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Journal articles on the topic 'Peasants'
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1
Bhardwaj, Suraj Bhan. "Peasant-State Relation in Late Medieval North India (Mewat)." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 148–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816687636.
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Studies on peasantry in medieval India 1 , particularly peasant protests in the late Mughal period, have not adequately addressed the issue of class consciousness in peasantry or that of class character of peasant protests against the state. In a way, agency has been denied to the peasantry in collectively developing and articulating an informed understanding of its distinct social position and economic interests as a class, as well as in protecting those interests. This essay retrieves this agency by arguing that the peasantry in late medieval north India, that is, late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries ce, did develop a degree of self-consciousness as a class and that its conflict with the state did betray a certain class character. The folksongs and folktales popular among the peasantry since the medieval times have all the ingredients with which to construct a definite peasant class ideology that included conceptions of economic interest, social ethics and relation with the ruling class. On the basis of hitherto understudied Rajasthani documents, the article details the various ways in which the state intervened in the peasants’ socio-cultural and economic lives and the ways in which the peasants responded to these interventions. It also shows how the peasants’ class consciousness conditioned their engagement with the state in specific areas, whether grievance redressal, conflict resolution or agricultural production and surplus distribution. Furthermore, it discusses how caste consciousness in a stratified peasant society impinged on its class consciousness. However, there remained certain limits to the fuller development of this class consciousness, which ultimately constrained the fuller realisation of the potential of peasants’ class struggle against the state. The essay locates these limits in the peasants’ periodic negotiations with the state and their belief in the ideal of a non-conflictual, harmonious relation with the state.
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Chochotte, Marvin. "Making Peasants Chèf: The Tonton Makout Militia and the Moral Politics of Terror in the Haitian Countryside during the Dictatorship of François Duvalier, 1957–1971." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 04 (October 2019): 925–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000306.
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AbstractDrawing on never-before-utilized archival and oral sources, “Making Peasants Chèf” contends that decades of peasant marginalization from political power created the social and political conditions for the rise of the infamous tonton makout militia under the dictator François Duvalier. After coming to power in 1957, Duvalier militarized and rearmed peasants in exchange for their loyalty. Thousands of previously ostracized peasants enlisted in the dreaded makout militia to access status and political power. This explains why the peasant-based militia formed an arm of state repression. With the support of an armed peasantry, Duvalier successfully repressed the political opposition, allowing the regime to stay in power for almost three decades.
3
Kuryshev, Igor V., and Andrey A. Lyubimov. "Sources on Social and Political Moods of Peasants of the Ishim District of the Ural Region in 1925?27: Materials of the District OGPU Department Reports." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-418-427.
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The article uses previously unstudied reports of the Ishim district OGPU department to describe social and political attitudes of various groups of peasantry in the palmy days of the New Economic Policy (1925–27). The study is to consider the influence of social rural stratification on peasants’ mindsets and the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry; to assess the political resources of the Ishim peasantry through the lens of the OGPU reports; and to show the intransigence in social interests of the rural poor and the kulaks. The authors assess political moods of peasant population as a whole and those of particular social groups: poor, middle peasants, and kulaks. Political moods of the peasantry differentiated with respect to the following criteria: attitude to the Soviet government and various groups and strata, attitude to agricultural tax, attitude to religion, and church, and also according to the degree of political consciousness. On the basis of this analysis, we put forward an idea of multidirectional, heterogeneous participation of peasant population in the political life of the second half of the 1920s and of its significant social differentiation. In general, in the rural areas, the Soviet government was unequivocally supported by the poor, who were to some degree influenced by the kulaks. The middle peasants were characterized by their changing attitude; they symptomatically juxtaposed Soviet government and communists. The rich peasants took an extremely negative position to the Soviet government and tried to exert pressure on the local authorities (i.e. village soviets). However, discontent with the New Economic Policy encompassed all strata of the peasantry. Persistent confrontation between peasants fighting each other in the Ishim anti-communist peasant uprising of 1921 did not weaken for quite a long time. In conclusion, it is noted that protests, social deviations, and negative stance on the New Economic Policy gradually intensified in the political behavior of the Ishim district peasantry. The OGPU reports are a representative source that permits to reconstruct the social and political attitudes of the Ishim region peasantry.
4
Izudin, Ahmad. "Menyuarakan Hak tanpa Sekat: Sebuah Ekspresi Gerakan Sosial Petani." JSW (Jurnal Sosiologi Walisongo) 3, no. 2 (October 17, 2019): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jsw.2019.3.2.4160.
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This paper highlighted the social change of peasant in the process of facing any struggling movement. Applying a qualitative method and case study approach, the data in this research were collected by observation, interview, and document study. The data were analyzed using the theory of “Social-Economic Morality”. By analyzing the data using this theory this article revealed the changing society in terms of peasant political attitude. This research found three important aspects. Firstly, compromise is a kind of strategy applied by peasants in their movement. Because there are no supporting factors for peasants to avoid the state’s hegemony and exploitation, so the only strategy to deal with the expansive tendency of capitalism is by changing the political attitude of peasants. Secondly, the organizational consolidation is claiming peasant’s rights. Thirdly, capacity development through the empowerment process is a form of compromise way of peasants’ movement. These three compromise models are the ways to avoid conflict to escalate.
