Journal articles: 'Penal colonies Australia History'

1

Neilson, Briony. "“Moral Rubbish in Close Proximity”: Penal Colonization and Strategies of Distance in Australia and New Caledonia, c.1853–1897." International Review of Social History 64, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 445–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000361.

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AbstractIn the second half of the nineteenth century, the two convict-built European settler colonial projects in Oceania, French New Caledonia and British Australia, were geographically close yet ideologically distant. Observers in the Australian colonies regularly characterized French colonization as backward, inhumane, and uncivilized, often pointing to the penal colony in New Caledonia as evidence. Conversely, French commentators, while acknowledging that Britain's transportation of convicts to Australia had inspired their own penal colonial designs in the South Pacific, insisted that theirs was a significantly different venture, built on modern, carefully preconceived methods. Thus, both sides engaged in an active practice of denying comparability; a practice that historians, in neglecting the interconnections that existed between Australia and New Caledonia, have effectively perpetuated. This article draws attention to some of the strategies of spatial and temporal distance deployed by the Australian colonies in relation to the bagne in New Caledonia and examines the nation-building ends that these strategies served. It outlines the basic context and contours of the policy of convict transportation for the British and the French and analyses discursive attempts to emphasize the distinctions between Australia and New Caledonia. Particular focus is placed on the moral panic in Australian newspapers about the alleged dangerous proximity of New Caledonia to the east coast of Australia. I argue that this moral panic arose at a time when Britain's colonies in Australia, in the process of being granted autonomy and not yet unified as a federated nation, sought recognition as reputable settlements of morally virtuous populations. The panic simultaneously emphasized the New Caledonian penal colony's geographical closeness to and ideological distance from Australia, thereby enabling Australia's own penal history to be safely quarantined in the past.

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Shires, David. "Australian/Cairns Group Perspective: Southern Agriculture and the World Economy: The Multilateral Trade Negotiations." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 20, no. 1 (July 1988): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0081305200025656.

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Last week was Australia's 200th birthday. When the rebels in America won what they called their war of independence, Britain lost her penal colonies in the Carolinas and looked around for replacements. The first colonial fleet arrived in Australia on January 26,1788, and included, along with 700 convicts, 44 sheep and 6 cattle. If Britain had defeated her American colonists, then the history of both Australia and Louisiana would likely have been very different. The French flag might be flying today over both Sydney and New Orleans.

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Duffield, Ian. "From Slave Colonies to Penal Colonies: The West Indian Convict Transportees to Australia." Slavery & Abolition 7, no. 1 (May 1986): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440398608574901.

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4

Rosen, Alan. "Australia's national mental health strategy in historical perspective: beyond the frontier." International Psychiatry 3, no. 4 (October 2006): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600004987.

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The history of Australian psychiatry is entwined with the impact of European (British) invasion and settlement, initially in 1788, to form penal colonies to alleviate the overcrowding of English jails, which generated a masculine-dominated, individualistic culture. As European settlement in Australia expanded, the colonisers tried to come to terms with this remote, vast landscape and fought over land and resources with the original Aboriginal inhabitants, who had been there between 40000 and 60000 years. Australian psychiatry was profiled in a previous article inInternational Psychiatry(issue 10, October 2005).

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Fitzpatrick, Matthew. "New South Wales in Africa? The Convict Colonialism Debate in Imperial Germany." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000260.

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In 1852, the naturalist and writer Louisa Meredith observed in her book My Home in Tasmania: “I know of no place where greater order and decorum is observed by the motley crowds assembled on any public occasion than in this most shamefully slandered country: not even in an English country village can a lady walk alone with less fear of harm or insult than in this capital of Van Diemen's Land, commonly believed at home to be a pest-house, where every crime that can disgrace and degrade humanity stalks abroad with unblushing front.”Meredith's paean to life in the notorious Australian penal colony of Hobart was in stark contrast to her earlier, highly unfavourable account of colonial Sydney. It papered over the years of personal hardship she had endured in Australia, as well as avoiding mention of the racial warfare against Tasmania's Aborigines that had afforded her such a genteel European existence.Such intra-Australian complexities, however, were lost when Meredith's account was superimposed onto German debates about the desirability of penal colonies for Germany. Instead, Meredith's portrait of a cultivated city emerging from the most notorious penal colony in Australia was presented as proof that the deportation of criminals was an important dimension of the civilising mission of Europe in the extra-European world. It was also presented as a vindication of those in Germany who wished to rid Germany of its lumpen criminal class through deportation. The exact paragraph of Meredith's account cited above was quoted in German debates on deportation for almost half a century; first in 1859 by the jurist Franz von Holtzendorff, and thereafter by Friedrich Freund when advocating the establishment of a penal colony in the Preußische Jahrbücher in September 1895.

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De Vito, Christian G., Clare Anderson, and Ulbe Bosma. "Transportation, Deportation and Exile: Perspectives from the Colonies in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries." International Review of Social History 63, S26 (June 12, 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000196.

