Journal articles on the topic 'Periphrastic future'
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1
Lowe, John J. "The Sanskrit (Pseudo)Periphrastic Future." Transactions of the Philological Society 115, no. 2 (April 27, 2017): 263–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12102.
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GRIMM, RICK, and TERRY NADASDI. "The Future of Ontario French." Journal of French Language Studies 21, no. 2 (October 28, 2010): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269510000335.
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ABSTRACTThe present study is a Labovian sociolinguistic analysis of forms used to express the future tense in the spoken French of adolescents residing in Ontario, Canada. Two primary variants are examined: a) the periphrastic future (e.g. elle va partir); and b) the inflected future (e.g. elle partira). The general trend that emerges is that distribution rates of the periphrastic future are markedly higher than previous accounts of the variable and that many speakers are in fact categorical users of the periphrastic form in certain contexts. Note, too, that negation is not a strong predictor for all speakers with respect to the choice of the inflected future, a finding that is in strong contrast to previous analyses of the variable in Laurentian varieties of spoken French in Canada. After presenting the general results, we provide an in-depth analysis of the linguistic and social factors that condition variant use.
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Villeneuve, Anne-José, and Philip Comeau. "Breaking down temporal distance in a Continental French variety: Future temporal reference in Vimeu." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 61, no. 3 (November 2016): 314–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2016.30.
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AbstractThis article examines future temporal reference (FTR) in the French spoken in Vimeu, a rural area of France where French evolved alongside Picard, a Gallo-Romance regional language. Unlike most French varieties, which favour periphrasis, Vimeu Picard favours the inflected form. By comparing French data from Picard–French bilinguals and French monolinguals, we assess the potential effect of Picard contact on Vimeu French. We hypothesized that bilinguals may favour the inflected form more than monolinguals, a hypothesis that was not verified. Instead, education is the best social predictor: speakers with a baccalauréat or higher disfavour the periphrastic future. Regarding linguistic constraints, we expected sentential polarity to constrain FTR (negation favours the inflected form), as in many varieties. Surprisingly, only temporal distance constrains FTR in our data: proximate events favour periphrasis, and do so even more strongly with events to occur within the minute. These results suggest that Vimeu French marks imminence through periphrasis.
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Rosemeyer, Malte, and María Sol Sansiñena. "How sentence type influences the interpretation of Spanish future constructions." Discourse-pragmatic perspectives on interrogatives 29, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 116–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.00040.ros.
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Abstract It is well known that Spanish futurizing morphology is frequently used not to express futurity, but instead to formulate a hypothesis, i.e. express epistemic modality. Although this is possible with both synthetic or periphrastic future marking, the synthetic future tense is more likely to express an epistemic reading than the periphrastic future. This paper explores the relationship between futurizing morphology and sentence type on the basis of a quantitative analysis of about n = 2,700 tokens of synthetic and periphrastic ‘future’ constructions in spoken conversations from Madrid, Buenos Aires and Santiago de Chile. On the basis of a bottom-up classification of these tokens regarding their potential to express modal meanings, we demonstrate that polar and partial futurizing interrogatives are more likely to display modal meanings and associated rhetorical effects than futurizing declaratives. This effect is even stronger for synthetic future constructions, due to a conventionalization of specific form-function pairings. Finally, we also document substantial dialectal variation in the use of futurizing morphology.
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Roberts, Nicholas S. "The future of Martinique French: The role of random effects on the variable expression of futurity." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 61, no. 3 (November 2016): 286–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2016.29.
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AbstractThis article adds a Caribbean perspective to the analysis of futurity by presenting a quantitative variationist investigation of the competing forms used by speakers to encode future time in the Frenchdépartement et région d'outre-merof Martinique. The two variants under investigation are the inflected future (je partirai‘I will leave’) and the periphrastic future (je vais partir‘I am going to leave’). In this variety, the periphrastic future is identified as the most frequent variant. Fixed-effects and mixed-effects models furthermore tease apart the complex set of constraints governing variant selection and demonstrate the repercussions of considering speaker and lexical effects when analysing sociolinguistic data. Indeed, once individual speaker and word-level variation are controlled for, the future variable in Martinique French is constrained purely by temporal distance: while the periphrastic future acts as the default option in the majority of time contexts, the inflected future functions asthemarker of distal time.
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Brown, Esther L., and Javier Rivas. "Variant Choices of Future Time Reference in Galician: The Grammaticalization of [haber (de) + infinitive] as a Window to Diachronic Change." Languages 9, no. 4 (April 15, 2024): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages9040142.
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Compared to neighboring Romance languages, Galician currently maintains a more ubiquitous usage of the construction [haber (present) + (de) + infinitive] as a future marker in variation with the periphrastic construction with ir ‘go’ and the morphological future. We examine this under-studied construction to gain a better understanding of Galician grammar and also contribute new data with which to consider diachronic change regarding the grammaticalization of the future from obligation markers. We conduct a variationist analysis of 1589 tokens of future forms in recorded conversations (CORILGA) in order to determine the frequency of usage, patterns of variation, linguistic conditioning and degree of grammaticalization of the periphrastic forms with haber and ir in contrast to the morphological variant. We find evidence to suggest that the periphrastic construction with haber is highly grammaticalized as a future marker and we identify factors of the production context that modulate the grammaticalization process.
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Botsman, Andriy, Olga Dmytruk, and Tamara Kozlovska. "The development of Germanic analytical tenses." Actual issues of Ukrainian linguistics theory and practice, no. 41 (2020): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apultp.2020.41.135-154.
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The stages that encompass the future tense development are singled out as discrete phenomena within the process of the Germanic language development. The Gothic verb system can serve as the background for the investigation of the tense transformations in question. The difficulties of tense examination in the Old Germanic languages were connected with some conceptions about the Indo-Iranian and Greek languages that used to dominate in the scientific circles for a long time. Those conceptions were based on Latin and Greek patterns and postulated the use of present, past and future tenses in all Indo-European languages. The above conceptions were ruined when the study of Tokharian and Hittite demonstrated the use of the present tense for the description of future actions. The idea of losing “the protolanguage inheritance” was proved wrong, and it was incorrect to transfer the complex tense system of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin to other Proto-Indo-European languages. The examination of the tense differentiation in Gothic (as the main source of the Old Germanic language) demonstrates that the Gothic infinitive functioned as a no-particular-time unit, while personal verb forms were involved in performing tense functions. The Gothic present tense verbs represented present and future tenses and no-particular-time phenomena. Some periphrastic forms containing preterite-present verbs with the infinitive occurred sporadically. The periphrastic forms correlated with Greek and Latin patterns of the same future tense meaning. The periphrastic future forms in Gothic often contained some modal shades of meaning. The Gothic present tense functioned as a colony-forming archi-unit and a pluripotential (temporal) precursor. The periphrastic Gothic future forms are recognised as a monopotential (temporal) precursor with some modal meaning. The key research method used in the present article is the comparative historical method. The authors viewed it as the most reliable and appropriate for the study of tense forms.