5
Akbar, Waza Karia. "Socio-Economic Dependence of Peasant to Local Collector on Rice Farming System." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Mamangan 7, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.v7i1.2508.
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The poverty of peasant in Gunung Talang is caused by low income, low education and limited land. The purpose of this research is to analyze the bases of the peasant socio-economic dependence to the local collector (local assemblers) on rice farming system. The research is also analyzing the soci- economic relations of peasants and local collector on rice farming system. This research was conducted through the qualitative method with descriptive research type. The results show the socio-economic dependence due to peasant’s conditions. They do not have the capital to cultivate the agricultural land. Peasants are trapped in the patron clients system. They cannot get out from poverty. The socio-economic relation between the peasants and the local collector of rice farming occur because of a very strong relationship with their blood relatives (Dunsanak).
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Akbar, Waza Karia. "Socio-Economic Dependence of Peasant to Local Collector on Rice Farming System." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Mamangan 7, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.2508.
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The poverty of peasant in Gunung Talang is caused by low income, low education and limited land. The purpose of this research is to analyze the bases of the peasant socio-economic dependence to the local collector (local assemblers) on rice farming system. The research is also analyzing the soci- economic relations of peasants and local collector on rice farming system. This research was conducted through the qualitative method with descriptive research type. The results show the socio-economic dependence due to peasant’s conditions. They do not have the capital to cultivate the agricultural land. Peasants are trapped in the patron clients system. They cannot get out from poverty. The socio-economic relation between the peasants and the local collector of rice farming occur because of a very strong relationship with their blood relatives (Dunsanak).
7
Frolov, Vitalij. "Protest sentiments of the Russian peasantry at the beginning of the XX century as a factor of destructive influence on the stable development of society." Metamorphoses of history, no. 32 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s241436770029520-2.
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The article is devoted to a protest sentiment of Russian peasants as one of the problems of society in Russian Empire at the beginning of XX century. The Russian peasantry influenced the path of development of the country objectively as being the majority of the population of Russia. The protest sentiments of the Russian peasants were one of the important elements that influenced the destructive processes in the Russian Empire. The article draws attention to the motivation of the peasant protest and raises the question of the historical responsibility of the peasantry for the revolutionary events of 1917. The authors noted that the traditions of communalism, collective ownership of land, a “moral” rather than a market economy, and the rejection of individualism among peasants were in conflict with the modernization processes that began in post-reform Russia, based on opposing values. In the 1880–1890s an unprecedented industrial boom begins and, as a result, a significant numerical reduction of the peasantry due to the city’s need for labor and the mechanization of agricultural labor. The peasant community also had to become an inevitable victim of the modernization process. The authors concluded, that disruption of the centuries-old way of life became a natural source of protest reaction from the peasantry beginning at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries. Stolypin's government briefly restored stability in the country. The Great War aggravated the existing problems and the protest of the peasants destroyed the old society.
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Eszik, Veronika. "Rural Reactions to Modernization: Anti-Modernist Features of the 1883 Anti-Hungarian Peasant Uprising in Croatia." Hungarian Historical Review 12, no. 1 (2023): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2023.1.37.
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In the post-Compromise Croatia–Slavonia (1868–1914) several peasant uprisings indicated a deep crisis in the rural world. Previous literature abundantly discussed the economic and social motives of these protests and interpreted the tensions as signs of the peasantry’s national awakening. In the present article, through a rereading of archival documents related to the 1883 protests, I draw attention to the perplexity of peasants when they should have identified national symbols. I argue, that the attitude of the peasants towards symbols turned against every kind of power symbol regardless of its link to a given nation. Adding a layer of nuance to the canonical explanations of peasant unrest allows us to draw attention to popular sensibilities to the ever-expanding state’s intrusion into rural areas and to the state’s modernizing interventions perceived as coercion. The ways in which the peasantry responded with hostility and violence to spaces, symbols, and figures associated with modernization make it very clear that modernization was seen by the peasantry as a potential danger (hence the anti-modernist epithet of the 1883 events). Thus, we should abandon the assumption that elite imaginations of modernity and modernization simply trickled down to the peasantry or that peasants accepted the teleology of modernization without criticism or anxiety. This article is also an attempt to read peasant rumors as historical sources independently of their truthfulness at the factual level, concentrating rather on what they tell us about the peasants’ fears and motivations and the strategies they used to cope with rapid changes in their lifeworld.
9
Nadan, Amos. "The route from informal peasant landownership to formal tenancy and eviction in Palestine, 1800s–1947." Continuity and Change 36, no. 2 (August 2021): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026841602100014x.
