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1

Walker, Ben. "Neither pro-war nor pro-peace Sydney George Fisher, John and Leo Faller, and their perspectives on Civil War Pennsylvania /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3594.

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2

Gray, Corey Patrick. "Industrial modernization and the American Civil War." Thesis, The Florida State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1600045.

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What explains why and how America fought the civil war? This thesis argues that industrial modernization can be a useful analytical tool for understanding the causes of the American Civil War. The argument is developed by analyzing the social, political, and military events of the era through the lens of industrialization. This study will show that the American Industrial Revolution lay at the core of the social, political, and military events that shaped this great conflict. Understanding the causes of human events is as critical as understanding their effects. By grasping the root causes of the war, we can better understand how and why it was fought. This analysis of American society, American politics, and the country's military establishment will provide the rich context needed to apprehend the reasons for the American Civil war beyond the dichotomy of slavery and economics.

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3

Ward, Matthew Charles. "La guerre sauvage: The Seven Years' War on the Virginia and Pennsylvania frontier." W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623829.

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The Seven Years' War on the Virginia and Pennsylvania frontier was a devastating struggle. About two thousand colonists died, almost as many were captured, and tens of thousands fled for safety in the east. The British and their colonists proved unable to mount an effective military defence: colonial forces proved unfit for warfare in the frontier environment and military efforts resulted only in intense discord between civil and military authorities. as a result of the destruction of the raids both Virginia and Pennsylvania were unable to contribute to the war effort in the northern theater, on the St. Lawrence, Lake Champlain, and Acadia.;The French and their Indian allies achieved this success with few resources. The French were unable to commit over a few hundred men to the Ohio Valley, while the Indians experienced an acute shortage of arms and supplies caused by the disruption of their traditional trading network. to achieve their success the French and their Indian allies did not raid randomly, but with an intentional strategy and with specific targets.;The Indians who fought on both sides, fought, not as European pawns, but with their own specific war-aims: the Susquehanna Delawares sought independence from Iroquois overlordship; the Cherokees joined the Virginians in an attempt to break the South Carolinian control of their trade; the Ohio Indians struggled to keep European settlements out of the Ohio Valley.;Eventual success for the British in the theater was achieved not by the superiority of their forces in the theater--in each regular battle British troops were routed, at Fort Necessity, Braddock's Field, and Major Grant's defeat outside Fort Duquesne in 1758--but through attrition caused by British superiority in other theaters. In particular British naval superiority deprived the French, and in turn their Indian allies, of needed supplies.
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4

Lea-O'Mahoney, Michael James. "The navy in the English Civil War." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4078.

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This thesis is concerned chiefly with the military role of sea power during the English Civil War. Parliament’s seizure of the Royal Navy in 1642 is examined in detail, with a discussion of the factors which led to the King’s loss of the fleet and the consequences thereafter. It is concluded that Charles I was outmanoeuvred politically, whilst Parliament’s choice to command the fleet, the Earl of Warwick, far surpassed him in popularity with the common seamen. The thesis then considers the advantages which control of the Navy provided for Parliament throughout the war, determining that the fleet’s protection of London, its ability to supply besieged outposts and its logistical support to Parliamentarian land forces was instrumental in preventing a Royalist victory. Furthermore, it is concluded that Warwick’s astute leadership went some way towards offsetting Parliament’s sporadic neglect of the Navy. The thesis demonstrates, however, that Parliament failed to establish the unchallenged command of the seas around the British Isles. This was because of the Royalists’ widespread privateering operations, aided in large part by the King’s capture of key ports in 1643, such as Dartmouth and Bristol. The Navy was able to block many, but not all, of the King’s arms shipments from abroad, thus permitting Charles to supply his armies in England. Close attention is paid to the Royalist shipping which landed reinforcements from Ireland in 1643-44. The King’s defeat in the First Civil War is then discussed, with the New Model Army, and greater resources, cited as the key factors behind Parliament’s victory, with recognition that the Navy provided essential support. Finally, the revolt of the fleet in 1648 is examined. It is concluded that the increasing radicalism of Parliament alienated a substantial section of the Navy, but that the Royalists failed to capitalise on their new-found maritime strength.
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5

Welter, Franklin Michael. "The American Civil War: A War of Logistics." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1434019565.

