Academic literature on the topic 'Pension inequalities'

Parents and carers often have interrupted workforce histories, causing gaps in their pension contributions and hence significantly lower retirement incomes. In some countries, to ameliorate these inequalities, carer credits have been introduced to maintain public pension contributions during periods of workforce absence. But improvements to credits in public schemes have taken place alongside a shift to private pensions that widens inequalities for carers. Introducing carer credits to private pensions is one method of addressing these inequalities. A search for examples of credits to private schemes in OECD countries revealed that, at present, they are rare and limited. This article sets out the design features and principles that should underpin carer credits to private pensions.

AbstractDuring the 1990s a wave of major structural reforms that changed the distributional principles underpinning pension policies spread across Latin America. Outcomes were not always as expected. The implementation of new pension rules in the socio-economic, political and institutional context of Latin America has resulted in a number of inequalities which affect pension system performance and the gains that different income groups and generations may obtain. In order to overcome the distributional drawbacks of reform, Latin American governments may need to afford a new role to non-contributive pensions, as well as consider the application of specific regulatory adjustments to reduce the risks and inequalities involved in the private pillar. Cross-border policy learning may provide useful tools to achieve these aims.

This paper discusses the ageing process in Brazil and Colombia according to gender and socioeconomic inequalities. The ageing process is related to reforms in social policies in each country. Reforms in the pension systems show contrasting results for the family structure and income. In Brazil, the extension of pensions to rural and informal workers leads to empowering poorer elderly women and men in economic and domestic relationships. Universalizing pensions allows the elderly to chose to live alone or to support adult children. On the other hand, in Colombia the reform created the individual saving system, reinforcing social exclusion and inequalities at the end of the life course. At the same time, the structural adjustments of the economy have generated new social contracts and economic order, but in different ways. The universal or individual character of the new pension system redefines in each country the profile of gender, generations, and socioeconomic inequalities. The universal reform can mitigate the economic and domestic exclusion of poorer and rural elderly, as in Brazil; and the individual reform can reinforce inequalities and, as a result, reproduce gender roles of domestic submission and dependence for poorer women in advanced ages.

Gender inequalities are a key issue for most pension systems in Latin America. Contributory pension schemes that link benefit entitlements to work and earnings tend to reflect in the benefits they offer the gender gaps that prevail in the labour market. This deepened with the implementation of individual private accounts as part of structural pension reforms in a number of countries. This article evaluates how recent pension policies, including measures geared to coverage expansion and so-called pension ‘re-reforms’, have addressed gender gaps in pensions in four Latin American countries. It shows that the expansion of non-contributory pensions and a greater emphasis on redistribution are important for the protection of older women in a context of gendered labour markets and the unequal distribution of paid and unpaid work between women and men. Looking at the cases of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil and Chile, the article identifies progress but also the persistence of gender gaps in pensions and emphasises the need for further measures to promote adequate social protection for older women.

We investigated the impact on work life exits from reduced access to disability pension (2006), and financial incentives to extend working life.Method and materialWe used labour statistics, social insurance, and income data, for all employees in Sweden, to compare occupational groups (SSYK, based on ISCO-88), and blue and white collar workers, with regard to i) lost years in working life due to death, disability pension and long-term sick-leave preceding disability pension 2007–2010, ii) granted disability pensions 2007–2011, and iii) premature age pension in 2004 and 2011.ResultsYears lost in working life were similar for men and women in the same 1-digit SSYK occupational group, somewhat higher for those born outside Sweden, but showed a clear gradient from white to blue collar occupations, e.g. on average 0.39 ys versus 2.40 ys lost for Legislators/senior officials/managers and in Elementary occupations, respectively (women born in Sweden).In 2006 the prevalence of disability pension in the age group 50–64 was 3.61% among women and 2.49% among men, with 10/10 of the highest prevalence occupations (4-digit SSYK code) in men, and 9/10 in women, being blue collar ones. Approved applications decreased 2006–2011 by 74.4% in women, and 64.3% in men; for mental disorders (ICD-10-SE; F00-F99) 64.9% in women and 48.8% in men, for musculoskeletal disorders (M00-M99) 91.1% and 90.0%, respectively.The prevalence of premature age pension increased between 2004 and 2011: men 2.5% to 6.4%, women 1.7% to 5.5%. Blue collar occupations were most affected.ConclusionsThe socioeconomic divide in lost years of working life between white and blue collars prevailed. There was an apparent flow from disability to premature age pension, in particular in female blue collars. The findings indicate the budgetary savings of disability pensions transferred the economic burden of disease to individuals, and mainly to female blue collar workers.