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AbstractThe essays in this volume provide a new perspective on the history of convicts and penal colonies. They demonstrate that the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were a critical period in the reconfiguration of empires, imperial governmentality, and punishment, including through extensive punitive relocation and associated extractive labour. Ranging across the global contexts of Africa, Asia, Australasia, Japan, the Americas, the Pacific, Russia, and Europe, and exploring issues of criminalization, political repression, and convict management alongside those of race, gender, space, and circulation, this collection offers a perspective from the colonies that radically transforms accepted narratives of the history of empire and the history of punishment. In this introduction, we argue that a colony-centred perspective reveals that, during a critical period in world history, convicts and penal colonies created new spatial hierarchies, enabled the incorporation of territories into spheres of imperial influence, and forged new connections and distinctions between “metropoles” and “colonies”. Convicts and penal colonies enabled the formation of expansive and networked global configurations and processes, a factor hitherto unappreciated in the literature.

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Maxwell-Stewart, Hamish. "“Those Lads Contrived a Plan”: Attempts at Mutiny on Australia-Bound Convict Vessels." International Review of Social History 58, S21 (September 6, 2013): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000308.

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AbstractBetween 1787 and 1868 a total of 830 convict vessels left the British Isles bound for the Australian penal colonies. While only one of these was seized by mutineers, many convicts were punished for plotting to take the ship that carried them to the Antipodes. This article will explore the circumstances that shaped those mutiny attempts and the impact that they had on convict management strategies.

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8

Kercher, Bruce. "Recovering and Reporting Australia's Early Colonial Case Law: The Macquarie Project." Law and History Review 18, no. 3 (2000): 659–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744073.

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When it was established in 1788, New South Wales became the most remote, and most peculiar, of the British empire's overseas colonies. The founding colony of what would eventually become Australia, it was established as a penal colony, a place to send the unwanted criminals of Britain and Ireland. Britain lost more than the majority of its North American possessions in the late eighteenth century. It also lost its principal repository for unwanted felons. New South Wales filled the gap.

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Tuffin, Richard, Martin Gibbs, David Roberts, Hamish Maxwell-Stewart, David Roe, Jody Steele, Susan Hood, and Barry Godfrey. "Landscapes of Production and Punishment: Convict labour in the Australian context." Journal of Social Archaeology 18, no. 1 (February 2018): 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605317748387.

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This paper presents an interdisciplinary project that uses archaeological and historical sources to explore the formation of a penal landscape in the Australian colonial context. The project focuses on the convict-period legacy of the Tasman Peninsula (Tasmania, Australia), in particular the former penal station of Port Arthur (1830–1877). The research utilises three exceptional data series to examine the impact of convict labour on landscape and the convict body: the archaeological record of the Tasman Peninsula, the life course data of the convicts and the administrative record generated by decades of convict labour management. Through these, the research seeks to demonstrate how changing ideologies affected the processes and outcomes of convict labour and its products, as well as how the landscapes we see today were formed and developed in response to a complex interplay of multi-scalar penological and economic influences. Areas of inquiry: Australian convict archaeology and history. The archaeology and history of Australian convict labour management. The archaeology and history of the Tasman Peninsula.

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10

Keys, Cathy. "Diversifying the early history of the prefabricated colonial house in Moreton Bay." Queensland Review 26, no. 01 (June 2019): 86–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2019.5.

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AbstractThe history of prefabrication in settler Australia is incomplete. The use of prefabricated and transportable buildings in existing Australian architectural histories focuses on colonial importation from Britain, Asia, America and New Zealand. This article, however, argues for a more diverse and local history of prefabrication — one that considers Indigenous people’s use of prefabrication and draws on archaeological research of abandoned military ventures, revealing an Australian-made, colonial prefabricated building industry that existed for over 40 years, from the 1800s to the 1840s. A more inclusive architectural history of prefabrication is considered in relation to a case study of the first European house erected in Moreton Bay at the British penal outpost of Red Cliffe Point (1824–25), a settlement established partly to contribute to British territory-marking on Australia’s distant coastlines. While existing histories prioritise transportability and ease of assembly as features of prefabricated buildings, this research has found that ease of disassembly, relocation and recycling of building components is a key feature of prefabrication in early abandoned British military garrisons.

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11

Richards, Eric. "How Did Poor People Emigrate from the British Isles to Australia in the Nineteenth Century?" Journal of British Studies 32, no. 3 (July 1993): 250–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386032.

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One of the great themes of modern history is the movement of poor people across the face of the earth. For individuals and families the economic and psychological costs of these transoceanic migrations were severe. But they did not prevent millions of agriculturalists and proletarians from Europe reaching the new worlds in both the Atlantic and the Pacific basins in the nineteenth century. These people, in their myriad voyages, shifted the demographic balance of the continents and created new economies and societies wherever they went. The means by which these emigrations were achieved are little explored.Most emigrants directed themselves to the cheapest destinations. The Irish, for instance, migrated primarily to England, Scotland, and North America. The general account of British and European emigration in the nineteenth century demonstrates that the poor were not well placed to raise the costs of emigration or to insert themselves into the elaborate arrangements required for intercontinental migration. Usually the poor came last in the sequence of emigration.The passage to Australasia was the longest and the most expensive of these migrations. From its foundation as a penal colony in 1788, New South Wales depended almost entirely on convict labor during its first four decades. Unambiguous government sanction for free immigration emerged only at the end of the 1820s, when new plans were devised to encourage certain categories of emigrants from the British population. As each of the new Australian colonies was developed so the dependence on convict labor diminished.