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6

Page, Sebastian Nicholas. "The American Civil War and black colonization." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8a344a9f-1264-4f70-bef5-f9a4b40162d4.

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This is a study of the pursuit of African American colonization as a state and latterly a federal policy during the period c. 1850-65. Historians generally come to the topic via an interest in the Civil War and especially in Lincoln, but in so doing, they saddle it with moral judgment and the burden of rather self-referential debates. The thesis argues that, whilst the era’s most noteworthy ventures into African American colonization did indeed emerge from the circumstances of the Civil War, and from the personal efforts of the president, one can actually offer the freshest insights on Lincoln by bearing in mind that colonization was, above all, a real policy. It enjoyed the support of other adherents too, and could be pursued by various means, which themselves might have undergone adjustment over time and by trial and error. Using an array of unpublished primary sources, the study finds that Lincoln and his allies actively pursued colonization for a longer time, and with more persistence in the face of setbacks, than scholars normally assume. The policy became entangled in considerations of whether it was primarily a domestic or an international matter, whilst other overlapping briefs also sabotaged its execution, even as the administration slowly learned various lessons about how not to go about its implementation.By early 1864, the resulting confusion, as well as the political fallout from the fiasco of the one expedition to go ahead, curtailed the president’s ability to continue with the policy. There are strong suggestions, however, that he had not repudiated colonization, and possibly looked to revive it, even as he showed a tentative interest in alternative futures for African Americans. This thesis makes a case against unrealistically binary thinking, anachronistic assumptions, abused hindsight, sweeping interpretive frameworks, and double standards of evidentiary assessment respecting a technically imperfect and ethically awkward policy.
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7

Yager, Brian. "Northwest Ohio Political Sentiment During The Civil War." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1458746818.

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8

Ashley, Daniel. "Civil War Photographs Considered." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/AshleyD2004.pdf.

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9

Grek, Ivan M. "The Chapaevization of Soviet Civil War Memory, 1922-1941." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1440544170.

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10

Buzzanco, Robert. "Masters of war? : military criticism, strategy, and civil- military relations during the Vietnam war /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487844485899365.

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11

Jones, Gregory R. "They Fought the War Together| Southeastern Ohio's Soldiers and Their Families During the Civil War." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618882.

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Soldiers from southeastern Ohio and their families fought the Civil War (1861–1865) in a reciprocal relationship, sustaining one another throughout the course of the conflict. The soldiers needed support from their families at home. The families, likewise, relied upon the constant contact via letters for assurance that the soldiers were surviving and doing well in the ranks. This dissertation qualitatively examines the correspondence between soldiers and their families in southeastern Ohio, developing six major themes of analysis including early war patriotism, war at the front, war at home, political unrest at home, common religion, and the shared cost of the war. The source base for the project included over one thousand letters and over two hundred and fifty newspaper articles, all of which contribute to a sense of the mood of southeastern Ohioans as they struggled to fight the war together. The conclusions of the dissertation show that soldiers and their families developed a cooperative relationship throughout the war. This dissertation helps to provide a corrective to the overly romantic perspective on the Civil War that it was fought between divided families. Rather, Civil War soldiers and their families fought the war in shared suffering and in support of one another.

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12

Grant, Meredith Anne. "Internal Dissent: East Tennessee's Civil War, 1849-1865." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1962.

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East Tennessee, though historically regarded as a Unionist monolith, was politically and ideologically divided during the Civil War. The entrance of the East Tennessee and Virginia and East Tennessee and Georgia railroads connected the economically isolated region to Virginia and the deep South. This trade network created a southern subculture within East Tennessee. These divisions had deepened and resulted by the Civil War in guerilla warfare throughout the region. East Tennessee's response to the sectional crisis and the Civil War was varied within the region itself. Analyzing railroad records, manuscript collections, census data, and period newspapers demonstrates that three subdivisions existed within East Tennessee - Northeast Tennessee, Knox County, and Southeast Tennessee. These subregions help explain East Tennessee's varied responses to sectional and internal strife. East Tennessee, much like the nation as a whole, was internally divided throughout the Civil War era.
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13

Sasser, Jackson Norman. "Escaping into the Prison Civil War Round Table." W&M ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626550.

