Against this view, it is argued here that a responsible reconstruction of an Old Persian original is possible if one takes into account what we nowadays know about late fifth-century Old Persian. Moreover, the result, whose central element is the Persian verb for 'writing',fits in with both general considerations on linguistic realism in drama and the historical reality of diplomatic interaction between Greece and Persia during the Peloponnesian War.
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Gorbyk, Olena. "ARCHITECTURE OF ANCIENT PERSIA: SYNCRETISM OF THE ARCHETYPES OF THE OIKOUMENE." Current problems of architecture and urban planning, no. 62 (January 31, 2022): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2077-3455.2022.62.29-39.

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The architecture of ancient Persia was an important component ecumenical development of culture and architecture of the ancient editerranean. Syncretism is confirmed in the forms of the order system and the porticos of Persia and Greco-Roman ancient architecture in the courtyards of Persian palaces and Roman court exedra in the form of a cross-domed temple of Persian Zoroastrianism and Byzantine Christianity. In the Achaemenid period of the history of ancient Persia, in the 6th century. B.C. in the Persian-occupied Anatolia and the Ionian Greeks took place an important event in ancient architecture - the birth of the order and the original architectural style. There is no reason to claim that the Persian marble column is a prototype of Greek Ionic marble or vice versa: they appeared synchronously and had common features (column with a developed base, flutes, with paired symmetrical sub-beam volutes) and methods of their monumental facade use (order portico). The archetype of the columned hall in the case of the Persian apadana, in solving its internal space, has certain features in comparison with ecumenical analogues – hypostyle halls of Egypt or Roman basilicas. The space of apadana, evenly marked by rows of slender columns of a unified order, had no difference in width or height nave, had neither deep nor centripetal spatial development. During the Sassanid dynasty in the 6th century. in the border provinces, which were the scene of the struggle between Rome- Byzantium and Sassanid Persia, the formation of the cross-domed system took place – parallel in the cross-domed Zoroastrian temples and Christian Roman-Byzantine. At the Persian University in Gondishapur, where an international team of scientists gathers, in the construction (involving Roman prisoners of war) of the Persian capital Bishapur the formula of ideal (centric, axial) architecture was realized. Zoroastrian temples of the Sassanid era receive a symmetrical shape, cross composition, centricity, trinity, that is, those archetypal themes that are characteristic of the traditions of sacred architecture of the Mediterranean ecumenism, in particular ancient Rome. The shape of the Persian courtyard is a variation of the Roman biaxial cross planning composition found in the architecture of Rome in the city plans, in the courtyards-perestilya with exedra, in the layout of the imperial baths). These examples show that the experience of ancient Persian architecture is not only the original oriental style, but is a variation of the Mediterranean ecumenical stylistic development.
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Erdemi̇r, Hatice. "The Nature of Turko-Byzantine Relations in the Sixth Century Ad." Belleten 68, no. 252 (August 1, 2004): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2004.423.

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In the middle of the sixth century, a new nomad power emerged in central Asia. A federation led by Turkic groups which rapidly impinged on the Persian empire after the subjugation of the Hephtalites and had an impact on the Roman empire through the flight westwards of the Avars. As a result, both Romans and Persians were soon in diplomatic contact with the Turkish Kagan, and considerable evidence for this process is presented in the fragments of the Greek historian Menandros Protector, with useful supporting material in the historian Theophylact Simocatta and the Syriac author John of Ephesus. This diplomacy had both an economic aspect, the ability of the Turks to intervene in the silk trade, and a strategic one, since both Roman and Persian empires could view the Turks as useful allies against their traditional rival in the Near East. The Turks could attack Persia through the former territory of the Hephtalites, while they could take over Roman possesions in the Crimea.
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25

Missiou, Anna. "δOYλOσ OY BAσIσλEωδ The Politics of Translation." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 377–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039902.

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Students of the relations between Greeks and Persians in classical antiquity usually depend entirely on Greek authors, as there are no extensive narrative texts among the cuneiform inscriptions of the Achaemenid kings, our extant Oriental sources for the history of the Persian empire. Hence modern scholars have raised the question of the reliability of the Greek sources and emphasized the need to reveal the ideology and presuppositions of the Greek writers. For, if language embodies social reality, the assimilation of information is conditioned by the character of the mind, individual or collective, which comprehends the data within its own terms of reference, fits them into its own set of concepts and records them in that form. Thus, it has been argued that ‘the impression we get of the Persians in the Greek authors is in some ways a deceptive one. Too much emphasis is laid on what is pejorative’, that the labelling of Persia ‘as an Oriental Monarchy: a state and society ruled less by rational actions than by the writing and caprices of its king and court… is to be traced back directly to the Greek sources on Persian history’; and that the ‘discourse of barbarism’ which projected upon the Persians ‘the opposite of qualities admired’ in the Athenian society, ‘is ultimately to be referred to the ideology binding together democratic Athens and her empire’.
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26

Sarlati, Niloofar. "Between Polite Economy and the Gift: Nineteenth-Century British Travelers and Persian Excess." Philological Encounters 5, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-bja10001.