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AbstractExogenous intervention in land ownership began with few court judgments prior to the weighty Land Code in 1858; but it was especially this law which officially overturned the status quo by permitting registration of cultivated land in the names of non-cultivators. This changed the rules of the game for the peasantry in Palestine. Informally, yet practically, peasants had been the de facto owners of almost all cultivated lands in Palestine for generations. Following the landmark intervention of 1858, non-peasants seized the opportunity to acquire economic assets. They purchased and confiscated peasant lands or manipulated registration of peasant lands into their own names, and the peasants often became their tenants. The additional purchase of lands by Zionist settlers in latter years, compounded by rural demographic growth, intensified this pressure. By 1930, three-quarters of Arab peasants in Palestine cultivated lands they no longer formally owned, while others were pushed to migrate to cities.
10
Lyapin, Denis. "Cases of Peasants in the South of Russia in the 20s of the 17th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2020): 162–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.5.13.
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Introduction. Among the materials of the Belgorod Stol of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), there is an extensive set of documents related to disputes over peasants who fled to the South of Russia from uyezds of other regions of the state. These are “cases of peasants” which were created in the 1620s. They are an important episode of the overall picture of the economic development of Southern Russia in the 17th century. These documents are of great interest for the study of the Russian peasantry. Methods. The author uses the problem-historical method and traditional methods of working with historical sources. The focus of the article is an attempt to comprehend this vast complex of records management materials. These important materials are connected with the peasant issue in uyezds of Southern Russia in the 1620s. The question is how peasants, who did not have freedom, could move to the South. Unfortunately, this topic was hardly a subject of study in historiography. However, historian Novoselsky showed the importance of studying “cases of peasants”. In the course of the article, the author shows that peasants did not have legal grounds for the resettlement to the southern outskirts. In the last two decades of the 16th century, peasants were attached to the land. This is a wellknown and proven fact. However, in the Time of Troubles, many peasant families fled to the South. It was a time of anarchy. In the 1620s, the flight of peasants continued and was numerous. This triggered the emergence of “cases of peasants”. The author has studied 58 cases of this kind. Results. The study of these documents shows that the governmental policy regarding the flight of peasants was not harsh. The state allowed the possibility of the flight of peasants. The authorities did not consider landowners who accepted fugitives to be lawbreakers. The rules prohibiting the transfer of peasants began to act only if a landowner found his peasant and filed a lawsuit about his return.
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McDonald, Tracy. "Judith Pallot, ed., Transforming Peasants: Society, State, and the Peasantry, 1861–1930. Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies, Warsaw, 1995. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. 1 + 256 pp. $69.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900262807.
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Transforming Peasants is a collection of papers that focuses primarily on the Russian peasantry between 1861–1930, with brief forays into Poland, the Kirgiz steppe, and Turkestan. Judith Pallot's introduction to the volume is informative and concise. She provides the reader with an excellent overview of each paper and highlights each author's contribution to the existing debates within the context of Russian and East European peasant studies. Pallot is well versed in the comparative literature on the study of the peasantry and notes the degree to which new work on the Russian, Central Asian, and East European peasantries has been influenced, informed, and expanded by this comparative material. What unifies the various selections in Transforming Peasants is that each author is grappling with the way in which the state, intellectuals, or educated society conceived of or “imagined” peasants and how these conceptions, in turn, influenced, shaped, or determined policy aimed at transforming the peasantry.
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Savchenko, Andrii. "Entrepreneurial Initiatives of the Ukrainian Peasants During the "Thaw" to Satisfy Everyday Needs." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-45-50.
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The purpose of the article: to analyze the entrepreneurial potential of personal farms of collective farmers during "thaw" period in the field of household needs. Scientific novelty. The peasant stories we have collected during field research, clearly demonstrate the willingness of peasants to earn extra money to meet their needs. In the general structure of cash receipts to the peasant's homestead, it was important to receive income, for example, from such handicrafts as sewing and repairing clothes and shoes. The Ukrainian peasant society of the Khrushchev era remained a secondary subject of socio-economic life for the state, so only the peasant entrepreneurial initiative helped peasants to survive and provide at least a sufficient level and quality of life for their own families. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of comparative-historical and interdisciplinary analysis, socio-cultural approach. Conclusions. The everyday life of the Ukrainian peasant family of the "thaw" era was characterized by the fact that the needs of the peasants were constantly growing, but their satisfaction from the state was minimal. Accordingly, the role of various handicraftsmen became more active, who could satisfy on the spot, at least at a primitive, minimal level, the vital needs of fellow villagers. The peasant stories we have analyzed, collected during field research, clearly enough demonstrate the willingness of peasants to earn additional funds to satisfy their needs. In the general structure of monetary receipts of the peasant household, it remained relevant to obtain income, for example, from such handicraft trades as sewing and repairing clothes and shoes. The Ukrainian peasant society of the Khrushchev era remained for the state a secondary subject of socio-economic life, therefore only peasant entrepreneurial initiative helped him survive and ensure at least a sufficient level and quality of life for his own family.
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Chalcraft, John. "ENGAGING THE STATE: PEASANTS AND PETITIONS IN EGYPT ON THE EVE OF COLONIAL RULE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 3 (July 22, 2005): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052098.