Introduction: The text discusses the gender pension gap in rich countries, focusing specifically on Italy. The paper delves into the evolution of this gap across different generations, analyzing social security reforms and their impact on retirement incomes. The study emphasizes the importance of understanding these disparities for designing effective pension systems that address gender inequalities and ensure well-being in retirement.Objective: The aim of the article is to investigate the gender pension gap, specifically in the context of Italy, by analyzing the factors contributing to this disparity, including late entry into the job market, wage gaps, and caregiving responsibilities. The study focuses on understanding the impact of social security reforms and the pension system on these gender inequalities, aiming to provide insights for the design of equitable pension systems.Materials and methods: The article utilized administrative data from the Italian National Institute for Social Security (INPS) covering pension payments from 1995 to 2022. The study employed a cohort perspective, analyzing the evolution of the gender pension gap across generations and examining the impact of social security reforms and labor market arrangements.Results: The main conclusion of the study indicates that while the absolute gender disparity in mean retirement income has increased across cohorts of Italian retirees born between 1930 and 1954, the relative gender gap, when considering men's average pension, has decreased over time. Additionally, the impact of survivor's benefits has been significant in reducing the gender disparity in pensions, particularly in the later stages of life. Furthermore, the study found that the impact of social security reforms in Italy has been limited, primarily affecting the youngest cohorts, with most retirees still relying on the dominant defined benefit component for their pensions.

ABSTRACTPension receipt in later life is determined by the way in which individuals' pension contributions and circumstances over the lifecourse interact with eligibility rules. Within the British context, such pensions relate to sources such as the State Pension, an occupational or private pension, and Pension Credit. Existing research shows that membership of certain ethnic groups is associated with a lower likelihood of receiving occupational or private pensions. Data from Understanding Society allows us to build on existing evidence by examining the factors associated with the receipt of three different kinds of pension income – State, occupational/private and Pension Credit – among older men and women from separate Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups. The results show that belonging to certain BME groups reduces one's chances of receiving the State Pension or an occupational/private pension, but increases the chance of receiving Pension Credit. The gender-specific analysis shows that these results hold true for many BME groups of men, whereas among women, only Pakistani women are less likely than White British women to receive an occupational/private pension. Such findings provide up-to-date empirical evidence that ethnic inequalities in pension protection are still evident and contribute to the increasingly important debate in the United Kingdom and elsewhere regarding migrants' social security and welfare over the lifecourse and in later life.

This study contributes to the literature on pension reforms by evaluating the Turkish case within a theoretical framework drawing on financialisation as extensive and intensive accumulation of finance assets. Financialisation refers to the expansion of finance into ever more areas of economic and social life while increasing its depth through more sophisticated financial operations. The Turkish pension reform, which has been run under the influence of global policy actors, illustrates the integration of finance with social policy. The intensification of dependence upon finance is demonstrated by the Turkish pension funds that stimulate innovation of financial instruments through demand-side impacts on capital markets. The critical analysis of financialised pensions reveals that the social policy advice of international financial institutions, with motives to extend financial markets, exacerbates class and gender inequalities. JEL Classification: G230 Pension funds; J140 Ageing, Pension; N2 Financialisation