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COMEAU, PHILIP. "Vestiges from the grammaticalization path: The expression of future temporal reference in Acadian French." Journal of French Language Studies 25, no. 3 (September 26, 2014): 339–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269514000301.
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ABSTRACTThis study presents a variationist analysis of the expression of future temporal reference (variation between the inflected future and the periphrastic future) in a linguistically conservative variety of Acadian French spoken in Baie Sainte-Marie, Nova Scotia, Canada. Results show that Acadian French is distinct from Laurentian French and that the Baie Sainte-Marie variety also differs from other Acadian varieties in some respects. A comparison of the distribution of variants and of the conditioning factors reveals that Acadian and Laurentian varieties have different future temporal reference systems. The Baie Sainte-Marie variety retains vestiges of earlier stages of the grammaticalization of one of the variants, the periphrastic future, not found in other Acadian varieties, thus supporting its characterization as a conservative variety.
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Ghafar Samar, Reza, and Tej Bhatia. "The future of ‘future’." Asia-Pacific Language Variation 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 130–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aplv.16011.gha.
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Abstract Bybee et al. (1994) claimed that grammatical-types like past and future have similar paths of development cross-linguistically. Following another line of research, Poplack (2011), Poplack and Tagliamonte (2000) and Walker et al. (2004) explored the grammaticalization of periphrastic ‘go-future’ in English, French, and Spanish from a variationist perspective and have come to the same conclusion. In this study we explore whether a new Persian future marker, MI_KHA: ‘want/will/going to’, which is gaining ground in this language, can be an instance of the grammatical-types mentioned above, and follows the same path of variation and change as that of English and French. Eight-hundred and one future-referring utterances were collected from natural conversations among Persian native speakers and subjected to variable rule analysis to discover the factors conditioning their use and variation. The findings suggest that the Persian MI_KHA: is not only conditioned by linguistic factors, it also most likely follows a path of development similar to English and French.
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박문성. "The Use of the Periphrastic Future(luṭ) : According to Aṣṭādhyāyī." Journal of Indian Philosophy ll, no. 27 (August 2009): 53–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32761/kjip.2009..27.002.
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Alboiu, Gabriela, and Virginia Hill. "Subjunctives in Romanian Languages: Micro-Parametric Variation in Complement CPs and the Periphrastic Future." Languages 8, no. 4 (November 14, 2023): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8040267.
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This paper aims to (i) establish the micro-parametric variation in the development of the subjunctive CP in Romanian languages (Daco-Romanian/DR; Aromanian/AR; Megleno-Romanian/MR; Istro-Romanian/IR) and (ii) account for derivations in which the subjunctive is integrated into the formation of the periphrastic future in these languages. Briefly, the analysis points out that the subjunctive CP in Romanian languages can display a split Fin (unlike in other Balkan languages) and that the remerging of the split Fin finds itself at different stages: complete in DR, but incomplete at different degrees in AR, MR, and IR. The compatibility of the subjunctive morphology with the derivation of the periphrastic future follows from the semantic bleaching and grammaticization of the volitional ‘will’ and ‘have’ verbs, together with the Balkan Sprachbund subjunctive mood marking, which combine in a monoclausal construction via a serial verb derivation to compositionally check a Fin marked [+finite, modal].
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Cruschina, Silvio, and Anna Kocher. "A Surprise in the Past: The Historical Origins of the Catalan go-past." Catalan Journal of Linguistics 21 (December 19, 2022): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.379.
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Crosslinguistically, the development of the verb go into a future tense is a common path of grammaticalization. In contrast, the past meaning of the go-periphrasis in Catalan is unexpected. Detges (2004) claims that the process of grammaticalization of the Catalan periphrastic perfect went from inchoative to foregrounding to past. We compare data from the Corpus informatitzat del Català antic with modern Sicilian, where a similar go-periphrasis is used with a foregrounding function that resembles that of Old Catalan. This comparison confirms a foregrounding usage but fails to support the origin in an inchoative usage. We propose that the grammaticalization from movement to foregrounding does not require an intermediate inchoative stage, but that it rather results from a modal implicature of surprise and unexpectedness that was associated with the construction. Indeed, the function of go to foreground and express surprise or noteworthiness can be inferentially viewed as movement away from the speaker’s expectations. Under this usage, Catalan go-periphrasis was employed to refer to ‘surprising’ events that took place in the past. Once this additional meaning was lost, the reference to the past was generalized beyond the implicature.
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Penkova, Yana A. "Middle Russian Future Periphrastic Constructions in the Light of Language Contacts." Scando-Slavica 67, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00806765.2021.1901241.
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Merchant, Jason, and Natalia Pavlou. "The morphosyntax of the periphrastic future under negation in Cypriot Greek." Journal of Greek Linguistics 17, no. 2 (2017): 233–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01702005.
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In Cypriot Greek, the negated future is marked by the element tha, which appears instead of the expected present tense copula and a selected subordinating element. This paper documents the distribution of this item for the first time, and presents an analysis in Distributed Morphology that analyzes tha as a portmanteau morpheme realizing two heads in the context of negation. This analysis requires that spans (or targets of Fusion) can include a verb and the head of its C complement.
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KING, RUTH, and TERRY NADASDI. "Back to the Future in Acadian French." Journal of French Language Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2003): 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269503001157.
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Our article presents a variationist analysis of future verb forms in Acadian French. The main variants considered are the inflected future (e.g. je partirai) and the periphrastic future (e.g. je vais partir). The purpose of this study is two-fold: a) it will determine the distribution of these variants and their linguistic correlates; b) it will compare the use of future verb forms with other varieties of French. Our results reveal that the inflected future is used with greater frequency in Acadian French than in other Canadian varieties and that the factors that condition the variable in Acadian are not the same as in other varieties.
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Grønn, Atle. "Present tense in relative clauses as evidence for sequence of tense in French." Oslo Studies in Language 12, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.8907.
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The paper accounts for an unexpected embedded present tense, which denotes a future time in French relative clauses. The matrix displays either the periphrastic future or the simple future. In both cases, one can arguably decompose the matrix into a present tense feature and a forward shifter. This move leads to an analysis of the morphology encountered in the relative clause as an instance of Sequence of tense.