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Abstract Nineteenth-century travelogues by British travelers to Persia commonly include warnings against “excessive” Persian politeness, casting it as flattery or deceit. While this pejorative representation of Persian cordiality is a token of British Orientalism, it also highlights the incompatible measures for pleasantries in Persia and Britain. This essay traces the competing economies of social courtesy in these two contexts: a desire for utmost calculability in the British market entailed a new conception of politeness, one more moderate and commercial; by contrast, Persian politeness operated through gift-giving and “extravagant” greetings and complimenting. While the former hinges on a “modern” conception of commerce, the latter pivots around the bargain entailed in gift-giving. (Mis)recognition and (mis)translation of Persian “excess” as the hypocrisy of the ancien régime in the travelogues, however, signpost a teleological fabrication of the past which urges a global circulation of the British notion of polite character.
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Jabbari, Alexander. "From Persianate Cosmopolis to Persianate Modernity: Translating from Urdu to Persian in Twentieth-Century Iran and Afghanistan." Iranian Studies 55, no. 3 (July 2022): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.21.

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AbstractThis article examines twentieth-century Persian translations of Urdu-language works about Persian literature, focusing on two different Persian translations of an influential Urdu-language work on Persian literary history, Shiʿr al-ʿAjam (Poetry of the Persians), by Shibli Nuʿmani. The article offers a close, comparative reading of the Afghan and Iranian translations of Shiʿr al-ʿAjam in order to understand why two Persian translations of this voluminous text were published within such a short time period. These translations reveal how Indians, Afghans, and Iranians were invested in the same Persianate heritage, yet the emergence of a “Persianate modernity” undergirded by a cultural logic of nationalism rather than cosmopolitanism, along with Iran’s and Afghanistan’s differing relationships to India and Urdu, produced distinct approaches to translation.
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Babaie, Sussan. "Visual Vestiges of Travel: Persian Windows on European Weaknesses." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 2 (2009): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138537809x12498721974589.

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AbstractThe increased presence of Europeans in Safavid Persia and especially in the capital city of Isfahan during the seventeenth century would imply the production of a kaleidoscope of observations of the foreigners. The scarcity of written Persian views on their European guests in contrast to the abundance of European chronicles about Safavid society has further fueled the expectation of 'oriental' apathy in modern historiography. In contrast to the discursive sources, Persian pictorial evidence of the European presence in Persia is surprisingly rich. This article focuses on a genre of Persian painting in which figural subject matter alludes to a sexual peculiarity of Europeans as observed by the people of Isfahan. The social agency of such pictures and their efficacy as historical sources allow us to tease out the different ways Safavid urban society observed the Europeans and lodged a cultural critique on aspects of their sexual behavior even before the emergence of Persian polemics on the Christian practice of celibacy.
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Daneshgar, Majid, and Sajjad Rizvi. "Inscribing Persian in the Arabic Cosmopolis." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 7, no. 1 (May 7, 2022): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v7i1.461.

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Scholarly discourse on the Persianate tends to focus on the influence of Persian in Iran and further east, and often occludes the way in which the Persian language is inflected and present in the Arabic cosmopolis further west. Similarly, the formation of ‘Islamic classics’ and scholarly genres including exegesis tends to ignore the role of Persian works (and texts produced in a Persianate context). Through a case study of Qur’ānic exegesis in Persian and its reception west of Iran, we demonstrate how Persian is inscribed into the Arabic cosmopolis such that the development of post-classical exegesis should place these works alongside the major Arabic classics of al-Ṭabarī, al-Thaʿlabī and al-Basīṭ; in effect, we contend the study of Qur’ānic exegesis cannot ignore the study of Persian exegesis. Through examining rare manuscripts, we show how scholars read, copied and promoted Persian tafsir in Arabophone contexts. Not only does this study follow up on and test some earlier scholarly works dealing with the circulation of Persian translations of the Qur’ān and its commentaries as well as the scholarly impact of the Persians further west, it indicates the contribution of Persian exegesis to a normative understanding of the Islamic exegetical traditions at the heart of the madrasa.
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Rung, Eduard. "“Achaemenid Peace”: A Historiographical Construct and Achaemenid Imperial Ideology." ISTORIYA 14, no. 2 (124) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840024495-3.