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12

Harling, Philip. "The Trouble with Convicts: From Transportation to Penal Servitude, 1840–67." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2014): 80–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.213.

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AbstractThis article makes three points about the death throes of convict transportation. First, the quarrel over transportation shows the double-edged nature of the moral critique of empire in the early Victorian era. Metropolitan criticism of transportation had its roots in the same effort to moralize the empire that was seen in the almost contemporaneous assault on slavery. But transportation was deemed too convenient a means of getting rid of criminals for Britons safely to do without it. Second, the Whig government of 1846–52 sought to save transportation by moralizing the convict before shipping him off. By this point, however, the moral objections to transportation in eastern Australia had become so strong as to make the plan untenable. Third, colonial opposition to transportation ultimately left the British government with no choice but to replace it with penal servitude at home, and the debate over crime and punishment that played out over the next decade revealed a waning of faith in convict rehabilitation that manifested itself in a harsher prison regime. In necessitating the rise of penal servitude, the end of transportation makes it clear that the empire mattered very much indeed to the reshaping of British penal policy in the mid-Victorian era.

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13

Di Pasquale, Francesca. "On the Edge of Penal Colonies: Castiadas (Sardinia) and the “Redemption” of the Land." International Review of Social History 64, no. 3 (September 18, 2019): 427–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000543.

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AbstractThe article analyses the development of agricultural penal colonies in Italy, focusing on their margins and borders. The first section focuses on Italy's frontier with overseas territories that was assumed in discussion of the location of penal colonies following Italian unification. The article also highlights some of the factors behind the effective lack of deportation and transportation of Italians overseas. The second section explores Italy's largest agricultural penal colony, Castiadas, in Sardinia and, more generally, the borders between convicts and free citizens and between penal territory and free territory. My thesis is that penal colonies were partly designed to discipline populations in adjacent territories and that their economic and social organization served as a development model for rural Italy more widely.

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14

Garton, Stephen. "A Global History of Convicts and Penal Colonies." Australian Historical Studies 50, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2019.1559444.

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15

TUFFIN, RICHARD. "A Global History of Convicts and Penal Colonies." History: Reviews of New Books 47, no. 3 (May 4, 2019): 70–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2019.1587350.

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16

Chesterman, Michael. "Criminal Trial Juries in Australia: From Penal Colonies to a Federal Democracy." Law and Contemporary Problems 62, no. 2 (1999): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192253.

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17

Beattie, Peter M. "For a global history of penal colonies and convict labor." Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 28, no. 49 (December 29, 2021): 876–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e80179.

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18

Popova, Zhanna, and Francesca Di Pasquale. "Dissecting Sites of Punishment: Penal Colonies and Their Borders." International Review of Social History 64, no. 3 (August 7, 2019): 415–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901900049x.

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AbstractAlthough a crucial element of imperial architecture, non-metropolitan penal colonies remain relatively understudied, compared with the richness of historical scholarship on modern prison systems in Western Europe and its offshoots. Complementing the perspective chosen in the recent International Review of Social History Special Issue 26, “Transportation, Deportation and Exile: Perspectives from the Colonies in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries”, the four articles in this Special Theme propose an additional angle of investigation of the role of convicts in the incorporation of new territories into colonial empires. The authors place sites of punishment, rather than flows of convicts, at the core of their reflection, and provide a close-up analysis of circulations of information and people across the borders of penal sites on various scales: local, trans-regional, and international. They problematize the notion of “border”, and consider it as a vantage point that leads to a new conceptualization of the penal colony as a system that expands in its surroundings and, in turn, assimilates external political, social, and economic stimuli. Relying on several distinct methodological approaches, the authors foreground the specificities of colonial punishment and demonstrate how punishment became part of the creation and maintenance of power inequalities between the colonies and the metropoles.

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19

van der Linden, Marcel. "Clare Anderson, editor. A Global History of Convicts and Penal Colonies." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz635.

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20

Forsdick, Charles. "Bande dessinée and the Penal Imaginary." European Comic Art 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/eca.2019.120202.

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The article offers an overview of the history and cultural representations in visual media from the 1860s onwards of French penal colonies or bagnes, and their status as graphic lieux de mémoire. It focuses specifically on French Guiana and New Caledonia and seeks to contextualise the portrayal of the motif in a varied corpus of bandes dessinées. The article argues that graphic history provides a unique forum in which aspects of the penal colonies about which there is little understanding – the transcolonial itineraries of convicts; the penal everyday; the role of carceral heritage as part of a useable past – are elucidated. Although some works primarily foreground celebrity bagnards such as Eugène Dieudonné or Henri Charrière (Papillon), albums such as those of Stéphane Blanco and Laurent Perrin allow the potential of the bande dessinée to create connections that are multilayered and multidirectional.

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21

De Vito, Christian G. "Punitive Entanglements: Connected Histories of Penal Transportation, Deportation, and Incarceration in the Spanish Empire (1830s-1898)." International Review of Social History 63, S26 (June 11, 2018): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000275.