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Ratkus, Artūras. "The Stylistic Uses of Gothic Passive Constructions." Vertimo studijos 12 (December 20, 2019): 116–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/vertstud.2019.8.
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This paper explores the variation between non-past (present and future) synthetic and periphrastic passive verb forms in the Gothic Gospels in an effort to evaluate the possibility that the availability of functionally identical forms of the passive was exploited by the translators of the Gothic Bible as a way of manipulating the stylistic composition of the Gothic text. Based on the evidence of the Gothic translation of the Gospels, although the Gothic synthetic passive constructions do mostly occur in stylistically special environments, the existence of other clearly verifiable competing motivations makes the stylistic motivations difficult to verify. It is concluded that the distribution of forms is largely determined by factors such as literalism as the main translation technique as well as contrasts between the synthetic and periphrastic ‘be’ passives in terms of the actionality of the former and stativity of the latter.
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Edmonds, Amanda, and Aarnes Gudmestad. "What the present can tell us about the future." Morphological Expression of Temporality on the Verb in French as a Second Language / L’expression morphologique de la temporalité sur le verbe en français langue seconde 6, no. 1 (August 28, 2015): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lia.6.1.01edm.
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This investigation studies the second language (L2) development of variable future-time expression in French. One hundred and eighteen nonnative speakers at four proficiency levels and 30 native speakers completed a written-contextualized task (WCT), a language-proficiency test and a background questionnaire. The verb form (inflectional future, periphrastic future, and present) selected for each item on the WCT was coded for three independent linguistic factors: presence of a lexical temporal indicator, temporal distance and (un)certainty. Multinomial logistic regression tests and a follow-up analysis of high and low frequency of the present demonstrated that this form plays a complex role in native-speaker variability and is acquired late in contexts of future-time reference for nonnative speakers.
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Ahland, Michael. "Subject marking interrupted: Perturbations from the development of Northern Mao’s future tense suffix." Studies in African Linguistics 43, no. 2 (June 15, 2014): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v43i2.107264.
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Northern Mao, an Omotic-Mao language of Ethiopia, exhibits three partially overlapping but distinct subject-marking paradigms in its verbal system: subject prefixes on realis verbs which correspond closely to free pronouns, subject suffixes on irrealis negative non-future verbs which exhibit regular changes from the realis prefixes, and a third, more divergent, subject suffix system on irrealis future verbs which exhibits an [m] form not attested as a person marker elsewhere in the language or extended family. It is argued (from internal evidence) that the irrealis future verbs developed from a periphrastic subordinate + final verb complexes and that the intrusive [m] was, at an earlier stage, part of a subordinating morpheme.
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Galor, Oded, Ömer Özak, and Assaf Sarid. "Linguistic Traits and Human Capital Formation." AEA Papers and Proceedings 110 (May 1, 2020): 309–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20201069.
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This research establishes the influence of linguistic traits on human behavior. Exploiting variations in the languages spoken by children of migrants with identical ancestral countries of origin, the analysis indicates that the presence of periphrastic future tense and its association with long-term orientation has a significant positive impact on educational attainment, whereas the presence of sex-based grammatical gender, and its association with gender bias, has a significant adverse impact on female educational attainment.
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Orozco, Rafael, and Joshua J. Thoms. "The future tense in Spanish L2 textbooks." Spanish in Context 11, no. 1 (May 12, 2014): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.11.1.02oro.
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This paper revisits the treatment of the expression of futurity in Spanish foreign language (FL) textbooks. We analyzed twenty college-level Spanish FL textbooks to determine and quantify how futurity is represented. Variationist research has shown the periphrastic future (PF) to be the most frequent variant of futurity followed by the simple present (SP) and the morphological future (MF). Our findings reveal that, despite over two decades of communicative language teaching, Spanish FL textbooks still do not completely present the reality of the expression of futurity. Introductory texts present all three variants of futurity. However, there is a dramatic difference in the formal representation of these three variants in intermediate texts. The PF is formally presented in only four of the ten intermediate texts analyzed. Interestingly, all ten intermediate textbooks include a formal section on the MF. From a formal treatment perspective and unlike native speaker usage, the MF continues to be the futurity variant most often presented to learners, followed by the PF, and the SP, respectively.
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Wagner, Suzanne Evans, and Gillian Sankoff. "Age grading in the Montréal French inflected future." Language Variation and Change 23, no. 3 (October 2011): 275–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394511000111.
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AbstractThe rise of the periphrastic future (PF) at the expense of the inflected future (IF) is an established historical trend in Québécois French over at least the past 150 years. Previous research has also found higher rates of PF among younger speakers, many displaying categorical use in affirmative contexts. Because an apparent time interpretation of the synchronic data fits the historical record, we expected concomitant speaker stability across the lifespan. On the contrary, our panel study of 60 Montréal speakers (1971–1984) reveals age grading in a retrograde direction. As they aged, two-thirds of the speakers we studied increased their frequency of IF, an effect heightened for members of higher socioprofessional groups. Though not sufficiently robust to stem the historical tide, increased IF use by older speakers may retard the change somewhat, providing continuing IF input to child L1 acquisition. Rather than vitiating an apparent time interpretation, these results indicate that the rate of change may be slightly overestimated if age grading acts in a retrograde direction.
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Cunha, Luís Filipe. "The expression of futurity in Spanish and Portuguese: similarities and differences." Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 11, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 101–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.11.1.6195.
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Abstract. The primary goal of this paper is to establish a comparison between the two most important forms that express futurity in Spanish and in European Portuguese, viz. the Futuro Simple / Futuro Simples (Simple Future) and the structure ir (‘go’) a / ir (‘go’) + Infinitive. Whereas the Simple Future behaves quite similarly in both languages, conveying temporal information of posteriority that may be strongly constrained by modal and aspectual factors, the periphrastic construction differs considerably in Spanish and in European Portuguese. In effect, contrary to its Spanish counterpart, which is considered, in the literature, ambiguous between an aspectual (prospective) and a temporal (future) operator, the data from European Portuguese point towards a consistent temporal meaning for the structure ir (‘go’) + Infinitive. So, we investigate the conditions under which these forms are licenced, in order to describe their semantic similarities and differences; moreover, since they both mainly bear temporal information, we compare the behaviour of the European Portuguese Simple Future and the structure ir (‘go’) + Infinitive, proposing that the former is less restricted than the latter: besides the location of a given situation in a future interval, ir (‘go’) + Infinitive seems to require an additional temporal boundary preventing the relevant eventuality to overlap the speech time.
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Penkova, Yana A. "Inchoative verbs in constructions with infinitives in 16th‒17th century Russian sources: Searching for the difference." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Language and Literature 20, no. 4 (2023): 739–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu09.2023.405.