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The article deals with the historiographical construct of the “Achaemenid Peace”, referred to by modern researchers as Pax Achaemenica (alternative designation — Pax Achaemenidica) and Pax Persica (alternative designation — Pax Persiana) by analogy with Pax Romana and Pax Augusta. Through consideration of research concepts, it is concluded that there is something in common between the concepts of Pax Achaemenica and Pax Persica, this is the idea that the Persian Empire was based on the cooperation of the Persians with the conquered peoples, however, the discrepancy between the researchers raises the question of whether how the Persians themselves saw relations with other peoples, and also what impact the Persian conquest had on the vision of the conquered peoples of their relationship with the Persians as conquerors. The article also examines the Achaemenid ideology of world domination based on their perception of the “imperial political space” under Cyrus the Great and Darius I. The final parts of the article are devoted to the study of the concept of “peace” in the Achaemenid ideology. Attention is drawn to the fact that Cyrus the Great followed the perception of the Peace in Mesopotamia, according to which the Peace was established by the conquerors after their military victories. However, already Darius I perceived Peace as a consequence of maintaining political stability in the Achaemenid Empire as part of his idea of establishing happiness and prosperity for all his numerous subjects.
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Mekhamadiev, Evgeniy. "Persians-Khurramites in the Byzantine Military Service During 833–839/840: Military Rank and Functions of Persian Military Units." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.16.

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Introduction. The scope of this paper is 1) to consider the forms of military service of the Persians within the Byzantine army during the first half of the 9th c., 2) to arrange the chronological order of events related to the involvement of the Persians in Byzantine military service as precisely as possible. The author means the Persians called Khurramites who were representatives of the anti-Islamic and anti-Arabic national movement at the north-west of Iran (territories of modern provinces of East Azerbaijan and Khamadan in the Republic of Iran). Methods. The author considers the single events (Byzantine military campaigns, in which the Persians took part, and also the facts of Persians’ arriving in Byzantium) in a more or less strict chronological order. The researcher turns to an analysis of event history and makes a step-by step, consecutive representation of the process of Persians’ arriving to Byzantine military service. The sources were works of Arabic, Armenian, Georgian and Greek authors (chroniclers, geographers, hagiographers) and seals (evidence of sigillography). Analysis. In 833/834 Byzantine Emperor Theophilos received a group of Persian refugees, who escaped from the Arabs and came to Byzantium. These Persians were headed by two chiefs, Theophobos and Naser, obviously, Naser was Theophobos’ father. Part of the Persians with Naser as a chief located in the Byzantine theme (a military-administrative and territorial district) of Anatolikoi, while another part subordinated to Theophobos located in the theme of Armeniakoi. In 837 Theophilos hosted another group of the Persians, who were commanded by Babek. Conclusions. The analysis shows that both in 833/834 and 837 Theophilos established regular military units of the Persians called thourmai, while Persian leaders mentioned above became Byzantine military officials, that are tourmarchoi, i.e. that were those Persian leaders who commanded over Persian ethnic tourmai. These ethnic units continued their existence up to the mid-10th c.
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Dmitriev, Vladimir. "DID PATRIARCH ABRAHAM FIGHT THE PERSIANS? NOTES ON JOHN CHRYSOSTOM’S INTERPRETATION OF GEN. 14:1–16." Metamorphoses of history, no. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022231.