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In spite of many competing views on peasants, their politics, and the state in 19th-century Egypt, the historiography contains certain striking continuities in its understanding of peasant–state political relations. Historians influenced by Marxism, modernization theory, and nationalism alike have usually seen state and peasantry as sharply distinct and conflicting. Peasants have often been depicted as locked in a struggle against the penetration of state agency into a previously autonomous rural domain. Whether seen as a force for benevolent modernization or for the predatory extraction of conscripts and taxes, the state has regularly been viewed as self-propelled and sui generis, reforming or invading the world of an either passive, silently subversive, or violently revolutionary peasantry. The figure of the tradition-bound, submissive, or apathetic peasant simply marks out a terrain for state agency, albeit an agency obstructed by peasant hostility, irrationality, or resentment. The silently subversive peasant, further, who uses James C. Scott's “weapons of the weak,” merely undermines in antagonistic and wordless fashion projects emanating from above. The revolutionary peasant, finally, becomes the self-generating locus of the nationalist or socialist modern and seeks the violent overthrow of the predatory state, transforming the latter into only the negative—albeit treacherous—terrain on which the positive historical agency of peasants and their allies can work. In short, the existing historiography, while varying the historical role, value, and meaning of peasant and state, preserves both as radically distinct, self-creating, and self-defining collective agents involved in zero-sum and often violent antagonism.
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Klír, Tomáš. "Local Migration of Peasants in the Late Middle Ages: a Quantitative Analysis of the Cheb City-State 1442–1456." Journal of Migration History 8, no. 2 (June 15, 2022): 191–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08020004.
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Abstract Many scholars have proved statistically that the migration of the Early Modern European peasantry was predominantly local and socially conditioned. This article tries to expand our quantified knowledge of the Late Medieval period using the unique documentary evidence from the Cheb city-state (Czech Republic). Based on a detailed analysis, we show that the migration pattern of the Late Medieval Cheb peasantry was similar to the Early Modern one despite very different demographic, economic and social conditions. The strength of the ties to the land increased with wealth; the better the property often among rural landholdings, gaining a better position. The wealthier the peasants status of the household, the lower the rate of replacement on the landholding. Poorer peasants migrated relatively more to the city, where they were among the wealthier burghers. Even though peasant migration took place over short distances, it brought about fundamental changes for many peasants.
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Ryabova, Ol'ga Vyacheslavovna, Elena Adol'fovna Kochkurova, and Tat'yana Valentinovna Zykova. "Nizhny Novgorod Provincial Peasant's House in the 1920s." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2024): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.3.70018.
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After the end of the Civil War, a new type of hotel enterprise appeared in Soviet Russia – the Peasant's House. The first Peasant's House was opened in 1922 in Moscow. The experience of its operation was recognized as successful and regional Peasant Houses began to open throughout the country. In Nizhny Novgorod, the Provincial Peasant's House began its work in 1925. His task was to serve the peasants coming to the city. They were provided with a hostel and meals. The peasants received legal assistance, various references and advice on various issues. Political and educational activities were also provided for peasant walkers: excursions, radio broadcasts, visits to the library. Lectures, reports, debates, question and answer evenings, as well as individual conversations were held in the Peasant's House. From the first years of the Peasant's Houses, the Soviet government sought their transition to full self-financing. The paper provides an analysis of the main directions of development of the Nizhny Novgorod Provincial Peasant House in the 1920s. The article is based on the materials of the Central Archive of the Nizhny Novgorod Region Regional Archive (TSANO), periodicals, scientific literature. The article uses historical-systemic and historical-comparative methods, as well as general scientific methods such as description and comparison. The conducted research showed that the Nizhny Novgorod Provincial Peasant's House was in a difficult situation in the 1920s. Like any new business, the organization and activity of the Peasant's House faced considerable difficulties. The normal activities of the Peasant's House were hampered by material problems. The residential premises provided by the government needed major repairs. The subsidies allocated for political and educational work were not enough. The situation changed only in the early 1930s, when the government decided to build new buildings for peasant Homes.
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Scanlan, Padraic X. "Slaves and Peasants in the Era of Emancipation." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 495–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.39.
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AbstractFrom the middle of the eighteenth century until the late 1830s, the idea of enslaved people as “peasants” was a commonplace among both antislavery and proslavery writers and activists in Britain. Slaveholders, faced with antislavery attacks, argued that the people they claimed to own were not an exploited labor force but a contented peasantry. Abolitionists expressed the hope that after emancipation, freedpeople would become peasants. Yet the “peasants” invoked in these debates were not smallholders or tenant farmers but plantation laborers, either held in bondage or paid low wages. British abolitionists promoted institutions and ideas invented by slaveholders to defend the plantation system. The idea of a servile and grateful “peasant” plantation labor force became, for British abolitionists, a justification for the “civilization” and subordination of freedpeople.
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Ippolitov, Vladimir. "Socio-political sentiments of the Russian peasantry in the mid-1920s (based on the election materials of village councils)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2023): 04–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202312statyi11.