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The article focuses on the study of differences between phase verbs in constructions with infinitive clause in the 16th‒17th century Russian writing. The verbs under discussion are: načati, počati, jati, učati, and stati, as well as the verb byti, which does not belong to phase ones, but competes with them in the simple future tense form. The study is limited to the constructions with auxiliary verbs in the perfective present tense form, i. e., those that refer to the future. The data was collected from the Middle Russian subcorpus of the Russian National Corpus. Contexts from the corpus are classified according to the following parameters: auxiliariness, infinitive, agency/non-agency and telicity/atelicity/punctivity of the predicate in the infinitive form, aspectual semantics of the construction (phasal, iterative, habitual, general factual, durative-continuative meanings), the type of the clause in question, the date and the title of the source, its register and genre. It was found that each periphrastic construction has a unique set of properties associated with the paradigmatic limitations of the auxiliary verb, tendency to occur in a certain clause type, register and genre. The constructions are sensitive to various semantic features of infinitive and aspectual semantics of the context. It is argued that constructions with the verb učnu are less associated with the expression of inchoativity since they are attested in the contexts uncommon for inchoative verbs. Two distinct clusters of periphrastic constructions are distinguished: older constructions with the verbs načnu, počnu and imu and newer ones with the verbs učnu, stanu and budu.
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Gudmestad, Aarnes, Amanda Edmonds, Bryan Donaldson, and Katie Carmichael. "On the role of the present indicative in variable future-time reference in Hexagonal French." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 63, no. 1 (October 23, 2017): 42–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2017.41.
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AbstractThis article investigates variable future-time expression among native speakers of Hexagonal French who participated in informal conversations. The quantitative analysis is the first to examine the inflectional future, periphrastic future, and present indicative as separate forms within a single statistical model of French oral production. Results indicate that temporal distance and presence/absence of a temporal expression predict use of these verb forms. The second phase of the analysis focused on the use of the present indicative in future-time contexts. The examination of each instance of the present indicative shows that an immediate lexical temporal indicator is not necessary for this form to convey futurity and that future-time reference is often established at the discourse level and occasionally through apparent shared knowledge between the interlocutors. This investigation suggests the value of including the present indicative in the analysis of future-time reference in Hexagonal French in order to fully capture variation.
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Renoud, Loïc. "Material Use in Collaborative Dialogue by Japanese University Students Learning Future Tenses in French as a Foreign Language: A Discourse and Interaction Analysis." Canadian Journal of Applied Linguistics 25, no. 2 (October 20, 2022): 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.37213/cjal.2022.31793.
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This article reports on the use of an experimental material to enable discrimination between the periphrastic future (PF) and simple future (SF) intended for initial level university students in Japan studying French as a Foreign Language. A dyad was filmed using the material in a task on tense choice in short dialogues modelled on Galperin’s procedure. A discourse and interaction analysis were then performed on excerpts of the videoed session where the participants interacted with the material. It was found that the material enabled the dyad to complete the task. Moreover, if the pragmatic effect of the SF was not fully grasped, the analysis nonetheless showed that the participants transformed the linguistic knowledge from the material into metalinguistic resources of their own, and that internalization of the targeted concepts occurred to some extent.
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White, David L. "Possible Solutions for Long-Standing Problems Involving Old English Verbs." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 28/2 (September 20, 2019): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.28.2.02.
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Solutions based on “equivalence interference” are proposed for various problems involving OE verbs. WG verbs with 1SG /-ͻͻmi/ were modeled on Celtic verbs with /-aami/. Pre-OE eode is from /eiͻͻde/, analogical to 1SG /eiͻͻmi/ from /eimi/. OE dyd- is from reinterpretation of peasant /dïd-/, from low-stressed /ded-/ used as a non-emphatic periphrastic, as noble /düd-/. WG /bii-/ ‘be’ was modeled on Celtic /bii-/ ‘(habitual-future) be’. Habitual-future /bi-/ (lost on the continent) re-developed in OE on the model of habitual-future /bi-/ in Brittonic. The English rule that non-indicative forms of BE are /b/-forms is from Brittonic. 3PL bi(o)đon was modeled on Brittonic /biđont/. Pre-OE /ist/ and /im/ were influenced by Brittonic /is/ and /æm/. Loss of distinct endings before 1PL and 2PL subject pronouns and loss of distinct preterit subjunctive endings were both modeled on their analogues in Brittonic.
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Gudmestad, Aarnes, and Amanda Edmonds. "Variable future-time reference in French: A comparison of learners in a study-abroad and a foreign-language context." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 61, no. 3 (November 2016): 259–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2016.27.
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AbstractThis study seeks to advance understanding of second-language (L2) acquisition of future-time reference in French, by comparing the developmental trajectories of learners living in and away from the target-language setting. Study-abroad learners in France (n= 45), foreign-language learners living in the US (n= 37), and native speakers of Hexagonal French (n= 30) participated in this study. They completed a written-contextualized task, a language-proficiency test and a background questionnaire. For each written-contextualized-task item, participants selected from among three responses that differed with respect to the form (inflectional future, periphrastic future, present). Items were designed to test for the influence of three factors on the form selected: presence/absence of a lexical temporal indicator, temporal distance, and (un)certainty. Additionally, two extra-linguistic factors were examined: learning context and proficiency level. The analyses of frequency and the multinomial logistic regressions suggest that, despite developmental similarities between learning contexts, acquisitional paths of study-abroad and foreign-language learners were not identical.
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Leclercq, Pascale. "Future or Movement? The L2 Acquisition of Aller + V Forms." Languages 6, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6010016.
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This study aims to advance the understanding of the impact of the discursive context in the form-function mappings of aller + V forms by native speakers (NSs) and learners of French (NNSs), and to further knowledge about the developmental patterns of use of such forms at three proficiency levels (lower intermediate, upper intermediate, and advanced). While aller + V is often referred to as a periphrastic future form, i.e., a way to express temporal reference, it also takes a range of diverse semantic values (including spatial, aspectual, and modal values), and discursive functions. We therefore set out to examine data from a cross-sectional oral narrative and a longitudinal semi-guided interview task to find out to what extent aller + V forms are used by NSs and NNSs in a study abroad context. Our main results show that at lower intermediate level, spatial values dominate, while temporal and modal values emerge at upper intermediate and advanced levels. As regards the discursive functions of aller + V, learners make context appropriate choices (among others, narrative function in oral narratives, and stance-marking in interviews), but even at advanced level, their range of semantic values and discursive functions is more restricted than native speakers’.