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The article discusses the interpretation by St. John Chrysostom of the Old Testament plot which is contained in the Book of Genesis (Gen. 14:1–16), namely Abraham's attack on the army of foreign kings, which invaded Canaan and defeated the coalition of Canaanite rulers in the battle of Siddim. The main problem lies in the fact that commenting on this plot John Chrysostom without any seemingly objective reason identified the opponents of Abraham as the Persians. In addition, the anachronism allowed here by John Chrysostom is obvious, since the Persians first appear in the Old Testament only from the moment of the death of the Babylonian kingdom, i.e. in a fairly late era, more than a millennium distant from events described in Gen. 14:1–16. Adjacent to these issues is the problem of designating the homeland of the Abraham as Persia and Patriarch himself as a Persian. An analysis of the sources taking into account the peculiarities of the worldview of John Chrysostom and the principles of Orthodox-Christian exegesis of the Holy Scriptures shows that St. John saw in (a) Patriarch Abraham and (b) the Jews the prototypes, respectively, of (1) our Lord, Jesus Christ (as a descendant of Abraham in the flesh) and (2) Christians (as descendants of Jews by faith, "New Israel" living in the new "Promised Land" i.e. the Christian Roman Empire). The foreign troops with whom the Patriarch Abraham fought, are metaphorically called by St. John Chrysostom the Persians for the reason that in the 4th century AD the embodiment of the Old Testament prefiguration of the enemy of the "people of God" was the Persian Sasanian empire as the most powerful and dangerous adversary of the Roman Empire on east. A certain role in this was played by the fact that the Persians invaded the Roman provinces from the territory of Mesopotamia, which in the John Chrysostom’s worldview was strongly associated with Persia.
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Saquib, Mohammad, and Asif Ali. "PERSIAN ARCHITECTURE: A SOURCE OF INSPIRATION FOR MUGHAL IMPERIAL MOSQUES IN NORTH INDIA." Journal of Islamic Architecture 7, no. 4 (December 30, 2023): 744–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jia.v7i4.21013.

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India and Persia have had a strong socio-cultural relationship since the ancient period. There had been a cultural link between the two countries. Indo-Persian cultural amalgamation had increased with the advent of Islam in the Indian subcontinent. The syncretism of these two cultures influenced all aspects of life, including literature, art and architecture. This paper discusses the influence of Persian architecture on Mughal imperial mosques in North India. A review of literature from various scholars on possible influencing factors is presented, accompanied by an observation-based analysis of the architectural features of Persian mosques. Subsequently, the paper identifies and examines various Persian architectural elements existing in Mughal mosques in India. The results indicate that Persian architecture significantly influenced Mughal mosques in North India and using locally available materials made these mosques unique in their architectural styles.
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Plieva, Zalina T. "Migration History of Iranians in the North Caucasus." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 4 (December 25, 2021): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-4-49-56.

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The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of mass migration of the Persian population to the Russian Empire in the 19th-early 20th centuries, its North Caucasian features. Iranians who migrated to Russia, at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. constituted an important part of the entire society in the North Caucasus. They participated in the development of industry and business life, in the revolutionary movement, preserving their own community, and interacted with Russian realities. The article analyzes the stages and characteristic features of the migration of the Persian population to the North Caucasus in the 19th century. after the conclusion of international treaties between Russia and Persia (Gulistan 1813, Turkmanchay 1828, Convention on the movement of subjects of both states in 1844). Taking into account the general determinants of migration, for the first time, the existing explanations for the emergence of migrant workers from Persia to the South of the Russian Empire in the English-language literature have been investigated. The origin of labor and social migration in Iran in the 19th century, its orientation towards the Caucasus and its broad consequences are considered in connection with social factors that arose under the influence of political events in Iran, which determined the historical conjuncture. In the study of the characteristics of the Persian resettlement and long-term residence in the settlements of the North Caucasus, the starting points, routes and accommodation of Iranian migrants in the Terek region are of great importance. The Terek region got into the migration history of Iranians as a result of the migration policy of Russia, its geographical location and the peculiarities of the developing economy, which provided more favorable and sparing working conditions. about a large number of Iranians who received passports at the consulates in Urmia and Tabriz. Unlike other movements of the Iranian population in the 19th century, the migration of Persians to Russia at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries had its own differences: it was characterized by regularity, the involvement of a significant number of people of different ages and genders, and was mainly caused by economic reasons. Developing trade relations, economic decline in Persia became the reasons for the ever-increasing migration of the Persians to the Russian borders.
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Davydova, Tatiana. "Azerbaijani-Persian relations in 1918-1920: from territorial claims to diplomacy." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2024): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70160.