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AbstractThis article features a connected history of punitive relocations in the Spanish Empire, from the independence of Spanish America to the “loss” of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines in 1898. Three levels of entanglement are highlighted here: the article looks simultaneously at punitive flows stemming from the colonies and from the metropole; it brings together the study of penal transportation, administrative deportation, and military deportation; and it discusses the relationship between punitive relocations and imprisonment. As part of this special issue, foregrounding “perspectives from the colonies”, I start with an analysis of the punitive flows that stemmed from the overseas provinces. I then address punishment in the metropole through the colonial lens, before highlighting the entanglements of penal transportation and deportation in the nineteenth-century Spanish Empire as a whole.

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22

Popova, Zhanna. "Exile as Imperial Practice: Western Siberia and the Russian Empire, 1879–1900." International Review of Social History 63, S26 (June 14, 2018): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000251.

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AbstractMore than 800,000 people were exiled to Siberia during the nineteenth century. Exile was a complex administrative arrangement that involved differentiated flows of exiles and, in the view of the central authorities, contributed to the colonization of Siberia. This article adopts the “perspective from the colonies” and analyses the local dimension of exile to Siberia. First, it underscores the conflicted nature of the practice by highlighting the agency of the local administrators and the multitude of tensions and negotiations that the maintenance of exile involved. Secondly, by focusing on the example of the penal site of Tobolsk, where exile and imprisonment overlapped, I will elucidate the uneasy relationship between those two penal practices during Russian prison reform. In doing so, I will re-evaluate the position of exile in relation to both penal and governance practice in Imperial Russia.

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23

Thomas, Melissa L. "Seasonality and colony-size effects on the life-history characteristics of Rhytidoponera metallica in temperate south-eastern Australia." Australian Journal of Zoology 51, no. 6 (2003): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/zo03037.

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In social insects, colony growth is assumed to follow a logistic growth curve, with small, newly founded colonies experiencing exponential growth (ergonomic stage) that slows down with increasing colony size and approaches an asymptote when the colony produces sexuals (reproductive stage). Environmental factors may also influence colony growth, particularly in temperate climates where colder temperatures in winter slow development. However, growth patterns are rarely studied in detail in social insects. In this study, I investigated colony size and seasonality effects on life-history parameters of the ponerine ant Rhytidoponera metallica. I followed the growth of 10 laboratory colonies monthly over two years in conjunction with monthly excavations of 5 field colonies. Colony composition was highly seasonal in both laboratory and field colonies, with pupae and larvae produced only during the warmer months. Males, however, were present in colonies throughout most of the year. An expected logistic growth pattern was found in the majority (4 of 6) of laboratory colonies that had positive growth, one colony followed a Gompertz growth pattern and another a power curve. Two laboratory colonies decreased in size and two colonies didn't change in size. The slowing of growth observed with increasing colony size in the majority of laboratory colonies was related to a decrease in per capita brood production with increasing colony size. Colony size also related to the presence of males: field colonies containing males were significantly larger than field colonies where males were absent. By using a combination of laboratory and field colonies, I was able to obtain information on seasonality of brood and male production, in addition to important demographic data on mortality and natality rates that is difficult to obtain in social insects using only field excavations.

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24

Nelson, E. Charles. "Historical revision XXII: John White (c. 1756-1832), surgeon-general of New South Wales: biographical notes on his Irish origins." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 405–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025074.

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John White was appointed chief surgeon to the First Fleet on 24 October 1786 and sailed with that fleet, aboard theCharlotte, on 13 May 1787 for Botany Bay on the eastern seaboard of New Holland (Australia) where a penal colony was to be established. Between 18 and 20 January 1788 the entire fleet arrived at its destination and thus began the settlement of Australia by Europeans. White served as surgeon-general of the new colony, New South Wales, for almost six years until 17 December 1794 when he sailed on theDaedalusfor Europe, never to return to Australia.

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25

North, Sue. "Privileged knowledge, privileged access: early universities in Australia." History of Education Review 45, no. 1 (June 6, 2016): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-04-2014-0028.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to show that Australia’s first two universities were connected to class status. It challenges the idea that these universities extended the “educational franchise” at their outset, by interrogating the characteristics of the student population in comparison with the characteristics of the population in the colonies. It looks at the curricula within the university system to show it is always “interested”, never neutral – it may be unique to the social, cultural, political and economic location of each university, but ultimately it benefits those who hold power in these locations. Design/methodology/approach – This research involves empirical analysis of characteristics of university students in Australia in the 1850s, including country of birth, religion, age, previous education and fathers’ occupation, as well as population demographics from the censuses that took place in the colonies of NSW and Victoria at that time. It also involves an analysis of the sociology of knowledge in nineteenth century Australian universities in light of this empirical data. Findings – Socio-political influences on the establishment of the first universities in Australia highlight the power of conferring legitimacy to particular areas of knowledge and to whom this knowledge was made available. Research limitations/implications – The research is limited to using the student data for the first three years of enrolment because in order to make comparisons between the student population and the population of the colonies, the student data needed to be from a time as close to the population census as possible. The Sydney census was in 1851, so student data from the University of Sydney was 1852-1854. The Melbourne census was in 1854, so student data from the University of Melbourne was 1855-1857. Originality/value – Australian historiography suggests that early universities in Australia were open to all, regardless of background. This paper challenges this orthodoxy through empirical findings and theoretical analysis.