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Aaron, Jessi Elana. "Pushing the envelope: Looking beyond the variable context." Language Variation and Change 22, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394509990226.
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AbstractHowever the variable context is defined, it is standard variationist practice to exclude tokens outside this context from further quantitative analyses. The role of occurrences of forms in contexts that lie outside the shared space of grammaticizing constructions in variation, ranging from highly infrequent occurrences to vast and diverse territories, has yet to be adequately explored. Spanish Synthetic Future (SF) in epistemic contexts does not overlap functionally with Spanish Periphrastic Future (PF). Four Goldvarb analyses of SF-PF variation since 1600, alongside quantitative analysis of epistemic SF, reveal an intimate relationship. Beyond a parallel rise in frequency of PF and epistemic SF, a connection between epistemic SF patterns and SF-PF variation is found in shifts in relative magnitudes of effect. It is argued that quantitative analysis of frequently occurring contexts that falloutsidethe envelope of variation may provide valuable explanatory insight regarding diachronic shiftswithinthe variable context.
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Gravina, Aline Peixoto, and Eduardo Henrique Brizola. "O estudo do futuro perifrástico e do futuro sintético com verbos hipotéticos no português brasileiro / The study of the periphrastic future and the synthetic future tenses with hypothetical verbs in Brazilian Portuguese." REVISTA DE ESTUDOS DA LINGUAGEM 27, no. 3 (July 2, 2019): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2237-2083.27.3.1313-1344.
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В. Бабић, Данијела. "KOMMER (ATT) + INFINITIV КАО ПРОСПЕКТИВНА КОНСТРУКЦИЈА У САВРЕМЕНОМ ШВЕДСКОМ ЈЕЗИКУ." PHILOLOGIA MEDIANA 15, no. 1 (May 16, 2023): 481–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/phm.15.2023.34.
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In this paper, we deal with construction kommer (att) + infinitive as one of the periphrastic means of expressing future predications in Modern Swedish. Aiming to investigate the construction’s modal meanings, we analyze nearly three hundred Swedish sentences with kommer (att) + infinitive as a future construction, focusing in particular on their basic syntactic-semantic features such as animacy of the subject and speaker’s involvement in, and control over a predication. Our initial investigation confirms that predictability stands out as a predominant modal meaning of kommer (att) + infinitive. Further investigation shows that there are cases in which kommer (att) + infinitive indicates speaker’s plans and intentions, and brings out intentionality as the main modal feature of a statement. We conclude our investigation with cases where modal meanings of kommer (att) + infinitive can be regarded as tending toward non-existent (“zero” modality). Considering that the descriptions in general reference works more often than not lead to a conclusion that expressing predictions is the only modal feature of kommer (att) + infinitive as a future construction in Modern Swedish, we point out that more comprehensive descriptions of the construction’s modal meanings should be offered in the future.
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Prada Pérez, Ana de, Inmaculada Gómez Soler, and Nick Feroce. "Variable Future-Time Expression in Spanish: A Comparison between Heritage and Second Language Learners." Languages 6, no. 4 (December 10, 2021): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6040206.
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This paper examines the expression of futurity in Spanish, specifically the periphrastic future (PF), the morphological future (MF), and the present indicative (PI) in heritage language learners (HLLs) and second language learners (L2 learners), a comparison that allowed us to explore whether linguistic experience provides HLLs an advantage over L2 learners in the domain of morphosyntax. These forms (PF, MF, and PI) are regulated by certainty, temporal distance, and the presence of temporal adverbials. Previous research showed that L2 learners acquire some of these linguistic constraints and that HLLs tend to reduce the MF to modal uses. Data from a contextualized acceptability judgment task completed by 46 HLLs and 42 L2ers manipulated for verb form, certainty, temporal distance, and adverb and revealed that (i) the PF and the MF were generally rated higher than the PI, (ii) HLLs were sensitive to the three linguistic factors examined, while the L2ers’ sensitivity was modulated by proficiency, and, relatedly, (iii) the two groups differed in the effect of proficiency. For the L2 learners, an increase in proficiency led to a closer pattern to that of monolingual native speakers (only for temporal distance). Differences in exposure to and instruction in Spanish are discussed as possible sources of these differences.
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Arroyo, José Luis Blas. "The variable expression of future tense in Peninsular Spanish: The present (and future) of inflectional forms in the Spanish spoken in a bilingual region." Language Variation and Change 20, no. 1 (March 2008): 85–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095439450800001x.
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AbstractIn line with trends observed in other Spanish and Romance-speaking regions, the morphological future tense MF (cantaré) is declining in the Castellón speech community (Spain) in favor of the periphrastic variant PF (voy a cantar) for the expression of future events. The multivariate analysis shows the relevance of some linguistic factors in this process, mainly the degree of proximity of the act of speech, the sentence and epistemic modality, the degree of adverbial specification, the class of verbs and, to a lesser extent, the semantic category of the subject (agency), and the types of clause and text. All in all, MF still enjoys a substantial vitality in this Spanish region unknown in other Hispanic areas and that can be related to a convergence process with Catalan, the other language of the region which shares a single variant for expressing the future, namely, the morphological form. Some additional data obtained from 191 interviews of the Sociolinguistic Corpus of Castellón (CSCS) point out the relevance of social factors related with the density of the bilingual population in the speech community, both at the collective and individual levels. The vernacular profile of this MF, favored and retained for the most autochthones elements of society, also clashes with the sociolinguistic profile of this variant in other Spanish-speaking areas where the process of substitution has been described in many cases as a change for below. In sum, language contact can slow down and alter some linguistic change much more advanced in monolingual communities.
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Concu, Valentina. "Werden and Periphrases with Present Participles and Infinitives: A Diachronic Corpus Analysis." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 34, no. 1 (February 8, 2022): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542721000064.
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The scholarship on the Modern German periphrastic future, or the werden future (that is, werden + infinitive) has brought forth different hypotheses about its origins. One of these hypotheses states that it developed from werden + present participle in the 13th century (for example, Bech 1901). While many have criticized this hypothesis, no one until now has proposed a valid solution for the problem. In this study, I carried out a comprehensive examination of the instances of werden in combination with present participles and infinitives in Middle and Early New High German. The analysis indicates that although werden + present participle and werden + infinitive were often used in similar contexts, the former construction was not the source from which the werden future emerged. Old High German data also show the use of werden + infinitive, which suggests that it was already well established in the first two centuries of the Middle High German period. This provides evidence against the view that the construction developed as late as the 13th century. I also address the grammaticalization process that werden + infinitive underwent during the Early New High German period and suggest that it culminated in the 16th century.