This article explores how the Gender Pension Gap (GPG)—the relative difference in average pension received by men and women—might evolve in the future in various European countries, given past, current, and projected future labour market behaviour and earnings of women and men, and current pension regulations. The GPG reflects career inequalities between women and men, though these are partly mitigated by the redistributive impact of the public retirement pensions. They are further mitigated by survivor benefits. This study aims to document both mechanisms in the projections of the GPG. As the GPG varies widely across European countries, we analyse countries with a high (Luxembourg), high and low middle (Belgium and Switzerland Portugal), and low (Slovenia) GPG. We find that the GPG will fall significantly in all five countries over the coming decades. The fundamental drivers behind this development are discussed. In addition to the base scenario, we simulate two variants to show the impact of the Gender Pension Coverage Gap and of survivor pensions. Additionally, we project the GPG if current labour market gender gaps were to remain at their present level, and, conversely, if these were to disappear overnight. These alternative scenarios, one of which also serves as a robustness test, suggest that the future decline of the GPG is largely the result of labour market developments that have already happened during the past decades.

The UK is considered a ’male breadwinner/female part-time carer’ state due to men and women conforming to stereotypical gender roles within partnerships, and welfare policies reflecting and reinforcing this gender division. Using data from the General Household Surveys 2001 and 2002, this article shows that mothers continue to be markedly disadvantaged in participating in the accumulation of pensions compared to women who have never had children. This is mostly because they take on caring roles at the expense of paid work, but also because where women earn much less than their partners, they are more likely to depend on them for pension provision. Female breadwinners are likely to be low earners, and so, in contrast with men, their status as “breadwinner” does not usually imply pension accumulation. Consideration of the impact of the institutional framework of pension provision requires an understanding of inequalities within couples and societal expectations of mothers’ caring responsibilities.

La retraite est généralement conçue comme une institution qui incarne la réussite du modèle social français : les retraités forment une part marginale des bénéficiaires des services d’aide sociale, la France est le deuxième pays de l’OCDE à avoir le plus faible taux de pauvreté chez les personnes âgées, et en moyenne ce groupe jouit d’un niveau de vie supérieur à l’ensemble des actifs. Pourtant, depuis quelques années on sait qu’un tiers des retraité.es touchent des pensions mensuelles inférieures ou égales à 1000 euros dont 74% de femmes. Quel est l’état des inégalités dans la retraite ? Et quelle est réellement la situation sociale des retraité.es ? Alors que la littérature atteste de la réussite exemplaire de la politique des retraites à avoir éradiqué le phénomène d’indigence et de pauvreté structurelle des vieux travailleurs, comment comprendre l’existence de ce nouveau groupe social dont l’existence interroge les représentations sociologiques des formes contemporaines de la pauvreté ? A partir d’une méthodologie reposant sur quinze ans de recherche dont sept années dans le champ de l’expertise retraite ainsi que sur la réalisation d’une enquête menée par entretiens semi-directifs dans une campagne populaire en Occitanie, la thèse propose une sociologie de celles et de ceux que l’administration nomme les « retraité.es modestes ». Située à l’intersection de la sociologie de la socialisation économique, de la sociologie de la retraite et de la sociologie générale, elle propose une analyse compréhensive de la retraite conçue comme un dispositif de régulation des parcours de prévoyance individuels. Cette perspective repose sur un travail inédit de conceptualisation de la notion de prévoyance qui permet de livrer une étude empirique du rôle régulateur du dispositif dans les vies individuelles. En exploitant les entretiens menés auprès de 42 retraité.es et de 12 acteurs institutionnels engagés dans le champ de la vieillesse, la thèse montre ainsi comment le dispositif produit une régulation différenciée des parcours de prévoyance qui opère de façon invisible, corporatiste et familialiste aux échelles collective et individuelle de la vie sociale. Pour en évaluer l’influence dans les parcours individuels, trois phases ont été isolées (l’expérience de l’affiliation, l’expérience de la cotisation et l’expérience de la liquidation des droits) puis comparées dans le récit des expériences vécues des enquêté.es. Cette démarche permet d’identifier trois types de parcours de prévoyance qui permettent de comprendre comment le dispositif produit activement des inégalités sociales dans la vieillesse : le parcours de prévoyance socialisée des fonctionnaires et des salariés, le parcours de prévoyance patrimoniale des professions indépendantes et enfin le parcours de prévoyance familialiste des épouses et les mères. A partir de ces résultats, la thèse propose quatre pistes pour une évolution solidariste de la retraite
Pension system is generally known as part of the success of french welfare regime: marginal part of the beneficiaries of social assistance services are retired people, France get one of the lowest poverty rates among the elderly in OECD countries, and national statistics show this group has on average a higher standard of living than active people. However, for a few years a new trend appears showing one third of retirees earns €1000 or less for a monthly incomes's pension, and this situation concerns mostly women. What do we know about inequalities in retirement? And what is the social situation of retired people? While literature emphasizes the historical success of pension policy in eradicating indigence and structural poverty among old workers, what do the existence of this new social group says about French society?