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The sources of the study of the socio-political sentiments of the Russian peasantry in the mid-1920s were the materials of the elections to village councils. Special emphasis is placed on the study of changes in the identity of peasants of the “revolutionary turning point" generation. The author analyzes the attitude of the active part of the village to urban workers, prices, parties, etc. The reasons for peasant absenteeism and distrust of the authorities are considered. The conclusion is made about the growth of the political consciousness of the peasants in the mid-1920s.
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Seregny, Scott J. "Peasants, Nation, and Local Government in Wartime Russia." Slavic Review 59, no. 2 (2000): 336–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697055.
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More than a decade ago, in a discussion in this journal, Leopold Haimson argued that peasant soldiers’ perception of Soviet power in 1917-18 “did not encompass any conception of the relationships between themselves, their village communities, or even the peasant estate as a whole, and other social groups—let alone any generalized view of the Russian body politic as a whole.” He went on to note that this peasant particularism “reflected a continuity in the mentalité of Russian peasants stretching back to the very inception of the Russian state.” Peasants rejected any superordinate authority and consistently acted out “a profound urge to be left alone.” Haimson's description of Russian peasants at the outset of civil war is a powerful evocation of peasant mentalités, not only of peasants in Russia but of peasants the world over, and would seem to preclude their inclusion in a nation.
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Lichbach, Mark I. "What Makes Rational Peasants Revolutionary? Dilemma, Paradox, and Irony in Peasant Collective Action." World Politics 46, no. 3 (April 1994): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950687.
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Peasant upheavals are studied from the perspective offered by the selective incentives solution to Olson's collective action problem. This article presents much evidence from three different forms of peasant struggles—everyday forms of peasant resistance, unorganized rural movements, and organized peasant rebellions—that demonstrates the widespread existence of selective incentives. Questions about the causes and consequences of selective incentives are then examined. First, what are the conditions under which peasant struggles emphasize material selective incentives rather than nonmaterial altruistic appeals? The level of selective incentives in any peasant upheaval is a function of demand and supply considerations. Peasants demand selective incentives. The suppliers include one or more dissident peasant organizations, the authorities, and the allies of both. A political struggle ensues as the suppliers compete and attempt to monopolize the market. Second, what are the conditions under which the pursuit of material self-interest hurts rather than helps the peasantry's collective cause? Selective incentives supplemented by ideology can be effective; selective incentives alone are counterproductive.These questions and answers lead to the conclusion that the selective incentives solution reveals much more about peasant upheavals than simply that peasants will often be concerned with their own material self-interest. It is therefore important to study the following three aspects of peasant collective action: the dilemma peasants face, or how peasant resistance is in the interest of all peasants but in the self-interest of none; the paradox peasants face, or that rational peasants do solve their dilemma (for example, with selective incentives) and participate in collective action; and the irony peasants face, or that self-interest is both at the root of their dilemma and at the foundation of a solution to their paradox.
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Holmwood, Sigrid. "The peasant paints: Minor painting and peasant cosmopolitics." Journal of Contemporary Painting 8, no. 1 (April 6, 2023): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcp_00040_1.
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This article discusses the idea of ‘peasant-painting’ as minor painting, playing with the contrast between ‘paintings-of-peasants’ and ‘paintings-by-peasants’. I argue that the appearance of the figure of the peasant as a genre of Western European painting is inextricably linked with the rise of capitalism and the construction of the modern individualized self, separate from nature. Through ‘naturalistic’ images of peasants in landscapes this in turn enabled the bourgeois gaze to naturalize unequal capitalistic relations. I shall then contrast these paintings-of-peasants, with paintings-by-peasants in the Southwest of Sweden. By examining the conditions of their emergence and circulation, and their use and meaning, we can see that these peasants had an alternative conception of the self and a peasant cosmopolitics which did not separate humans from non-humans. I argue that their practice was a minor painting which formed a communal resistance to the modernizing project in the mid-eighteenth to mid-nineteenth centuries.
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Konyshev, Denis, Tatiana Ermakova, and Irina Travina. "On the problem of the legal status of the Soviet peasant in 1945—1953." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 8-1 (August 1, 2022): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202208statyi10.
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This article examines the legal status of the Soviet peasant within the collective farm-state farm system and the agrarian policy of the state in the period after the end of the Great Patriotic War and before the beginning of the “Khrushchev thaw”. Attention is paid to the close relationship of the situation of the Soviet peasantry with the collective economy - the collective farm. The general characteristics of the socio-economic situation of peasants, the influence of legal status on the standard of living and the main elements of everyday life are given. The main indicators of incomes of peasant families and the level of food consumption in the first post-war years are analyzed. The role of personal subsidiary farming as a system of stimulating peasant labor is shown. The main measures of legal and social responsibility of peasants in the system of agricultural production and collective farm life are given.
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Liang, Shuli. "An Examination of Yun D. Y.'s Thought on the Peasant Question." Advances in Social Science and Culture 6, no. 4 (July 6, 2024): p10. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/assc.v6n4p10.