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26

Kercher, Bruce. "Perish or Prosper: The Law and Convict Transportation in the British Empire, 1700–1850." Law and History Review 21, no. 3 (2003): 527–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595119.

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For over 150 years from the early eighteenth century, convict transportation was a primary method of punishing serious crime in Britain and Ireland. Convicts were first sent to the colonies in North America and the Caribbean and then to three newly established Australian colonies on the other side of the world. Conditions were very different between the two locations, yet the fundamental law of transportation remained the same for decades after the process began in Australia.

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27

Carrick, Roger. "Some Aspects of the United Kingdom's Relations with Former Colonies: the Australia Case." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (March 2013): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0080.

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28

Shepherd, John, and Hamish Maxwell-Stewart. "Rites of Passage: The Voyage to Convict Australia and the Creation of the Penal Labourer." Australian Historical Studies 52, no. 4 (October 2, 2021): 470–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2020.1814827.

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29

Fabre, Antoine, and Pierre Labardin. "Foucault and social and penal historians: the dual role of accounting in the French overseas penal colonies of the nineteenth century." Accounting History Review 29, no. 1 (October 19, 2018): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21552851.2018.1527704.

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30

Bonnell, Andrew G. "Transnational Socialists? German Social Democrats in Australia before 1914." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000284.

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Emigration from the German states was a mass phenomenon in the “long” nineteenth century. Much of this migration was of course labour migration, and German workers were very much on the move during the nineteenth century: in addition to the traditional Wanderschaft (travels) of journeymen, the century saw increasing internal migration within and between German-speaking lands, migration from rural areas to cities, and the participation of working people in emigration to destinations outside Europe. Over five million Germans left the German states from 1820 to 1914, with a large majority choosing the United States as their destination, especially in the earliest waves of migration. By comparison with the mass migration to North America, the flow of German migrants to the British colonies in Australia (which federated to form a single Commonwealth in 1901) was a relative trickle, but the numbers were still significant in the Australian context, with Germans counted as the second-largest national group among European settlers after the “British-born” (which included the Irish) in the nineteenth century, albeit a long way behind the British. After the influx of Old Lutheran religious dissidents from Prussia to South Australia in the late 1830s, there was a wave of German emigrants in the 1840s and 1850s, driven by the “push” factor of agrarian and economic crisis in the German states in the 1840s followed by the attraction of the Australian gold rushes and other opportunities, such as land-ownership incentives. While the majority of German settlers were economic migrants, this latter period also saw the arrival in the Australian colonies of a few “Forty-Eighters,” radicals and liberals who had been active in the political upheavals of 1848–9, some of whom became active in politics and the press in Australia. The 1891 census counted over 45,000 German-born residents in the Australian colonies.

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Keneley, Monica. "British Fire Insurers in Australia, 1860–1920: A Story of Enterprise, Luck, and Resilience." Business History Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 535–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680520000562.

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The global expansion of British insurers in the nineteenth century has been a feature of insurance history that has highlighted the strategic nature of the multinational enterprise (MNE). The growth of the Australian colonies from the mid-nineteenth century attracted the interest of these overseas insurers. This article considers the challenges these firms faced and the way in which these trials were overcome. Effective networks were important in establishing a market presence in the Australian colonies. A combination of enterprise, luck, and resilience assisted in building these links. The experience of British insurers in the colonies sheds light on the processes of MNE expansion into markets beyond their range of tacit knowledge and expertise.

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32

Meadmore, Peter. "The Introduction of the “New Education” in Queensland, Australia." History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 3 (2003): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2003.tb00127.x.

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Reformist educational discourses of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, usually referred to as the “new education” or progressive education, emanated from the industrialized countries of the United States and Western Europe. They emerged partly as a response to social and economic conditions but also as an attempt by educationists to ameliorate the regimentation and pedagogical limitations of nineteenth-century schooling. A considerable degree of cross-pollination of ideas across different countries occurred through visits, study, and the exchange of publications between educationists, allowing an international focus to emerge. The various discourses that constituted progressive education were at times confusing, even contradictory, and the use of these umbrella-type categories masked and distorted the diversity of pedagogical practices. These discourses also found their way into the Southern Hemisphere including British colonies such as Australia.

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33

Bashford, Alison. "Immigration restriction: rethinking period and place from settler colonies to postcolonial nations." Journal of Global History 9, no. 1 (February 12, 2014): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281300048x.

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AbstractImmigration acts have long been analysed as instrumental to the working of the modern nation-state. A particular focus has been the racial exclusions and restrictions that were adopted by aspirationally white, new world nation-states: Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States. This article looks again at the long modern history of immigration restriction in order to connect the history of these settler-colonial race-based exclusions (much studied) with immigration restriction in postcolonial nation-states (little studied). It argues for the need to expand the scope of immigration restriction histories geographically, temporally and substantively: beyond the settler nation, beyond the Second World War, and beyond ‘race’. The article focuses on the Asia-Pacific region, bringing into a single analytical frame the early immigration laws of New Zealand, Australia, the United States, and Canada on the one hand and those of Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Fiji on the other.