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The article examines the development of Azerbaijani-Persian relations in 1918–1920, when a newly formed state called Azerbaijan Democratic Republic appeared on the world map. Before the declaration of independence, the territory of Azerbaijan was a part of the Russian Empire, which received Azerbaijani lands as a result of the Russian-Persian wars in the first half of the 19th century. The Turkmenchay Treaty of 1828 defined the border separating Azerbaijan and Armenia from Persia and consolidated the division of Azerbaijan between the Russian Empire and Persia. As a result, the territory of Azerbaijan was divided into two parts - northern and southern, called Caucasian and Persian Azerbaijan respectively. The article is an attempt to fill the gap in the analysis of Azerbaijani-Persian relations in 1918-1920 in the domestic science. Historical, narrative and system methods were used as the main methods in the work on the article. The relevance of the article is conditioned by the possibility of revision of international treaties of historical significance. In particular, modern Iran has started revising the Turkmenchay Treaty of 1828. The revision of previously of earlier treaties may pose a threat to regional international relations and alter the territorial integrity of the states involved in the process. Understanding the historical development of the countries is important for building a foreign policy line at the present stage, including for Russia. Based on an analysis of foreign policy documents of Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, the author comes to the conclusion that Azerbaijani-Persian relations were ambiguous: if initially Persia declared its territorial claims to Azerbaijani lands, then Persia’s policy soon turned in the opposite direction, and the countries signed a number of agreements on foreign policy cooperation. The most important result of bilateral cooperation was the de jure recognition of Azerbaijan by Persia.
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Taki, Amjad Al, Fatma Oguz, and Eyas Abuhijleh. "Facial Soft Tissue Values in Persian Adults with Normal Occlusion and Well-Balanced Faces." Angle Orthodontist 79, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 491–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2319/020408-62.1.

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Abstract Objective: To determine the mean soft tissue facial profile for Persian adults as determined by the Holdaway analysis. Materials and Methods: Lateral cephalometric radiographs for 62 Persian adults with normal occlusion were used. Results: Persian adults have the same values of Holdaway soft tissue norms except for the skeletal profile convexity, H angle, basic upper lip thickness, and soft tissue chin thickness, which were increased in Persians in relation to Holdaway norms. When comparing men with women, the nose prominence (P < .001), basic upper lip thickness (P < .001), upper lip thickness (P < .001), inferior sulcus to H line (P < .001), and soft tissue chin thickness (P < .01) were significantly increased in Persian men compared with Persian women. Conclusions: Persian adults differ from Holdaway's soft tissue norms in an increased skeletal profile convexity, H angle, basic upper lip thickness, and soft tissue chin thickness. These are recommended for use when formulating a treatment plan for this ethnic group.
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Harrison, Thomas. "Herodotus’ Perspective on the Persian Empire." Electrum 29 (October 21, 2022): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.22.003.15773.

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This paper reviews the different models commonly used in understanding Herodotus’evidence on the Achaemenid Persian empire. It suggests that these approaches—for example, the assessment of Herodotus’accuracy, of the level of his knowledge, or of his sympathy for the Persians—systematically underestimate the complexity of his (and of the Greeks’) perspective on the Persian empire: the conflicted perspective of a participant rather than just a detached observer.
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SHIN, GYU SEOB, and JONG OH LEE. "The Archetype of Festival Culture: Symbolism in Nawruz and Korean Festivities." Revista de etnografie și folclor / Journal of Ethnography and Folklore 2024, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2024): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/jef.2024.1-2.01.

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Although Persia played a major role as an archetypal culture, traditional scholarship holds that it degenerated into a “lost civilization,” and only its intermediary role between Eastern and Western civilizations has been recognized. Even so, the customs and ritual ceremonies of Persia, particularly as seen in the festival of Nawruz (the New Year Festival), have the oldest cultural roots in the world, and their influence is still prevalent globally. There is a need to rediscover Persian civilization and culture, which has been pushed to the margins, to reinterpret its symbols, and to restore its position as an archetype. This paper utilizes the festival of Nawruz as a primary example of the lasting influence of Persian culture, as seen in the Iranian Festival of Fire, symbolism in certain numbers and rituals, and the correlation of several ritual images from ancient Persia to their more contemporary counterparts in Korea and other Asian regions. Keywords: Persian culture, Nawruz festival, Korea, East Asian History, Symbolism of the Numbers, Significance of the Two Fishes, Festival of Fire
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Romney, Jessica M. "A Laconian Deipnon in a Persian Skenē: Food-Based Identity Rhetoric in the Histories." Mouseion 19, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 224–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/mous.19.3.01.

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This article examines two instances in the Histories (1.133.2, 9.82.1–3) where Herodotus compares Greek and Persian meals to one another. Although these comparisons appear to reinforce identity rhetoric which sets a Greek “Us” against a Persian “Them,” I argue that when situated within the larger narrative of the Histories and Herodotus’ discussions of ethnic foodways, the comparisons reinforce the basic similarity of Persians and Greeks as peoples whose diet depends on sitos, or cooked grain. This similarity in diet suggests a similarity in identity as Herodotus destabilizes contemporary identity rhetoric opposing Greeks (as a whole or as individual groups) and Persians.
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Izosimov, Denis. "On the "ethno-classe dominante" in the First Persian Period Egypt." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2022): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080018634-4.