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Yun D. Y., as one of the important leaders in charge of peasant work in the early days of the Communist Party of China, gradually formed a systematic thought on the peasant issue in the practice of revolutionary struggle. Yun D. Y. insisted on the leadership of the proletariat over the peasants in the peasant issue; highly affirmed the great role of the peasants in the new democratic revolution and called on the peasants to participate in the revolution; led the peasant movement and armed the peasants; and insisted that all the work should be centered on the masses, leaving behind a valuable legacy for the solution of the peasant issue in his short life. Yun D. Y.'s thinking and exploration of the peasant problem promoted the modernization of Marxism and laid a solid foundation for the Chinese Communists to seek the correct revolutionary path of "encircling the city with the countryside" in theory and practice.
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Stauter-Halsted, Keely. "Patriotic Celebrations in Austrian Poland: The Kościuszko Centennial and the Formation of Peasant Nationalism." Austrian History Yearbook 25 (January 1994): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800006329.
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The first peasant movement in Eastern Europe to declare its formal independence from other parties grew up in Austrian Galicia. Founded in 1895, the Polish Peasant party (Stronnictwo Ludowe) was characterized by an approach to the problem of Polish nationalism unique to the peasantry. Like many other agrarian groups, the Polish peasants privileged peasant culture and values above upper-class and urban traditions as the true source of national strength. Yet the dynamics of this budding peasant nationalism, its sources and leadership bases, have yet to be fully explored.
24
Viazinkin, Aleksei Yu, and Kuzma A. Yakimov. "Peasant Pessimism in the Days of Collectivization (1920-1930s): Anti-Soviet Rhetoric of the “Revolutionary Turning Point” Generation." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2023): 753–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2023-3-753-764.
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The Soviet policy of collectivization, which sought to forcibly bring the regime of agriculture functioning in accordance with general political course on total control and authorities dictate, could not but cause discontent among the peasant population leaning to balanced autonomy. The article examines the phenomenon of peasant anti-Soviet pessimism, expressed in anti-collectivist rhetoric of the agrarian class representatives. A number of studies on the problems of public sentiments of peasants in the days of collectivization have analyzed various aspects of this problem, however, its rhetorical aspect remains poorly studied, although it significantly complements fragmented socio-psychological portrait of the Soviet village during the collectivization. The study is to eliminate this gap in scientific knowledge. It is built on the principles of historicism and objectivity, uses historical-comparative, deductive and retrospective methods. Its object is peasants of the “revolutionary turning point” generation, born in late 19th century, who took an active part in social and political life in the 1905-1930s (following Yu. A. Levada’s classification). The study is based on a wide array of both published and newly introduced archival materials from the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), the Russian State Archive of Economics (RGAE), and the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Tambov Region (GASPITO). It focuses on the analysis of letters and complaints of peasants of the “revolutionary turning point” generation and on the study of reports of the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU) on the sentiments of the Soviet village during collectivization. The authors underscore the need to create a classification of rhetoric by its content, reflecting passive dissatisfaction of the peasants with the collectivization policy. Primarily, there was nostalgic rhetoric associated with patriarchal roots of the Russian peasantry, in whose historical memory paternalistic autocracy looked better than foreign and alienating Soviet power. Secondly, there was comparative rhetoric drawing parallels between the policy of collectivization and “war communism,” based on point-blank rejection of the actions of Soviet government and their comparison with banditry. Thirdly, there was rhetoric of doom in absence of any satisfactory historical prospect for peasant life, meaning its socio-economic autonomy, as well as survival. Fourthly, there were elements of introspection explaining the behavior of peasants forced to make concessions to the Soviet government contrary to their own interests. Analysis of sources suggests that rhetorically peasants’ protest against the collectivization was reduced to passive forms of resistance. Nothing remained to the exsanguinated peasantry, but nostalgic complaints; rare bold statements about leaving kolkhozes were drowned in humility, traditional for the Russian peasant culture, and bemoaning the growing sense of doom and defeatist recognition of the need to obey the authorities’ initiatives.
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Rodríguez, Juanita. "Picturing the Peasant in Orlando Fals Borda’s Work 1950s-1970s." Master, Vol. 5, no. 2 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m9.060.art.
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Orlando Fals Borda, a renowned Colombian sociologist, who worked for both the academia and the government from the 1950s to 90s, wrote two works on Colombian peasantry and its relation with big landowners that were published with a selection of photographs of peasants, landowners, and grassroots movements. These works and their images have had an impact on the construction of peasant- and landowner visual icons in recent Colombian history, as they have been used in books, primers, and exhibitions since their creation, and they had a crucial influence on the visual propaganda of the Agrarian Reform project in Colombia. As a result of Fals’s fieldwork, there are two photograph collections kept at two institutions in Colombia that have organized and catalogued the images: The Central Bank in Montería and the National University in Bogotá. These institutions are prime creators of the visual memory of rural Colombia and I analyze Fals’s fieldwork as part of a jigsaw puzzle in which peasants, landowners, and intellectuals, like Fals, both consumed and created visual icons of land, rurality, and peasantry in Colombia’s recent history. Keywords: Agrarian Reform, Colombia, landowners, Orlando Fals Borda, peasants, photography.