This chapter provides a defense of a type of occupational pension, known as “collective defined contribution” (CDC), which is based on the idea that it is possible to limit the employer’s liability to nothing more than a set contribution (a “defined contribution”) while retaining many of the benefits of the collectivization (pooling) of risks of a traditional defined benefit (DB) pension. CDC can be defended against a freedom-based objection from the right via an appeal to the following Hobbesian voluntarist justification: CDC constitutes a “Leviathan of Leviathans” into which it is rational for workers to choose to associate in order to tame longevity and investment risks. CDC pensions that arise from and mirror existing income inequalities can also be defended against an egalitarian objection from the left, by demonstration that they can be grounded in Rawlsian principles of reciprocity and property-owning democracy.

France has established itself as one of the most ‘generous’ welfare states in the world. The Great Recession of 2007–8 confronted French social policy with escalating unemployment and deepening inequalities. Combined with major pension reforms, these led to strong levels of dissatisfaction across the country, exacerbated by tensions over immigration, Euroscepticism, and internal security problems. This chapter examines how these issues developed in political context and uses material from attitude surveys to analyse existing and future challenges for the welfare state in France. It assesses recent reforms: governments of right and left offered contrasting programmes but failed to win public trust. France now stands at a cross-roads, facing a strong presidential challenge from the anti-immigrant, anti-EU right.

Reconceptualizing welfare-state regimes in terms of the interactions between markets, states, and gender and family relations, cross-national feminist scholarship reveals that the United States is relatively more "market-based" in its approach to both employment and care work than other wealthy democracies. Consequently female poverty, especially of lone mothers, is far higher in the United States compared to other wealthy democracies. Feminist scholarship also highlights the ways in which U.S. welfare programs are deeply gendered in terms of their underlying philosophies, recipient populations, and distribution of benefits. Feminist scholars have reconceptualized the origins and development of the U.S. welfare state in terms of a "two-track" system that has reinforced both gender and racial inequalities. Programs serving mostly men, such as veterans' benefits or unemployment insurance, provided relatively generous benefits and portrayed recipients as deserving. In contrast, programs serving mostly women, such as mothers' pensions, were relatively stingy, restrictive, and stigmatizing. At the beginning of the 20th century, reformers justified welfare for lone mothers in maternalist terms, emphasizing the value of full-time motherhood for child development. Support for maternalist welfare policies, although never strong, was further weakened as maternal employment grew and as more women of color and unwed mothers gained access to welfare. Since the late 1960s, efforts to reform the welfare system led to the expansion of federal welfare-to-work programs, which have largely tracked participants into low-wage jobs. Child-care subsidies also expanded in this period, but have remained relatively minimal and distributed in ways that reinforced class divisions among working families.