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The following article analyzes P. Briant’s concept of the “dominant ethno-class” in Egypt during the First Persian Domination (526 – 404 BC.). According to P. Briant, the main administrative positions were held by Persian officials, who constituted a closed and culturally isolated from the Egyptians group, while the Egyptian officials were only allowed into religious and financial spheres of administration. Though some ideas of P. Briant were developed by subsequent scholars, the basis of his concept was criticized, especially the thesis of cultural isolation of Persians in Egypt. The article presents a critical evaluation of the concept forwarded by P. Briant as applied to Acaemenid Egypt. Major difficulties with applying P. Briant’s to the Egyptian evidence are due to the insufficiency of historical sources and data on some aspects of social-administrative life in Egypt during the First Persian Domination. The author draws attention to the fact that some cases of Persian acculturation during this period in fact do not reflect the situation in the first decades of the Achaemenid rule in Egypt. Moreover, the definition of the “dominant ethno-class” does not allow including all Persians present in Egypt at the time into this specific strata. While analyzing the issue of the participation of Egyptian elite in Persian administration of Egypt, author points out that the conclusions of P. Briant and D. Agut-Labordère were made on the basis of data acquired from Demotic and Aramaic sources. However, the information from the hieroglyphic inscriptions of this period provides us with data that allows to speak about the inclusion of some of the Egyptian officials into the Persian «dominant ethno-class».
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Sahabuddin, Wasilah Sila. "Dome Form Typology Of Islamic Architecture In Persia." Journal of Islamic Architecture 4, no. 4 (December 24, 2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jia.v4i4.4374.

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Aim of this research is to describe the dome form typology of Islamic Architecture in Persia area. This research applies descriptive qualitative method with physiognomy concept approach as a method in interpreting architecture object. This research methods also identify a particular physical object based on the style of Persian Area (Iran and Middle Asia) which correlated with the origin of dome form. The result explained that the dome typology in Islamic Architecture of Persia style has six types. Most of the types are the development gateway curvature (<em>iwan</em>) as the characteristic feature of Persian architecture.
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NAUMOVA, N. A. "PERSIA IN THE LAST THIRD OF THE XIX - BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS WITH NEIGHBORING STATES." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 10, no. 3 (2021): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2021-10-3-135-145.

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The article is devoted to the study of the relationship between Persia and neighbouring states in the last third of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Reliable sources such as materials of the journal «Niva» from 1874, Military-statistical collections from 1868-1900, materials of collections of geographical, topographic and statistical materials on Asia from 1895, notes of diplomats, etc. are used. The article investigates the mechanism and nature of these relationships in the context of Afghan-Persian relations, disputes between Persia and Baluchistan, Russian-Persian contradictions. Research methods such as the microhistorical approach and the method of com-parative studies are used. It is stressed that these methods point to the distinctive nuances in historical processes. It should be noted that the formation of the image of Persia in the eyes of Russians takes place in the materials discussed in the paper. The analysis of the Persian policy in regard to the Russian market in the Trans-Caspian region is presented. Much attention is given to the "water problem" in the border areas. In conclusion, the author focuses on the fact that the image of Persia in the eyes of Russians turned out to be objective and with the identification of problems of international cooperation.
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43

Watkin, Henry Jay. "The cypriote surrender to Persia." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 154–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630076.

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At present there appears to be general agreement that Cyprus entered the Persian Empire some time between c. 545 and 539. It will be argued here that this event did not occur until 526 or 525. The point involves other, much broader issues. Any power wishing to control Cyprus must possess a substantial navy. When, then, did Persia acquire sufficient naval strength to control the eastern Mediterranean? This last problem in turn raises the question of when the Persians annexed the countries of the Levant and Asia Minor from which they drew the whole of their fleet. Finally, because elaborate theories concerning the development of sixth century Cypriote sculpture have been built upon the conclusion that Cyprus submitted to Persia c. 545, a revision of that date will have important repercussions upon the history of Cypriote art.
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44

Mokhberi, Susan. "Finding Common Ground Between Europe and Asia: Understanding and Conflict During the Persian Embassy to France in 1715." Journal of Early Modern History 16, no. 1 (2012): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006512x624100.