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Ansoms, An. "Views from Below on the Pro-poor Growth Challenge: The Case of Rural Rwanda." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0037.
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Abstract:This article focuses on the Rwandan peasantry to confirm how “views from below” can contribute to a better understanding of the ”pro-poor” growth challenge. Based on micro-level evidence gathered in 2007, it examines local peasants' perceptions of the characteristics and degree of poverty for different socioeconomic categories (i.e., peasant groups). It looks at the various opportunities and constraints that influence the potential of these categories or groups for social mobility and their capacity to participate in growth strategies. Further, it considers how local peasants perceive specific policy measures in the Rwandan government's “pro-poor” rural strategies. Their insights could inspire Rwandan policymakers and supporting donors to redirect their efforts toward distribution-oriented growth strategies.
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Muhammad Husni Thamrin and Nabila Fahira Nasution. "Understanding Social Challenges: Perspectives on the United Nations Declaration on the Human Rights of Peasants and Rural Working Peoples." Journal of Peasants’ Rights 3, no. 1 (March 27, 2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/jpr.v3i1.16152.
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This research explores Peasants’ social challenges in Indonesia and UNDROP's response to these challenges. Challenges include limited access to resources and land, agrarian conflict, difficulty accessing adequate seeds, and economic uncertainty. UNDROP provides a vital framework to fight for Peasants’ rights, emphasizing land, seed, and food rights. A qualitative research method was used using the UNDROP perspective. Data was collected through primary and secondary sources and analyzed using data reduction, presentation, and conclusion-drawing methods. The results show the need for more vigorous law enforcement and better protection of Peasants’ rights. Efforts to address Peasants’ social challenges include the implementation of the Peasant Protection and Empowerment Act, providing financial and technical support, and implementing UNDROP by the government and various relevant parties. This study concludes that collaboration between the government, Peasant organizations, NGOs, and the international community is crucial in ensuring the protection and welfare of Peasants. Implementing UNDROP is crucial in ensuring Peasants’ rights are protected. This research contributes significantly to understanding the social challenges Peasants face in Indonesia and the efforts that can be made to address these challenges effectively.
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Voronchuk, Iryna. "OLEKSANDR LAZAREVSKYI AND THE DISCUSSION ON THE FACTORS OF SERFDOM IN THE LEFT-BANK UKRAINE." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022): 284–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11614.
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The article analyzes the discussion that unfolded among professional historians of the Hetmanate after the work of Oleksandr Matviiovych Lazarevskyi “Ordinary Peasants of Little Russia” was published in 1866. Lazarevskyi was one of the first researchers to study the history of the Left-bank Ukraine, which at that time remained virtually unexplored. When in 1861 the peasant reform was announced by the tsarist government, the researcher became interested in the issues of the Left-bank Ukrainian peasantry, especially given the fact that due to his official position he had access to archival documents of those institutions that dealt with peasant affairs. Looking into the matter of attaching Left-bank peasants to the land, Lazarevskyi concluded that serfdom was not imposed by the Russian government but became the work of Ukrainian Cossack officers (starshyna), who concentrated administrative and judicial power in their hands. This conclusion, however, did not gain general acceptance. The divergence of views was mainly about the origins and the process of the introduction of serfdom in the Left-bank Ukraine. A scientific discussion began among the historians of Ukraine such as Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Dmytro Bahalii, Venedykt Miakotyn, Ivan Luchytskyi, Victor Barvinskyi, Ivan Telichenko, Oleksandr Shlikevych and others. In particular, Hrushevskyi pointed out that precisely this conclusion of Lazarevskyi had to be corrected. In support of Hrushevsky’s view, this article lists a number of laws of the Russian Empire of the 18th century which aimed at making Russian peasants serfs. It is shown that very fast that order of things was transferred to the Left-bank Ukraine, which lands were given out to Russian officials on a large scale resulting in Great Russia's latifundial landownership. In addition to the lands received for the service, Russian officials independently appropriated territories adjacent to them, thus significantly enlarging their estates. They were the ones who led the establishment of their customary order of life in Ukrainian lands, turning into serfs not only peasants but also ordinary Cossacks, which also aligned with the interests of the Cossack starshyna. The final point in the enserfment of peasantry, in particular the Ukrainian one, was put by the law of May 3, 1783 which forbade peasants to leave entirely. Hence, when considering the reasons for the enslavement of the Left-bank peasantry, one should take into account the impact of the Russian social practices and the efforts of the tsarist government to turn Ukraine into a colonial province.
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Chen, Zhaoyi. "A Study of Marx and Engels' Main Viewpoints on Peasants." Academic Journal of Management and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (January 4, 2023): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ajmss.v1i1.4210.
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Marx and Engels early discussed the ignorance and conservatism of English, French and German peasants in the production process, and held a relatively negative attitude towards peasants. With the continuous development of the revolutionary process, Marx and Engels began to have a fundamental change in their attitude towards peasants, gradually realized that peasants played an indispensable role in the revolutionary struggle of the working class, and put forward the idea of worker peasant alliance and agricultural cooperatives to transform peasants.