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Glickman, Gabriel. "Catholic Interests and the Politics of English Overseas Expansion 1660–1689." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 4 (October 2016): 680–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.74.

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AbstractThroughout the reign of Charles II, a growing number of Catholics entered into the civil and military infrastructure of the overseas colonies. While Maryland was consolidated as a center of settlement, a new crop of English and Irish officeholders shaped the political development of Tangier, New York and the Leeward Islands. Their careers highlighted the opportunities of overseas expansion as a route into the public domain: a chance for Catholics to sidestep the penal restrictions of the three kingdoms and construct an alternative relationship with the crown. This article examines the emergence of Catholic authority within the plantations, and situates the experiment within larger shifts in strategic and ideological debate over English colonization. I suggest that experiences in the colonies invigorated economic and political strategies that became central to the advancement of Catholic interests in the domestic realm. While colonial trade bolstered Catholic estates against penal pressures, the new settlements provided the training ground for attempts to demonstrate the compatibility of confessional pluralism with commercial flourishing and civil allegiance. The effect, however, was to raise conflict in colonial politics and heighten anxieties in the domestic realm over the effects of overseas plantation. I argue that by uncovering a neglected sphere of “recusant history” we gain new insights into the ideological fragilities that disrupted the pursuit of territories overseas. Catholic promotions exposed a growing tension between the “Protestant interest” and the principles and practices that informed the expansion of the Stuart realm.

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Hoefte, Rosemarijn. "A Passage to Suriname? The Migration of Modes of Resistance by Asian Contract Laborers." International Labor and Working-Class History 54 (1998): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900006190.

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When, on June 5, 1873, the Lalla Rookh docked in Fort Nieuw Amsterdam, Suriname, 399 indentured British Indian immigrants had almost reached their destination: the colonial plantations. The timing was no coincidence. On July 1, 1863, the Dutch government had abolished slavery in its Caribean colonies. During a ten-year transition period the former slave were to work for employers of their own choice under the supervision of the state.Three weeks before this mandatory “apprenticeship” period was over, the Lalla Rookh arrived. The immigrants aboard had signed a contract obliging them to work for five years on a plantation in Suriname yet to be assigned. The labor contract and additional local ordinances specified the rights and duties of the indentured workers and forced them to commit their labor power to the unspecified demands of their employers at specified times. Fundamental to the system was the penal sanction, which gave employers the right to press criminal charges against indentured workers who, according to them, neglected their duty or refused to work. Thus the penal sanction allowed planters to impose their own conception of work discipline.

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Swain, Shurlee. "Derivative and indigenous in the history and historiography of child welfare in Australia: Part One." Children Australia 26, no. 4 (2001): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200010415.

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This article traces the history of child welfare in Australia, showing the ways in which policies and practices, deriving primarily from Britain, were adopted and adapted in a nation in which jurisdiction was split between colonies/states and further divided, within states, on the basis of race. It argues that child welfare has always been part of the nation-building project, central to national objectives when children could be constructed as future citizens, marginal, and more punitive, when they were more easily understood as threats to social stability. In this first part it examines the history of welfare provision for non-indigenous children in Australia from 1788 to 1939. The second part, to be published in a subsequent issue, will discuss post-war developments in services for non-indigenous children, indigenous child welfare services and the historiography of child welfare in Australia.

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Glanville, Luke. "Hypocritical Inhospitality: The Global Refugee Crisis in the Light of History." Ethics & International Affairs 34, no. 1 (2020): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679420000015.

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AbstractOne of the justifications offered by European imperial powers for the violent conquest, subjection, and, often, slaughter of indigenous peoples in past centuries was those peoples’ violation of a duty of hospitality. Today, many of these same powers—including European Union member states and former settler colonies such as the United States and Australia—take increasingly extreme measures to avoid granting hospitality to refugees and asylum seekers. Put plainly, whereas the powerful once demanded hospitality from the vulnerable, they now deny it to them. This essay examines this hypocritical inhospitality of former centers of empire and former settler colonies and concludes that, given that certain states accrued vast wealth and territory from the European colonial project, which they justified in part by appeals to a duty of hospitality, these states are bound now to extend hospitality to vulnerable outsiders not simply as a matter of charity, but as justice and restitution for grave historical wrongs.

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Pietsch, Tamson. "Bodies at sea: travelling to Australia in the age of sail." Journal of Global History 11, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022816000061.

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AbstractThis article considers the bodily experience of being at sea in the age of sail. Using shipboard diaries written by eight passengers during the high period of free migration to the Australasian colonies, it argues that oceanic journeys disrupted and upended the land-based bodily practices being fashioned in nineteenth-century Britain. At sea, these mechanisms of bodily comportment were rendered fragile and unstable, leaving middle- and working-class bodies alike vulnerable and open to refashioning and reformation. In so doing, it points to the need for scholars to bring together land- and sea-based histories and to historicize and particularize oceanic spaces.