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14

Fobanjong, John M. "Interventionary alliances in civil conflicts." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184749.

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This study argues that foreign intervention is not a concept that could lend itself to any theoretical inquiry. It is a norm that is applicable mainly in juridical inquiries and in systems theory. It is a norm in systems theory in that the system is made up of two important elements: (1) the distribution of resources; and (2) the norms of conduct that accompany the resources. As a systemic norm, the norm of nonintervention seeks to guarantee stability and predictability in the international system. It is a juridical norm in that it calls either for the indictment or vindication for the violation of sovereign sanctity. It produces a dichotomous debate (such as legal/illegal; right/wrong; etc.) that has none of the operational ingredients of a theory. If foreign intervention is a norm and not a theoretical concept, it means therefore that social scientists have yet to come up with a theory for the study of the pervasive phenomenon of foreign involvement in civil conflicts. Conceptual tools such as 'power theory,' and the psychoanalysis of perceptions/misperceptions have been used by social scientists to study the Vietnam, Nicaragua and other wars simply for lack of more specific conceptual tools. While these concepts have been successful in describing and in explaining these conflicts, they still in a sense remain broad conceptual tools. Explaining the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan in terms of the power theory rationale of national security interest, or the U.S. involvement there in terms of the psychoanalysis of perceived Soviet expansionism only recreate a dichotomous, non-dialectic evaluation of "who's wrong/who's right" elements of the conflict. Crucial factors such as factionalization, escalation, and stalemate, remain unexplained and unaccounted for when these broad concepts are used to analyze such conflicts. It is for this reason that the present study tailors the concept of "Interventionary Alliance" in a manner that addresses both systemic as well as subsystemic properties, internal as well as external (f)actors; and provides explanations that account for the escalations and stalemates that are characteristic of the civil conflicts that proliferate our present international system.
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15

Atkins, Elizabeth. ""The prisoners are not hard to handle" cultural views of German prisoners of war and their captors in Camp Sharpe, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1211135474.

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16

Young, Holly. "The John H. Crawford Papers: Letters from the Civil War." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/15.

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The purpose of my thesis research was to transcribe a collection of letters to John H. Crawford about the formation and actions of the Sixtieth Tennessee Infantry (Confederate) in Jonesboro during the Civil War, annotate them, and provide an introduction that details the events and people described in the letters. These letters are important because they describe first-hand the process of formation of this Confederate infantry unit in an area of East Tennessee that predominately supported the Union. The letters themselves can be found in the Archives of Appalachia at East Tennessee State University’s Charles C. Sherrod Library.
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17

Warmington, Andrew Richard. "Civil war, interregnum and Restoration in Gloucestershire, 1640-1672." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316792.

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18

Grant, Matthew. "Civil defence policy in Cold War Britain, 1945-68." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2006. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1525.

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This thesis investigates how successive postwar British Governments formulated a civil defence policy aimed at ameliorating the effects of an enemy attack in the cold war. It shows that civil defence was a nuanced response to the prospect of nuclear attack framed in the changing political, economic and strategic contexts of cold war Britain. Beginning as a genuine life-saving measure, thermonuclear-era civil defence became an integral part of Britain's wider deterrence strategy. By locating civil defence within Britain's wider defence strategy, this thesis demonstrates the importance of civil defence as a key policy of the cold war state. It examines how civil defence policy was formulated, with studies of the effects of nuclear weapons and estimates of the consequences of an attack on British cities, and of the individual policies which were developed - especially evacuation, shelter, the voluntary Civil Defence Corps, and public information. It charts the changes in how civil defence was conceptualised and justified from the early cold war era to the period of detente after the Cuban Missile Crisis, details the responses to key cold war crises, and explains how economic retrenchment and developments in nuclear weapon technology, as well as detente, undermined civil defence policy and led to it being placed on a care-and-maintenance basis in 1968.
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19

Reed, Jordan Lewis. "American Jacobins revolutionary radicalism in the Civil War era /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/23/.