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Abstract In 1715, Louis XIV received Mohammad Reza Beg, an ambassador from distant Persia in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. The aging monarch greeted the ambassador in a suit encrusted with diamonds, a costume worthy of an Oriental potentate. The Beg and his entourage were no less splendid and the similarity between the Frenchmen and the Persian must have struck some viewers. King and ambassador played roles in a common drama—the ambassadorial visit—and they had more in common than one might expect. Thanks to the memoirs in manuscript of the introducteur des ambassadeurs, Baron de Breteuil, we know that the French worked hard to cooperate with the Beg despite cultural differences. After all, Breteuil and the Beg shared the goal of projecting the grandeur of their respective monarchies. This common ambition resulted in clashes of precedence between the French and Persian representatives, similar to those that occurred between European powers. This article suggests that “Orientalism” and cultural conflict did not necessarily shape the French response to the Persians. Rather, common diplomatic interests that transcended cultural differences underlay the encounter between West and East.
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45

Kanukov, Zaurbek T. "Funeral Rites of the Alans and Persians: Convergences and Interpretations." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 3 (September 25, 2023): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2023-3-66-74.

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The article analyzes the features of the funeral rites of the Alans and Persians in the context of the evolution of their religious worldview under the influence of economic, social and cultural external and internal factors. Studies of the ancient funeral rites of representatives of the all-Iranian world - Alans and Persians, allow us to better understand its deep meaning, and the revealed parallels in the ritual and spiritual practices of the Alanian and ancient Persian funeral cultures, as well as convergences in religious ideas, can contribute to the reconstruction of Indo-Iranian culture in general. The article analyzes the methods of burial among the Alans and Persians with the involvement of ethnographic, archaeological and written sources. The study of archaeological materials of ancient Persian and Alanian origin makes possible to establish a number of religious pre-Zoroastrian features of the ancient Iranians and to identify similarities in the funeral rites of the two ethnic groups. An important aspect of the problem is the influence of Zoroastrianism on cultural landmarks and religious beliefs. Some cult representations of the Indo-Iranians of the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, which are reflected in funeral rites, are also defined .The revealed convergences are an echo of the culture of the all-Iranian world, they may also be the result of contacts between the Persians and the Alanian elite. The article also attempts to identify a common religious interpretation of some elements of the Alanian and Persian funeral rites, as well as to establish their continuity in relation to the modern funeral practices of the peoples being studied. It is assumed that the study will contribute both to the solution of the important task of reconstructing the pan-Iranian cultural world and identifying Alan-Persian cultural contacts.
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46

Zulyeno, Bastian. "Sastra Sufistik Persia; Citra Kehidupan dalam Masnawi Maknawi Karya Jalaluddin Rumi." EDUCULTURAL: International Journal of Education, Culture and Humanities 1, no. 1 (August 21, 2018): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33121/educultur.v1i1.28.

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Persian literature has been developing since hundreds of years BC, this can be seen from the Zoroastrian or "Avesta" holy books. This book contains mostly about the praise and greatness of the Lord "Ahuramazda" written in the form of poetry. The name Avesta itself comes from the name of the writing and the language used in this book, therefore the researchers named this holy book with the name Avesta. Avesta is the root of ancient Persian before Parthi, Soghdi and Pahlavi. One of the scientific traditions inherited by the Persians is the science of Tasawwuf and Sufistic literature is the biological child born of him. Persian land has long been fertile with Sufism thought with its typical eastern imagination. One of the Persian maestros whose thinking was global was Jalaluddin Muhammad ibn Sultan al Ulama Bahauddin Muhammad ibn Huasain ibn khatibi Bakri Balkhi who was better known as Rumi and all the works he left behind used Persian. Sufistic or mystical literature is a work produced by Sufi poets or a wise person whose poetry is based on his Sufistic experience. This paper discusses the main theme based on several verses of poetry contained in the Masnawi Maknawi of the great works of the great Persian Sufi of the 13th century.
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47

Nikolsky, Boris M. "Pseudartabas and his Attire (Aristophanes “Acharnians” 94–97." Studia Litterarum 7, no. 3 (2022): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2022-7-3-52-65.

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The article is devoted to the interpretation of the passage from Aristophanes’ “Acharnians” (94–97), in which Dikeopolis expresses his feelings caused by the appearance of the Persian ambassador Pseudartabas in a strange Persian costume. According to the traditional point of view, which had its origins in the ancient scholia, the appearance and gait of Pseudartabas resembled a ship, and it is in comparison with the ship that the meaning of the joke lies. The article offers a different explanation: Dikeopolis mocks some elements of the traditional Persian costume, showing their similarity to a damage on a warship and thereby emphasizing the contradiction between the appearance of Pseudartabas and the usual claims of the Persians to sea power.
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48

Kanukova, Zalina V., and Berta V. Tuaeva. "The Persian community in Vladikavkaz: preserving ethnic identity in an alien cultural environment." RUDN Journal of Russian History 18, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 560–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2019-18-3-560-588.