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PICKARD, JOHN. "Wire Fences in Colonial Australia: Technology Transfer and Adaptation, 1842–1900." Rural History 21, no. 1 (March 5, 2010): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793309990136.

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AbstractAfter reviewing the development of wire fencing in Great Britain and the United States of America in the early nineteenth century, I examine the introduction of wire into Australia using published sources only. Wire was available in the colonies from the early 1850s. The earliest published record of a wire fence was on Phillip Island near Melbourne (Victoria) in 1842. Almost a decade passed before wire was used elsewhere in Victoria and the other eastern colonies. Pastoralists either sought information on wire fences locally or from agents in Britain. Local agents of British companies advertised in colonial newspapers from the early 1850s, with one exceptional record in 1839. Once wire was adopted, pastoralists rejected iron posts used in Britain, preferring cheaper wood posts cut from the property. The most significant innovation was to increase post spacings with significant cost savings. Government and the iron industry played no part in these innovations, which were achieved through trial-and-error by pastoralists. The large tonnages of wire imported into Australia and the increasing demand did not stimulate local production of wire, and there were no local wire mills until 1911.

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Bailey, Victor. "English Prisons, Penal Culture, and the Abatement of Imprisonment, 1895–1922." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 3 (July 1997): 285–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386138.

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The prison method is callous, regular and monotonous and produces great mental and physical strain. The deprivation of liberty is extremely cruel and if it is attended with treatment that deadens the spiritual nature and fails to offer any stimulus to the imagination, that coarsens and humiliates, then it stands condemned. (Arthur Creech Jones, conscientious objector, Wandsworth Prison, 1916–19)The nineteenth century was the century of the penitentiary. Public and physical punishments (from whipping to the death penalty) were gradually replaced by the less visible, less corporal sanction of imprisonment. By the start of the Victorian era, imprisonment was the predominant penalty in the system of judicial punishments. For every 1,000 offenders sentenced at higher and summary courts in 1836 for serious (or indictable) offenses, 685 were punished by imprisonment in local prisons. By midcentury, moreover, sentences of penal servitude in convict prisons were plugging the gap left by the end of transportation to Australia. The three hundred or so local prisons in the 1830s, to which offenders were sent for anywhere between one day and two years (though typically for terms of less than three months), were locally controlled until 1877 and were less than uniform in regime. The separate system of prison discipline (or cellular isolation) increasingly prevailed over the silent system (or associated, silent labor), but it was subject to considerable local modification. Convict prisons were run by central government with less variability.

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Taylor, John. "Planning for Conservation of the Rockhampton Botanic Gardens." Queensland Review 10, no. 2 (November 2003): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600003330.

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Rockhampton is the principal city of Central Queensland. In the nineteenth century the city and the colony of Queensland were pursuing the policies of settlement, development and growth followed by the other colonies of Australia and in the British Empire.

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Popkin, Jeremy D. "Beyond Papillon: The French Overseas Penal Colonies, 1852–1954. By Stephen A. Toth (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 2006) 212 pp. $35.00." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 38, no. 4 (April 2008): 603–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.38.4.603.

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BROWN, NICHOLAS. "BORN MODERN: ANTIPODEAN VARIATIONS ON A THEME." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 1139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004954.

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Making peoples: a history of the New Zealanders from Polynesian settlement to the end of the nineteenth century. By James Belich. London: Penguin, 2001. Pp. 497. ISBN 0-14-100639-0. £9.99.Paradise reforged: a history of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the year 2000. By James Belich. London: Allen Lane, 2002. Pp. 606. ISBN 0-7139-9172-0. £25.00.The Enlightenment and the origins of European Australia. By John Gascoigne. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. xviii+233. ISBN 0-521-80343-80. £45.00.Australian ways of death: a social and cultural history, 1840–1918. By Pat Jalland. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002. Pp. vi+378. ISBN 0-19-550754-1. £15.99.White flour, white power: from rations to citizenship in central Australia. By Tim Rowse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. xiii+255. ISBN 0-521-62457-6. £40.00.The five books covered here might seem a random sample: antipodean oddments from the edge of a review editor's desk. Their subject matter – from ‘ways of death’ in Australia to rationing policies for indigenous Australians – is diverse, as are their approaches: a scholarly assessment of the influence of Enlightenment ideas in the Australian colonies through to a massive two-volume general history of New Zealand to 2000. Yet even in this eclectic mix there are common themes, reflecting current interests and models in the writing of history in both countries. For some time, Australia and New Zealand have been productively positioned in relation to European social change as ‘born modern’ experiments, or at least as colonies which forced or anticipated aspects of the modernity shaping metropolitan centres. There have been several phases of historiography advancing this thesis, each reflecting a desire on the part of historians ‘down under’ to relate their account to wider dynamics, or to incorporate models that redress or refute the ‘isolation’ of their history by exploring categories extending beyond the national chronicle. More recently, historians of post-colonialism have returned the interest. They have traced in the extension of colonialism many of the crucial factors shaping core elements of nineteenth-century European nationalism, even the concept of Europe itself. In complex patterns of interdependence within ‘empire’, these historians have also identified several themes of ‘modernity’: reflexive approaches to ‘self’ and identity; discursive matrices of liberal government; the application and testing of the Enlightenment project of ‘reason’ and the ‘disenchantment’ of scientific knowledge and classification.