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20

Wayson, Donald Wayne. "“Woodrow Wilson’s Diplomatic Policies in the Russian Civil War”." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1241638204.

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21

Butterworth, Brandon. "Interpreting the War Anew: An Appraisal of Richmond’s Civil War Centennial Commemoration." VCU Scholars Compass, 2012. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2916.

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In existence from 1959 to 1965, the Richmond Civil War Centennial Committee was formed for the purpose of planning and executing Richmond’s Civil War centennial commemoration. In this thesis, the author will examine the history of the Richmond Civil War Centennial Committee (RCWCC) and its efforts to develop a new historical narrative of Richmond and the Civil War. This paper will assess Richmond’s previous attempts to commemorate the Civil War and will argue that the RCWCC contributed to the advancement of Richmond’s Civil War narrative by de-emphasizing past Confederate celebration attempts led by heritage groups and advancing a “reconciliation” narrative. Furthermore, this thesis will examine Richmond’s current attempt to commemorate the Civil War sesquicentennial and explore the influence of the RCWCC on this effort. Lastly, this paper will consider the future prospects for Civil War commemoration in Richmond.
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22

Brill, Kristen Cree. "Rewriting southern womanhood in the American Civil War." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608254.

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23

Orkaby, Asher Aviad. "The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11420.

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The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al-Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana'a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic. A desperate appeal by Yemeni republicans brought the first Egyptian troops to Yemen. Saudi Arabia, pressured by Egyptian troops, border tribal considerations and earlier treaties with the Yemeni Imamate, supported the Imam's royalist opposition. The battleground between Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser and al-Badr was transformed into an arena for international conflict and diplomacy. The UN mission to Yemen, while portrayed as a symbol of failed and underfunded global peacekeeping at the time, was in fact instrumental in establishing the basis for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Bruce Condé, an American philatelist, brought global attention to the royalist-republican struggle to control the Yemeni postal system. The last remnants of the British Middle East Empire fought with Nasser to maintain a mutually declining level of influence in the region. Israeli intelligence and air force aided royalist forces and served witness to the Egyptian use of chemical weapons, a factor that would impact decision-making prior to the 1967 War. Despite concurrent Cold War tensions, Americans and Soviets appeared on the same side of the Yemeni conflict and acted mutually to confine Nasser to the borders of South Arabia. This internationalized conflict was a pivotal event in Middle East history as it oversaw the formation of a modern Yemeni state, the fall of Egyptian and British regional influence, another Arab-Israeli war, Saudi dominance of the Arabian Peninsula, and shifting power alliances in the Middle East.
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Ludwick, Michael P. ""Your Most Obedient Son": The Civil War Letters of William Tell Cobb." W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626004.

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25

Holmes, Elizabeth Ann. "Women, Work, and the Civil War: The Effect of the Civil War on the Women Working in Richmond, Virginia, between 1860 and 1870." W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625545.

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26

Gallagher, Niamh Aislinn. "Irish civil society and the Great War, 1914-1918." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283970.

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27

Richards, Michael Robert. "Autarky and the state in post-Civil war Spain, 1936-1951." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261714.

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28

Griffis, Irene G. "Integrating reading into a Civil War unit." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/381.

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29

Berry, Jefferson. "The Schemes of Public Parties: William Allen, Benjamin Franklin and The College of Philadelphia, 1756." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/106604.

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History
M.A.
Chief Justice William Allen and Benjamin Franklin met hundreds of times prior to Franklin's departure to London in 1757, and yet very little has been written about Allen. For over twenty years, Franklin and Allen worked closely on a variety of municipal improvements: the library, the hospital, the school, the fire company and many other projects that were the first of their kind in America. And while Allen was Franklin's main benefactor for close to twenty-five years --it was Allen's endorsement of Franklin that got him his job as Postmaster-- Franklin mentions him only twice in his Autobiography
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30

Lucas, Scott. ""Indignities, Wrongs, and Outrages": The Home Front in Kentucky During the Civil War." TopSCHOLAR®, 1997. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/793.