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Stepanenko, Mykola. "The periphrastic image of Volodymyr Zelenskyi in the publicistic and political discourse of the 2021." Philological Review, no. 2 (December 10, 2022): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2415-8828.2.2022.268658.
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The crucial importance of the linguistics as a branch of science reveals to be the focus and presentation of diverse lingual changes at various lingual levels, first and foremost at lexical-semantic, derivational, and phraseological due to the fact they contain mini-fragments of all the events, happening in a certain country and the world in general. The given article embraces the complex analysis of different periphrastic units as substitutes of the precedent name Volodymyr Zelenskyi based on the interconnection of intra- and extralingual factors, which harmonise, securing the lingual progress and accurately reflecting the core positive and negative changes in the society, reactions of people over the certain challenges. The spectrum of mini-texts of publicistic and political discourse, limited by strict chronological framework of the 2021, forms the research base of the scientific disquisition. As a result, the all-embracing periphrastic field Volodymyr Zelenskyi has been modelled on the base of wide range of actual material, the identifying criteria of its constituents (e.g., political activity of Volodymyr Zelenskyi, presidential activity of Volodymyr Zelenskyi, civil position of Volodymyr Zelenskyi, the status of actual guarantor of the Constitution in the Ukrainian political sphere, forecasts of his future as a person and as a statesman, the style of conversation with other people, etc.) were logically examined. The semantic typology of heterogeneous in their formal and grammatical organization descriptive phrases was being built on the base of semantically accentuated components as well as micro and macrocontext. Sometimes the semaciological procedure was used as an important component of axiologicality. The detailed classification of lexical and semantic range of periphrases’ elements, presenting subordinate connection as regular relationship, meanwhile coordinate and correlative as irregular ones, has been constructed consequently. All the semantic and connotative (ameliorative and pejorative) markers were logically identified. The vast range of facts involved in the scientific research, made the solid reason to assert the dominant position of the pejorative connotation due to extralingual factors (lack of managerial experience of the President Zelenskyi, unmotivated personnel changes, the desire to concentrate all branches of government in one hand, etc.). It is a fact that the crucial semantic and axiological indicators of the secondary nominations under analysis are grammatically dominant components. Sometimes this function is being performed by dependent members, which are lexemes or various syntactic constructions, formed with their participation. The analysed descriptive phrases of the periphrastic field appear as separate skilfully verbalized mini-plots, revealing consistently recorded features of the system of government of Volodymyr Zelenskyi as well as prominent events and facts, ultimately, the Ukrainian state with its gains and losses in 2021.
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Garachana, Mar, and María Sol Sansiñena. "Va a ser que no." Belgian Journal of Linguistics, Volume 34 (2020) 34 (December 31, 2020): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.00037.gar.
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Abstract This study seeks to gain a better insight into the origin and expansion of the construction <va a ser que sí/no > (lit. goes to be that yes/no) in Peninsular Spanish. We argue that this construction derives from the use of the periphrastic future construction <ir a ‘go to’ + inf> in a pseudo-cleft sentence whose subject is a deictic element or an element that conveys the speaker’s attitudinal assessment of the propositional content expressed in the attribute, a complement que-clause. The etymological structure evolves through a process that formally implies the suppression of the explicit subject and the fusion of the components va a ser que leading to the conventionalization of refutative and assertive values. To demonstrate this directionality, we examine recent stages of change and develop syntactic and semantic-pragmatic arguments grounded in a data-based approach.
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Fries, Simon. "Why and How Do New Tense Formations Arise? – On the Emergence of the Vedic So-Called Periphrastic tā-Future." Historical Linguistics 134, no. 1 (October 12, 2021): 96–165. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2021.134.1.96.
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Ylikoski, Jussi. "Future time reference in Lule Saami, with some remarks on Finnish." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 209–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2016.7.2.09.
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Abstract. The paper provides an account of future time reference (FTR) in Lule Saami. While previous accounts of the language claim that the Lule Saami galggat ‘shall; must; intend’ is a future auxiliary, there are two other potential candidates for what might be called a future tense as well. On the basis of actual language use, the potential mood in Lule Saami does not always refer to states of affairs to be understood as uncertain or only possible, but is also used to refer to future events with no visible shades of possibility or other modalities. Special attention is given to another grammaticalized construction, a periphrastic form consisting of the copula liehket ‘be’ and a purposive converb (supine). Further, it is shown that the Lule Saami supine construction has a formal and functional analogue in the previously undescribed, future-like aspectual functions of the purposive converb in Finnish.Kokkuvõte. Jussi Ylikoski: Tuleviku väljendamise vahendid Lule saami keeles mõnede märkustega soome keele kohta. Käesolevas artiklis antakse ülevaade tuleviku väljendamise vahenditest Lule saami keeles. Kuigi varasemad ülevaated kinnitavad, et Lule saami galggat (‘pidama, kavatsema’) on tuleviku abiverb, on keeles ka kaks teist võimalikku kandidaati, mida võiks samuti nimetada grammatiliseks tulevikuks. Tegeliku keelekasutuse põhjal on näha, et nn potentsiaal ehk võimalikkuse kõneviis Lule saami keeles ei väljenda alati olukordasid ebakindlana või ainult võimalikuna, vaid seda kasutatakse ka tulevikule viitamiseks ilma selge võimalikkuse või teiste modaalsuste tähenduseta. Erilist tähelepanu leiab artiklis teine grammatiseerunud tarind, perifrastiline vorm, mis koosneb koopulast liehket (‘olema’) ning nn supiinist ehk finaalsest konverbist. Viimaks juhitakse tähelepanu aspektile, et Lule saami keele supiintarindil on formaalne ja funktsionaalne analoog soome keeles, mille finaalse konverbi futuurisarnaseid aspektuaalseid ülesandeid pole varem kirjeldatud.Märksõnad: tulevik; tuleviku väljendamise vahendid; konverbid; võimalikkuse kõneviis; prospektiivne aspekt; Lule saami keel; soome keel
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Danylenko, Andrii. "Ukrainian in the Language Map of Central Europe: Questions of Areal-Typological Profiling." Journal of Language Contact 6, no. 1 (2013): 134–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-006001008.
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The paper deals with the areal-typological profiling of Ukrainian among languages of Europe, constituting Standard Average European (SAE) and especially Central European (CE). Placed recently in the context of the ‘areal typology’ and the ‘dynamic taxonomy’, Ukrainian together with Russian and Belarusian appear to be mere replica languages. Such languages are capable of only borrowing surface structures migrating all over the Europe unie or imitating deep structures on the model of SAE or CE. In order to elaborate on an alternative profiling of Ukrainian among languages of (Central) Europe, the author concentrates on both phonological and morphosyntactic features treated commonly as CE Sprachbund-forming (the spirantization of *g, the dispalatalization of the palatalized consonants, the existence of medial l, the umlauting, the three-tense system, including a simple preterit from the perfect, and the periphrastic ‘ingressive’ future). As a result, the author advances another vector of areal classification, thus positioning Russian in the core of ‘Standard Average Indo-European’ and (Southwest) Ukrainian as an intermediate language between Russian and the rest of (Central) European languages.