AbstractGlobalisation and international competition have a spillover effect on the reforms of pension systems that imposes a similar pattern of dismantling, hardening access to pensions, reducing expenditure and retrenchment in said reforms. The comparative analysis of four countries with different pension systems: two liberal (United Kingdom and Chile) and another two with contributory-proportional systems (Spain and Argentina) serves to determine the details of the reform processes, which discursively seem to have a shared pattern recommended by the international financial and economic institutions.But the reality of the four case studies shows considerable differences in the implementation of the pension reform policies. The reforms depend on the societal context, institutions, history, the role of unions, the government in power, demographic factors and economic perspectives, among other matters. Many countries need to sustain pension systems because they are associated with many pensioners’ political vote. Therefore, the spillover effect of globalisation and the convergence in certain uniform patterns of reforms is far from reality in the four countries, and as such, the measures adopted are specific for each country.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

According to the Pensions Commission in its first report, the state pension system in Britain is among the least generous in the developed world. This reflects the explicit aim of both Conservative and New Labour governments since 1980 to reduce the share of pensions provided by the state and increase that provided by the private sector. This policy has reinforced the gender gap in pensions. Despite recent acknowledgement by the government's pensions minister that women's pensions are ‘a national scandal’, there is no sign of a radical shift in policy which is needed to remedy that situation. This chapter outlines the gender gap in later life income, showing how private pensions shape gender inequality in different ways based on women's marital status. It also examines gender differences in working-age individuals' employment, earnings, and private (occupational or personal) pension scheme membership, focusing on the impact of motherhood on women's position. Moreover, it considers alternative ways of protecting the pension income of carers and assesses the Pensions Commission's 2005 proposals in terms of women's pension needs.

This chapter summarizes the potential impact of technological innovations on pension systems, their financial sustainability, and social adequacy. The nature of the challenges depends on the different scenarios regarding the effect of technology on the labor market and type of pension scheme. In the event of massive job loss, we could see a decline in revenues and membership of statutory contributory pension schemes in social insurance systems, and the same might apply to coverage of supplementary pension funds. In the event of job transformation—with increased inequalities among workers—benefit computation formulas could present a challenge. An analysis of different scenarios sheds light on the risks for future pensions and emphasizes the need to rethink reform priorities. Policy risks may then lead to political consequences, especially for the stakeholders involved in the administration of the systems. Social partners need to refine their agenda to address future inequalities and risks to old-age security.

European countries are facing the challenge of population ageing, and social policies need to adjust to changing intergenerational balance. In this chapter, the most important challenges in the current intergenerational and intragenerational balance are assessed using the National Transfer Accounts approach. Financing the lifecycle deficit of older generations is mainly based on public transfers, while in the case of younger generations it is mainly financed from private transfers. The working-age generation faces a ‘triple burden’ as it finances the lifecycle deficit of older generations by paid taxes and the consumption of the young generation by private transfers. They also need to save more to be able to finance their future consumption to a larger extent from their savings. Recent policy developments show that the pressure of an increase of pension expenditure caused by demographic changes is offset by reducing pension transfers by changing benefit formulae or benefit indexation as well as increasing the effective pensionable age. The span of effective economic activity is relatively short, particularly for women. A gender gap in labor income is also linked to a gender gap in the pension income, which leads to further transfers between men and women at older ages. Income inequalities between older people increase following reforms of pension systems that tighten the link between lifetime earnings and pensions. Mortality differences interact with government programmes for the elderly (e.g., pension systems) and may reduce or even reverse the direction of income redistribution.

Workers in precarious jobs are more likely to be poor. Inequality between regular and nonregular workers and for informal workers remains high even when the social wage, including benefits and social protections, is considered. The relationship between nonregular work arrangements and labor market outcomes such as wages, inequalities, and poverty is examined. Data on poverty in each country are presented, showing how the poverty rate differs by work arrangement. Emphasis is placed on the macrostructural factors that shape labor market institutions (especially unions and collective bargaining, and minimum wage laws) and social protections (health insurance, retirement and pension benefits, unemployment insurance benefits, and labor laws).