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In the 1920s historians such as James Harvey Robinson and Arthur Schlesinger, Sr., attempted to examine historical topics using new methodology. Writing "New Social History," they endeavored to emphasize society, culture, and the common people rather than great men and strictly political events. Since the 1980s historians have exhibited new interest in the importance of social history. "Indignities, Wrongs, and Outrages: The Homefront In Kentucky During The Civil War" attempts to apply the methods of the "new social historians" to the era of the American Civil War, centering on the homefront by examining in detail its impact on the everyday lives of Kentuckians. The Civil War in Kentucky was a microcosm of the American Civil War. Although Kentuckians generally favored the Union, allegiances remained mixed throughout the state, even within families. Divided loyalties in this "brother's war," complicated by periodic occupation of the Commonwealth by both Union and Confederate troops, prevoked embittered feelings among friends, neighbors, and relatives, sometimes resulting in challenges to loyalty and even loss of life. Civilians on the homefront endured every aspect of the war: harassment, hunger, homelessness, military occupation, and death. The Bluegrass state was a path for armies marching to and from the "front," resulting in economic devastation for many. Because Kentucky was a supplier of food, livestock, soldiers, and war materiel for Federal and Confederate troops alike, the price of food soared, and fuel shortages wracked the populace. Armies from both sides confiscated produce and livestock, and raids by guerrilla forces often made farming impossible. Financial losses, physical destruction, and soldiers threatening violence resulted in further reduction in the quality of life for Bluegrass civilians. Nevertheless, the homefront story was one of triumph over adversity. In addition to facing armed occupiers and rogue soldiers, women and their servants struggled successfully with everyday problems such as rearing the children, coping with illnesses, and managing businesses and farms. For African Americans the war offered hope for a new beginning. Some found prosperity in their new freedom, but many who ran away to enter Union lines suffered and died in refugee camps scattered throughout the state. The "new social history," to a great extent, is history of the "common people." Drawn largely from letters, journals, and diaries, this thesis attempts to discover how Kentuckians on the homefront lived, worked, and survived during the Civil War. It is a story worth telling.
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Collins, David A. "Absentee soldier voting in Civil War law and politics." Thesis, Wayne State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3643244.

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During the Civil War, twenty northern states changed their laws to permit absent soldiers to vote. Before enactment of these statutes, state laws had tethered balloting to the voter's community and required in-person participation by voters. Under the new laws, eligible voters – as long as they were soldiers – could cast ballots in distant military encampments, far from their neighbors and community leaders. This dissertation examines the legal conflicts that arose from this phenomenon and the political causes underlying it. Legally, the laws represented an abrupt change, contrary to earlier scholarship viewing them as culminating a gradual process of relaxing residency rules in the antebellum period. In fact, the laws left intact all prewar suffrage qualifications, including residency requirements. Their radicalism lay not in changing rules about who could vote, but in departing from the prewar legal blueprint of what elections were and how voters participated in them. The changes were constitutionally problematic, generating court challenges in some states and constitutional amendments in others. Ohio's experience offers a case study demonstrating the radicalism of the legal change and the constitutional tension it created. In political history, prior scholarship has largely overlooked the role the issue of soldier voting played in competition for civilian votes. The politics of 1863-1864 drew soldiers into partisan messaging, since servicemen spoke with authority on the themes the parties used to attack their opponents: the candidates' military incompetence, Lincoln's neglect of the troops, and McClellan's cowardice and disloyalty. Soldiers participated politically not only as voters, but also as spokesmen for these messages to civilian voters. In this setting, the soldier-voting issue became a battleground in partisan efforts to show kinship with soldiers. The issue's potency became evident nationally after the 1863 Pennsylvania gubernatorial race, presaging the 1864 presidential contest. The Republican incumbent ran as "the soldiers' friend" and attacked his Democratic rival as the enemy of soldiers for opposing that state's soldier-voting law. The issue was decisive in securing civilian votes for the victorious Republican. That experience launched a nationwide push by Republicans to enact soldier-voting laws in time for the 1864 elections.