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HRISTOV, BOZHIL P. "The atoms of language." Journal of Linguistics 51, no. 3 (August 13, 2015): 644–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226715000225.
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The first part of this review article summarises and evaluates the contents of the book, attempting to do justice to the wealth of perspectives it offers. The book considers phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic features from the vantage points of approaches as diverse as typology, computational linguistics and formal theories like Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) and Minimalism. The second part of the article discusses several of the unifying threads that run through the volume, including the internal and cross-linguistic validity and correspondence of features, as well as the boundaries between morphology, syntax and semantics. I argue for a syntactic treatment of what has been referred to as periphrastic tense constructions in Bulgarian (including the future and the perfect), which I believe ensures greater language-internal and cross-linguistic consistency in proposing features and assigning their values. After briefly examining animacy in Bulgarian, I conclude that the operation and classification of features can make drawing boundaries between semantics and morphosyntax especially difficult. Finally, a case is made for treating tense as at least partly morphosyntactic in English, in contrast to prevalent current assumptions about the strictly morphosemantic nature of tense cross-linguistically.
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Sentí, Andreu, and Miriam Bouzouita. "The Syntax of Old Catalan Clitics: “Llibre dels Fets”." Catalan Journal of Linguistics 21 (December 19, 2022): 47–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.387.
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Although the distribution of pronominal clitics in Old Catalan has been described in general terms (Fischer 2002; Batllori et al. 2005), there are no quantitative studies detailing the frequency of preverbal or postverbal clitics nor their diachronic evolution. The clitics appearing with verbs in the future and conditional tense (FC) are worth a separate mention, since these forms originate from periphrastic structures that involve an infinitive and the auxiliary verb habere, and which could appear as an analytic (dir-li he) or a synthetic form (li diré or diré-li). This paper describes the general clitic positioning and the one encountered with FC in order to verify the claim that they display parallel distributions, using a text from the 13th century, to wit Llibre dels Fets. This article analyses the pragmatic-syntactic environments in which the clitic are found, as well as the degree of grammaticalization and univerbation of the FC. Following previous work (e.g., Bouzouita & Sentí 2022), it is argued that the FC in Catalan appear to exhibit a more advanced degree of grammaticalization than the western languages of the Iberian Peninsula.
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Zholobov, Oleg F. "Old Slavic Sermon Language: The Extraordinary Nature of Verb Morphology in Cyril Turovskij’s Homilies." Slovene 6, no. 2 (2017): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.2.5.
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The article’s subject matter—verbs functioning in the sermons of the Old Russian church writer Cyril Turovskij (second half of the 12th century)—is considered in details for the first time on the basis of the earliest source, Tolstovskij Sbornik (second half of the 13th century). Since Cyril’s sermons were addressed to a wide range of listeners and readers they had to be based on intelligible and simple language forms that also preserved a connection with literary standards. This manifested itself in the significant Russification of the preaching language. The article describes the following features of the language of Cyril’s sermons: the earliest and widespread usage of “praesens historicum”; the exclusive usage of aorist forms with additional endings (načętъ type); the special functional and syntactic nature of the aorist rěšę; the unusually wide usage of 2 Sg. aorist and imperfect forms; the usage of perfective imperfect forms and imperfects with additional endings; the prospective future tense and modal functioning of the paraphrastic forms with the auxiliary verb xoščè; special cases of 1 Pl. imperatives usage; the special character of the reflexive enclitic sę; and the extraordinary distribution of periphrastic preterits forms. Some similarity of verbs functioning in Cyril’s homilies and The Tale of Igor’s Campaign is detected as well as in the original Chronicle, early Old Russian translations, and Paroemiarion.
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Ralli, Angela. "Syntactic and morphosyntactic phenomena in Modern Greek dialects: The state of the art." Journal of Greek Linguistics 7, no. 1 (2006): 121–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jgl.7.07ral.
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AbstractIn this paper I give an overview of several syntactic and morpho-syntactic phenomena applying to a range of Modern Greek dialects. I present a descriptive account of these phenomena, and refer to some possible theoretical analyses put forward by a number of well-known linguists. In certain cases, I offer evidence for the cross-dialectal occurrence of a phenomenon as a contribution to the establishment of syntactic isoglosses, and report some hints of its diachronic development when the available sources permit. <br /> My data are drawn not only from written sources, but also from the oral material that has been collected in the last six years from several Greek areas, and stored in the Modern Greek Dialects Laboratory (MGDL) of the University of Patras. <br /> The paper has the following structure: Section 1 contains some general observations with respect to the study and development of Modern Greek dialects. Dialectal word order is presented next (Section 2), followed by certain observations on the use of complementizers (Section 3), negation (Section 4), and sentential particles (Section 5). The issues of infinitival forms and periphrastic tenses (perfect and future) are examined in Section 6, while elements appearing in wh-questions constitute the topic of Section 7. The case form of the indirect object is tackled next (Section 8), and the paper ends with the well-described topic of verbal clitics, which is presented in Section 9. The paper concludes with remarks stressing the importance of research in the field of Modern Greek dialectology.
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Brkan, Seada. "Forme i funkcije zapovjednih načina u Ciceronovim Pismima / The form and function of commands in Cicero’s Epistles." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 6 (December 28, 2022): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2022.39.
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In oral and written communication there exist various linguistic tools by which one tells or asks their interlocuter to do something. In such cases, one most often uses the imperative, even though in different languages there are different ways to attain a goal, i.e., to realize the intention or request of the message sender. In Latin, there existed along with the imperative a mood called the subjunctive through which speakers could express commands or prohibitions, but also suggestions, desires, requests, counsel, or encouragement for the message receiver to complete a certain act. The content mentioned can be expressed using the present (e.g., You are shutting up now!) or the future tenses (e.g., You are going to the library tomorrow!), or with certain periphrastic forms (e.g., This job ought to be finished!). The form, then, does not always correspond with the anticipated content; that is, one type of content can be expressed using various forms. This paper is directed at the observation and analysis of the various forms and functions of commands used by Cicero in his epistles, as well as on their classification according to which of them prevail in individual groups of letters. Along with this, seeing as in some examples ambiguous forms of the imperative are found, whose function is conditioned due to various pragmatic parameters and contextual frameworks, the goal is to also to point out the importance of context and its elements, especially those of a socio-political, cultural or historical environment and the role of participants in the choice, usage, and interpretation of forms of the command.