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McConnel, Katie. "The Centrepiece of Colonial Queensland's Celebration and Commemoration of Royalty and Empire: Government House, Brisbane." Queensland Review 16, no. 2 (July 2009): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005080.

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Her Majesty's birthday was right royally celebrated last evening by His Excellency the Governor on the occasion of the annual birthday ball at government house.‘Royalty’ and ‘Empire’ were, throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. of supreme significance to all the Australian colonies. While each colony was well integrated within the Imperial framework, they remained largely reliant on the economic and geopolitical management of the British Empire. Though different colonial/national identities developed in Australia, the colonies' economic, military and diplomatic dependence on Britain strongly orientated them towards the Queen and ‘home’. Colonial Governors served as the vital link between the colonies and both the Imperial government and the Queen of the British Empire. Appointed by Britain and entrusted with the same rights, powers and privileges as the Queen, the role of Governor was one of great influence and authority.

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Grimshaw, Patricia. "Settler Anxieties, Indigenous Peoples, and Women's Suffrage in the Colonies of Australia, New Zealand, and Hawai'i, 1888 to 1902." Pacific Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 553–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3641224.

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Nettelbeck, Amanda. "Creating the Aboriginal Vagrant." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2018): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.1.79.

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This article considers how shifting programs of Aboriginal protection in nineteenth-century Australia responded to Indigenous mobility as a problem of colonial governance and how they contributed over time to creating an emergent discourse of the Aboriginal “vagrant.” There has been surprisingly little attention to how the legal charge of vagrancy became applied to Indigenous people in colonial Australia before the twentieth century, perhaps because the very notion of the Aboriginal vagrant was subject to ambivalence throughout much of the nineteenth century. When vagrancy laws were first introduced into Australia’s colonies, Aboriginal people were exempt from them as a group not yet subject to the ordinary regulatory codes of colonial society. Bringing them within the protective fold of colonial social order was one of the principal tasks of the office of ‘protection’ that was introduced into three Australian jurisdictions during the late 1830s. As the nineteenth century progressed and Aboriginal people became more susceptible to social order policing, a concept of Indigenous vagrancy hardened into place, and programs of protection became central to its management.

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Holloway, Ian. "Sir Francis Forbes and the Earliest Australian Public Law Cases." Law and History Review 22, no. 2 (2004): 209–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141646.

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There is, among many students of Australian law, a tendency to regard the establishment of constitutional government in Australia in positivistic terms: as a result of the passage of the New South Wales Act in 1823, or of the Australian Courts Act in 1828, or of the Australian Constitution Acts of 1842 and 1850, or even of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act in 1900. This is understandable, for, as Sir Victor Windeyer once put it, there was in the foundation of European society on these islands no element whatever of a social contract. Rather, the move to populate the Australian territories was a consequence entirely of a prospectively looking determination made by the government in London. And, as Windeyer went on to note, the formal establishment of local government was effected by ceremonies that were by their very essence positivistic in nature. On 26 January 1788, there was first a formal ceremony in which the Union flag was raised and a salute fired. Then, on 7 February, the whole population of the colony was assembled and the royal letters patent were read, which formally instructed Captain Phillip to go about the duty of creating a penal establishment.

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Swain, Shurlee. "Derivative and indigenous in the history and historiography of child welfare in Australia: Part Two." Children Australia 27, no. 1 (2002): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200004909.

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This article traces the history of child welfare in Australia, showing the ways in which policies and practices, deriving primarily from Britain, were adopted and adapted in a nation in which jurisdiction was split between colonies/states and further divided, within states, on the basis of race. It argues that child welfare has always been part of the nation-building project, central to national objectives when children could be constructed as future citizens, marginal, and more punitive, when they were more easily understood as threats to social stability. In this second part, it discusses post-war developments in services for non-indigenous children, and indigenous child welfare services. It concludes with a discussion of the historiography of child welfare in Australia arguing that because, to date, historical writing has concentrated on localised or specialist studies, child welfare professionals have limited access to an understanding of the history of the systems within which they work.

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Firpo, Christina, and Margaret Jacobs. "Taking Children, Ruling Colonies: Child Removal and Colonial Subjugation in Australia, Canada, French Indochina, and the United States, 1870–1950s." Journal of World History 29, no. 4 (2018): 529–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2018.0054.

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Buckingham, Donna. "A Binding Separation: The New Zealand-Australia Partnership in Free Access to Law." International Journal of Legal Information 38, no. 3 (2010): 269–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500005874.

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While both New Zealand and Australia have a shared history, each tells a separate story of sovereignty. Both began as British colonies and, when Australia became a federation in 1901, there was opportunity for New Zealand to join. It chose not to do so. To use an image from Moori, New Zealand's indigenous language, it decided to paddle its own waka (canoe). A century and a bit later, the New Zealand Legal Information Institute (NZLII) is another iteration of that drive to differentiate, born of a hope that an indigenous online identity might help to build more comprehensive free access to its legal information.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Penal colonies Australia History'

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