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32

Heywood, David. "British combatant writers of the Spanish civil war." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61706.

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Bailie, Lawrence Craig. "The migration of the term "civil war" : a social constructivist explanation." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006022.

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Although the occurrence of wars between states has been in decline, the same cannot be said of conflict within states – especially when considering the innumerable ‘Civil Wars’ said to have occurred since the end of the Cold War. In this context the use of the word ‘innumerable’ is qualified more by the variance in how ‘Civil War’ is understood as a concept (leading to different claims as to how many conflicts of this kind may have occurred over a period of time) and less by their large number. Claims regarding the occurrence of ‘Civil War’ suggest this type of conflict to be the dominant form at least since the end of World War Two. This prevalence in the face of a decline in inter-state warfare has afforded greater interest to ‘Civil War’ as a topic of inquiry. The understanding that ‘Civil Wars’ have with time increased in their occurrence and changed in their nature comes under investigation in this thesis and is seen as problematic in that the means by which a phenomenon is measured (i.e. through its nature) must be fixed so as to measure the frequency of that phenomenon. Using Social Constructivism as a theoretical lens of inquiry, sense is made of this understanding and, furthermore, the true meaning behind the claim that ‘Civil War’ has changed is revealed. The empirical evidence that accompanies this theoretical work exists in the American Civil War of 1861–1865 and the debate over the conflict in Iraq following the U.S. invasion in 2003. This debate is used as a means by which to bring the contestation over the notion of ‘Civil War’ to the fore, while a comparison of this conflict with the quintessential American Civil War reveals the migration of the term.
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Jenkins, Danny R. "British North Americans who fought in the American Civil War, 1861-1865." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6698.

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Between 33,000 and 55,000 British North Americans (BNAs) fought in the American Civil War. Historians though, have largely overlooked or misinterpreted the BNAs' contribution. Most historical accounts portray BNAs as mercenaries, bounty jumpers, or as the victims of press gangs. Many works imply that most BNAs were kidnapped, or drugged and hauled while unconscious across the border to "volunteer." We are also told that BNAs expended enormous amounts of energy attempting to secure their discharges, and of necessity, had to be placed under guard to prevent their desertion. Nowhere, however, are we informed about average BNAs. Most were neither victims nor abusers of the American recruitment system. Unfortunately, their large and significant contributions to the Union's war effort are all but lost, as historians have tried to capture the more exciting and extraordinary side of BNA recruitment. Such an unbalanced portrayal of BNAs characterizes them as inferior soldiers, and that is a disservice to both BNAs, and to the units in which they served. Much of the misunderstanding surrounding BNAs stems from the lack of a common definition for BNA, and through a failure by researchers to appreciate the significance of the changing nature of the Civil War soldiers' enlistment motivations. My study, on the other hand, concentrates on average BNAs and, in the process, tries to come to grips with their true reasons for enlisting. In the end, the payoff is a more balanced depiction of BNA troops; and the discovery that BNAs were not a homogeneous group of men. There were two basic types: those who resided in the United States before their enlistment, and those who crossed the frontier from the British provinces to volunteer. Both types were willing recruits, but otherwise they showed unique characteristics and enrollment behaviour. American resident BNAs enlisted in patterns much like their American neighbours and friends, while British North American resident BNAs were, in the main, driven by the enlistment bounty. The distinction is important if a better understanding of BNAs is to be achieved.
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Sebrell, Thomas E. "Persuading John Bull : the American Civil War comes to London's Fleet Street." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/593.