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On the basis of archival sources and materials taken from periodical press, the authors investigate the history of the Persian diaspora in Ossetia. The article discusses the causes of Persian migration to Ossetia, which began in the second half of the 19th century; their settlement and adaptation processes; and mechanisms of intra-ethnic consolidation. The authors identify the means Persians used to adapt to the economy of the host society, in particular by fi nding economic niches in industry, craft, trade, and domestic services, and analyze their integration into new economic forms of urban lifestyle. Ethnic entrepreneurship emerges as the foundation of Persian community life. The article investigates the diaspora’s infrastructure, including the Persian Consulate, a Shiite mosque, the Persian school Navruz , the charitable society Himmat , and several other institutions. In general, for most minority communities the place of worship becomes the focus point of intraethnic consolidation and preservation of national identity, especially when the community is not simply ethnic but rather ethno-confessional. In the Persian community, however, the main regulatory and communicative functions were performed by the Consulate. The authors argue that the prominence of the Consulate resulted from the uncertain status of the mosque, from the fact that Shiite worshippers came from various nationalities, and from the confl icts among them. The authors examine the degree of preservation of traditional Persian culture in festive and ceremonial life, community behavior, and relations with the motherland. They identify how the Persian community integrated into the socio-cultural environment of poly-ethnic Vladikavkaz through trade relations, everyday contacts, and other means.
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49

Kordafshari, Gholamreza, Hoorieh Mohammadi Kenari, Mohammad Mehdi Esfahani, Mohammad Reza Shams Ardakani, Mansoor Keshavarz, Esmaeil Nazem, Maryam Moghimi, and Arman Zargaran. "Nutritional Aspects to Prevent Heart Diseases in Traditional Persian Medicine." Journal of Evidence-Based Complementary & Alternative Medicine 20, no. 1 (October 19, 2014): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2156587214553939.

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Cardiovascular diseases are major health complications currently in various societies. Management of heart diseases as a prevention step or as treatment with low-cost procedures like lifestyle modifications including nutrition are important current trends. Although the term nutrition dates back to 2 past centuries, Persian physicians contributed to this term at least from 1000 years ago. Rhazes (865-925 AD) was one of the pioneers in this field. He preferred using foods in treating illnesses. “Foods and drinks” were 1 subject from 6 principles ( Setteh Zarorieh) that Persian physicians believed can affect human health. In this review, we described some medieval Persian views on the role of nutrition in heart diseases and compare their prescriptions with current findings. Interestingly, current investigations mostly support Persian medicine principles. Historically, this work shows that the concept of nutrition in heart diseases has had a successful background at least from 1000 years ago in Persia.
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50

Melnik, Viktor Miroslavovich. "On the Question Legal and Cultural Interaction Between the Sasanian Iran and the Eastern Roman Empire." Ethnic Culture, no. 4 (5) (December 25, 2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-85931.

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The purpose of the article is to prove the presence of a deep (archaic) ideological foundation in the Roman-Persian political and legal complementarity of the times of late antiquity. Methods. The author uses the «panoramic approach», сomparative analysis of primary historical sources and the structural-functional method. Results. The author’s attention is devoted to the antique community in the legal content of imperial titles, the correlation of temporary and spatial understanding of the power of the Roman emperors and the power of the Persian Šâhanšâh’s. The main author’s thesis: 1) the provision on the Hellenization of Persia during the time of Khosrow Anushirvan; 2) the thesis on the principle of extraterritoriality of imperial power, formulated by the Romans in the era of dominatus and transfered from the Eastern Roman Empire into the Sassanian Eranshahr; 3) the author’s definition of the imperial form of government, based on the principle of «over-sovereignty» common to Iran and Byzantium. Discussion. Firstly, the spaces of Eranshahr and the Roman Empire were considered by ancient intellectuals as the «common heritage» of the Hellenistic Asian kingdom of Alexander the Great. Secondly, the roots and semantic content of the titles of the higher sovereigns of Persia and Rome (emperors) had common cultural and political origins and military-administrative premises. Thirdly, if at the initial stage of the interaction between the Persians and the Romans there was a strong influence of Persia on the everyday life of the population of the East Roman provinces, then in the 6th century the East Roman ethnocultural pattern «Christian Oecumene» became decisive in the Sassanian Mesopotamia.
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