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Costa, Mariana Gonçalves da, and Lais Lima de Souza. "Future reference in portuguese: the case for a volitive periphrasis." Revista Diadorim 23, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/diadorim.2021.v23n3a46378.
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Gutiérrez, Manuel J. "La influencia de "los de abajo" en tres procesos de cambio lingiiistico en el español de Morelia, Michoacán." Language Problems and Language Planning 18, no. 3 (January 1, 1994): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.18.3.09gut.
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SUMMARY The Impact of "the Underdogs" in Three Processes of Linguistic Change in the Spanish of Morelia, Michoacán This paper deals with the role that the educational and the socioeconomic levels of the speakers play in some processes of linguistic change. Three phenomena of the Spanish grammar in different stages of linguistic change are examined in the light of the data collected among Spanish speakers from Morelia, Michoacan: (a) the opposition "periphrastic/morphological future," (b) the use of pluperfect subjunctive in the apodosis of conditional sentences instead of compound conditional, and (c) the innovative use of the copula estar. Results from the analysis reveal that in the two more advanced change processes (a and b), the lower educational levels and the low socioeconomic group are the leaders, while the group with more formal education and the middle-high socioeconomic group have joined, although with some resistance, the tendency marked by the leader groups. The analysis of the ser/estar opposition evidences an innovative use of the copula estar in the community. This change is in the first stages and consists of an extension of the estar semantic domain. The educational and socioeconomic levels also show differences in the use of this innovative form. Speakers with college education and speakers of the upper-middle socioeconomic group are more resistant to adopt the innovative use. However, speakers with less education and speakers of the low socioeconomic group show a very important proportion of the innovative use. The results found seem to suggest that the size of the group with less education and the size of the low socioeconomic group in communities like the one studied permit the imposition of some changes that are led by them. RESUMO La influo de la "subuloj " en tri procezoj de lingvosangigo en la hispana de Morelia en Michoacdn La artikolo temas pri la rolo de la eduka kaj sociekonomia niveloj de la parolantoj en procezoj de lingvosangigo. La aǔtoro studas tri fenomenojn de la hispana gramatiko en diversaj stadioj de lingvosangigo per faktoj observitaj inter parolantoj de la hispana en Morelia en Michoacán: (1) la alternativo inter helpverba kaj morfologia futuro, (2) la uzo de pluskvamperfekta subjunktivo en la cefpropozicio de kondicaj frazoj anstataǔ la helpverba kondicionalo, kaj (3) la novstila uzo de la kopulo estar. La rezultoj montras, ke en la du pli progresintaj ŝanĝoprocezoj (1 kaj 2), la malpli altaj edukniveloj kaj la malalta sociekonomia grupo gvidas, dum la grupo kun pli da formala edukigo kaj la mezalta sociekonomia grupo postsekvas, ec se kun iom da rezisto, la tendencon indikitan de la gvidantaj grupoj. La analizo de la alternativo ser/estar montras novstilan uzon de estar en la komunumo. Tiu ŝanĝo estas en la komenca stadio kaj konsistas el plivastigo de la signifo de estar. La niveloj kondutas malsame ankaǔ rilate al ĉi tiu novaĵo. Parolantoj kun altlerneja edukigo kaj tiuj el la mezalta sociekonomia grupo rezistas la disvastigon de tiu novstila uzo. Aliflanke parolantoj malpli edukitaj kaj sur malpli alta sociekonomia nivelo uzas la novstilaĵon grandkvante. La trovitaj rezultoj sajnas sugesti, ke pro sia grandeco la malaltaj socigrupoj kapablas en socio kiel la studita esti gvidantaj en sango.
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Lucas, Sandra. "Aspect in Greek Future Forms." Journal of Greek Linguistics 14, no. 2 (2014): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01402008.
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Medieval Greek had three future periphrases making use of a finite verb and an infinitive: μέλλω + INF, ἔχω + INF, θέλω + INF. Given the parallel nature of the periphrases as well as the fact that the infinitive existed in both a perfective and an imperfective version, it might be expected that these future-referring forms developed aspectual distinctions in similar ways. However based on papyrological evidence from AD I and AD VI this article shows that this was not the case. Rather, each future periphrasis seems to follow its own path towards the aspectual distinction which is a hallmark of the Modern Greek verbal system: μέλλω + INF has a much higher ratio of imperfective infinitives than the two other periphrases especially in AD I, ἔχω + INF starts out using only the perfective infinitive when referring to the future, and θέλω + INF distinguishes for aspect before it gains future meaning. The difference in aspectual usage is explained both by the semantics of the respective auxiliaries and by different oppositional relations (modal and temporal) that the periphrases enter into.
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Lansari, Laure. "The be going to periphrasis in if-clauses." Languages in Contrast 9, no. 2 (October 22, 2009): 202–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.9.2.02lan.
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This paper examines the use of the future periphrases be going to and aller + infinitive in conditional clauses introduced by if and si. Both monolingual and translated data is investigated. It shows that there is no equivalence between the two periphrases in such a constrained syntactic environment. The sequence if + be going to, which is not truly conditional as claimed throughout the analysis, is frequent in contemporary English, whereas aller + infinitive is hardly compatible with conditionals. Be going to in if-clauses is thus mainly translated by devoir, which emphasizes the inevitability component of the English periphrasis, or by vouloir when the intentional meaning of be going to is foregrounded. It is nevertheless argued that aller + infinitive can occur in conditionals, but only in very specific situations: when the si-clause is clearly attributable to a source of disourse distinct from the speaker.
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Sankoff, Gillian, and Suzanne Evans Wagner. "The long tail of language change: A trend and panel study of Québécois French futures." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 65, no. 2 (June 2020): 246–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2020.7.
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AbstractA previous panel study of 59 speakers of Montreal French showed an increase in inflected futures (IF) at the expense of periphrastic futures (PF) as this population aged, running counter to the direction of historical change: reduction of IF. Matching two samples of speakers across the same time interval by age and social characteristics, the current trend study investigates whether or not this increase reflects retrograde change in the speech community. Results show community stability over the same period, confirming the earlier age grading interpretation and disconfirming any possibility that the disappearance of IF may be reversing. We propose that this pattern of retrograde lifespan change may emerge from a combination of social forces typically found in late stages of language change, with concomitant stylistic effect. Further, such a pattern may suggest the mechanism that creates a very long tail for retreating variants.