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This thesis analyses Union and Confederate propaganda in Britain during the American Civil War. The London American, founded in 1860, became an unofficial Union propaganda journal after the outbreak of the conflict. In 1862, two doors down Fleet Street, it was joined by the Confederate-funded newspaper, The Index. Examination for the first time of subscriber lists shows that the often anti-British tone of the former limited its appeal beyond radical groups. The Index, however, was able to use propaganda gifts such as General Butler's occupation of New Orleans in order to build sympathy amidst British aristocratic and parliamentary elites at the highest level. Despite the lack of support for slavery amongst these elites, that sympathy is shown to persist after Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. The Confederacy needed propaganda in order to win the hearts and minds in Europe much more than did Lincoln's administration. Indeed, lack of external financing and internal embezzlement led to The London American's collapse in 1863. Meanwhile, The Index was able instead to become the mouthpiece of the Southern Independence Association, a well-connected society which emerged as the war dragged on, trying to persuade Palmerston's Government to offer some form of mediation or intervention. It continued to have propaganda opportunities, such as the Saxon Affair. However, despite the enormity of the offence given to Britain by such episodes, they are shown to have elicited rather different responses from the Government compared to the much more well-known Trent Affair two years earlier. This reflected the changed naval balance between Britain and the United States, a principal factor in ensuring the ultimate failure of The Index. It is shown that these two newspapers cast new light on various under-considered issues, including Union recruitment in Ireland, the Confederate Cotton Loan, and Anglo-American relations more widely in this period.
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36

Jones, Gregory R. "They Fought the War Together: Southeastern Ohio's Soldiers and Their Families During the Civil War." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1384347676.

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37

Harris, David. "Sierra Leone: A Political History." Hurst, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17555.

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No
Sierra Leone came to world attention in the 1990s when a catastrophic civil war linked to the diamond trade was reported globally. This fleeting and particular interest, however, obscured two crucial processes in this small West African state. On the one hand, while the civil war was momentous and brutal, affecting all Sierra Leoneans, it was also just one element in the long and faltering attempt to build a nation and state, given the country’s immensely problematic pre-colonial and British colonial legacies. On the other, the aftermath of the war precipitated a huge international effort to construct a ‘liberal peace’, with mixed results, and interrupted by the devastating Ebola pandemic. This made Sierra Leone a laboratory for both post-conflict and health crisis interventions. Sierra Leone examines over 230 years of its history and sixty years of independence, placing state–society relations at the centre of an original and revealing investigation of those who have tried to rule or change Sierra Leone and its inhabitants, and the responses engendered. It interweaves the historical narrative with sketches of politicians, anecdotes, the landscape and environment and key turning-points, alongside theoretical and other comparisons with the rest of Africa. It is a new contribution to the debate for those who already know Sierra Leone and a solid point of entry for those who wish to.
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38

Schindler, Mauren A. Schindler. "Dismantling the Dichotomy of Cowardice and Courage in the American Civil War." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1532694510126409.

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39

Johnson, Steven Kirkham. "Re-enacting the Civil War : genre and American memory /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9378.

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40

Beamer, Carl Brent. "Gray ghostbusters : Eastern theatre Union Counterguerrilla operations in the Civil War, 1861-1865 /." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148758688918807.

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41

Mangus, Michael Stuart. ""The debatable land" : Loudoun and Fauquier counties Virginia during the Civil War era /." The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148795015360334.

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42

Miller, Nikki L. "The American Civil War and Other 19th Century Influences on the Development of Nursing." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194076.

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The Industrial Revolution created sweeping cultural and technological changes in 19th century American society. During this era, nursing evolved from an unskilled to a skilled form of work. Changes in manufacturing, communication, and transportation occurred differentially in America, which favored the growth of different regional economies. Sectionalism erupted into the first modern war in American history. The Civil War created the conditions in which nursing, medicine, and the hospital formed organizational structures, roles, and boundaries that would later form the template for the modern healthcare system. The purpose of this research was to study how the context and culture of mid-nineteenth century American life affected the evolution of nursing during the Civil War, and the later affect it would have on skilled nursing knowledge, roles, education, and practice. The overall goal of the work is to contribute to the body of research on parallel historic processes that had an influence over the formation of early skilled nursing practice and the evolution of the nursing role. The effect of parallel processes associated with the Industrial Revolution and the advent of modern warfare on the development of skilled nursing were the particular focus of this research. A social history methodology was utilized to examine texts and discourse from the Civil War period. It was found that advances in transportation, communication, and manufacturing were both integral to the advent of modern war and modern nursing, and that the advent of these was highly integrated. It was also found that the industrialization of the hospital in response to wartime was highly influential on the development of skilled nursing programs later in the century. The role that nurses would take in the postbellum hospital, however, reflected the mass media image of nursing generated during the war rather than actual wartime practice.
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43

Slap, Andrew L., and Frank Towers. "Confederate Cities: The Urban South during the Civil War Era." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. http://amzn.com/022630020X.

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When we talk about the Civil War, we often describe it in terms of battles that took place in small towns or in the countryside: Antietam, Gettysburg, Bull Run, and, most tellingly, the Battle of the Wilderness. One reason this picture has persisted is that few urban historians have studied the war, even though cities hosted, enabled, and shaped Southern society as much as they did in the North. Confederate Cities, edited by Andrew L. Slap and Frank Towers, shifts the focus from the agrarian economy that undergirded the South to the cities that served as its political and administrative hubs. The contributors use the lens of the city to examine now-familiar Civil War–era themes, including the scope of the war, secession, gender, emancipation, and war’s destruction. This more integrative approach dramatically revises our understanding of slavery’s relationship to capitalist economics and cultural modernity. By enabling a more holistic reading of the South, the book speaks to contemporary Civil War scholars and students alike—not least in providing fresh perspectives on a well-studied war.
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44

Farah-Robison, Raquel. "Battling for History: Divisive and Unifying Figures of the Salvadoran Civil War." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1305649661.

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45

Adkins, Christina Katherine. "Slavery and the Civil War in Cultural Memory." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070064.

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That slavery was largely excised from the cultural memory of the Civil War in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, particularly by white Americans, is well documented; Slavery and the Civil War in Cultural Memory moves beyond that story of omission to ask how slavery has been represented in U.S. culture and, necessarily, how it figures into some of the twentieth century's most popular Civil War narratives. The study begins in the 1930s with the publication of Gone with the Wind--arguably the most popular Civil War novel of all time--and reads Margaret Mitchell's pervasive tale of ex-slaveholder adversity against contemporaneous narratives like Black Reconstruction in America , Absalom, Absalom!, and Black Boy/American Hunger , which contradict Mitchell's account of slavery, the war, and Reconstruction. Spanning nearly seven decades, this study tells the story of how cultural productions have continued to reinterpret slavery. Focusing primarily on novels and films but also drawing on interviews with ex-slaves, private journals, and court records, each chapter explores how slavery is represented in a particular historical epoch and highlights each narrative's contribution to the creation of cultural memory, particularly its conformity to earlier works or its revision of antecedents. In addition, Slavery and the Civil War in Cultural Memory traces representations of slavery through recurring themes such as hunger, disease, marriage, and madness and seeks to understand how the narratives in question comment directly on the concept of memory. Among the topics discussed are the Civil War centennial; how Margaret Walker's Jubilee relates slavery, the Civil War, and Reconstruction to the civil rights movement of the 1960s; the controversy over The Confessions of Nat Turner; the Roots phenomenon, and the copyright lawsuit filed against the publisher of Alice Randall's unauthorized parody, The Wind Done Gone. The study concludes in 2005, with March, Geraldine Brooks's reimagining of Little Women, and E.L. Doctorow's The March, about Sherman's campaign through Georgia and the Carolinas. A pattern emerges in the final chapters that shows recent authors conjuring, in order to revise, elements of Absalom, Absalom! and Gone With the Wind.
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46

Becker, Gertrude Harrington. "Patrick County, Virginia and the Civil War, 1860-1880." Thesis, This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03032009-040323/.

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47

Vlavianos, Haris. "The Greek civil war : the strategy of the Greek Communist Party 1944-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302964.

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48

Saunders, James Benedict John. "English cathedral choirs and choirmen, 1558 to the Civil War : an occupational study." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271956.

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49

Davies, Emily R. "What Sorrows and What Joys: The Civil War Diaries of Cloe Tyler Whittle, 1861-1866." W&M ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625840.

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50

Washington, Versalle Freddrick. "Soldiers: The Fifth Regiment, United States Colored Troops in the Civil War, 183-1865." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1392040864.

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