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Yakhshiyan, O. Yu. "The “golden age” of Russian serfdom." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 8 (September 28, 2022): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2022-8-28-34.
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The article attempts to show the apogee of Russian serfdom as one of the most significant direct and immediate results of Peter the Great’s transformations. The proprietary (proprietorial) interest of the landed gentry in relation to the local lands and peasants received a previously unthinkable impulse due to Peter’s elevation of the status of estates to patrimonial, as well as the erasure of the legal boundary between serfs and peasants by turning both into “audit souls” during the tax reform. Already in the last years of Peter the Great’s reign, the authorities were inclined to identify the right of landlords to peasants with the right to immovable property in the context of the evolution of serfdom in Russia. The article discusses in detail the practice of distribution by emperors and empresses of lands with peasants into ownership as a reward for special merits. The author analyzed the post-Petrine legislation that expanded the class privileges of the nobility and strengthened their ownership rights in relation to landlords and peasants. Particular attention is paid to the practice of selling landlord peasants without land and with the separation of families. The historical significance of Peter’s and post-Peter’s policies of a sharp strengthening of the ownership (proprietary) rights of nobles to land and peasants in their estates lies primarily in the accumulation of a powerful conflict potential in Russian society for the long term. The “time bomb” laid by Peter I and his immediate successors in the inter-verbal relations of the local nobility and the peasantry dependent on it will explode at the beginning of the twentieth century, and it will give rise to a great peasant revolution in Russia.
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Fedoseev, Roman V., Eduard D. Bogatyrev, and Natalya A. Kisteneva. "Activities of the Peasant Land Bank in Penza province of Russia (1883-1915)." Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 12, no. 34 (September 2, 2021): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.46925//rdluz.34.27.
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The reform of 1861 not only freed the peasants from serfdom, but also led to radical economic changes in the agrarian sphere. The peasantry was involved in civil and legal relations associated with the purchase and sale of land. In order to assist land-poor peasants in the purchase of land, a specialized credit institution was created, which issued loans on favorable terms against the security of the acquired land plots. The purpose of this study is to identify the features of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank in the territory of the Penza province of Russia. Based on the materials of the Penza province, the main indicators of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank are analyzed, the dynamics of credit operations, the influence of its activities on the growth of land prices are considered, regional features of the processes under study are indicated. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the creation and operation of the Peasant Land Bank was an element of the government's agricultural policy aimed at creating peasant land tenure by providing loans to buy land from private owners.
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Guampe, Feliks Arfid, Muhammad Hasan, Andrian Dolfriandra Huruta, Christine Dewi, and Abbott Po Shun Chen. "Entrepreneurial Literacy of Peasant Families during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Case in Indonesia." Sustainability 14, no. 19 (September 28, 2022): 12337. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141912337.
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Our research examines peasant families’ entrepreneurial literacy and entrepreneurial behavior. The study was conducted in rural areas of North Morowali. This location is one of the agricultural bases in the Central Sulawesi Province (Indonesia). We employ a qualitative approach with a case study. The data were gathered through observation and in-depth interviews with six peasants. The key respondents were chosen through judgment sampling. The key respondents comprised two lowland rice peasants, two cocoa peasants, and two oil palm peasants. Despite the socio-economic restrictions due to the COVID-19 pandemic, peasant families continue to engage in agricultural entrepreneurship. Entrepreneurial literacy is obtained from interaction with the internal and external environment before the COVID-19 pandemic. The entrepreneurial literacy of peasant families denotes the knowledge and understanding of cultivation systems, quality seeds and seedlings, plant pests and diseases, fertilizers, pesticides, agricultural technology, post-harvest management, and market access. The low impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in rural areas is also due to its low population density compared to urban areas and limited mobility of peasants, thereby minimizing social contact, and the commodity being cultivated is a food commodity. We developed new insights into the peasants’ literacy and entrepreneurial behavior model during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Topilsky, Aleksey. "Peasant land tenure of Eastern Galicia in the second half of 19th – early 20th centuries." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 182 (2019): 299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-182-299-304.
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We consider the problems of development of small land tenure in Eastern Galicia in the second half of 19th – early of 20th century. We show the dynamics of the property stratification of peasant population, the reasons for the households fragmentation. We characterize the develop-ment of the rural bourgeoisie and the rural proletariat, the growth of the number of small-land and landless peasant households among the Rusyns-Ukrainian population is shown. We show the change in the peasants’ social and economic status, the dynamics of demonstrations related to the problems of land parcelling between landowners and peasants after the serfdom abolition. For the purpose of lands protection the peasants resorted to the demonstrations including, first of all, such forms of fight as disruption of works (performed in the withdrawn territory by woodcutters, shepherds, ploughmen, etc.). We conclude that in Galicia, the vast majority of peasant families could not feed themselves from their land, and therefore a huge number of poor low-income and landless peasants were forced to leave their native land, looking for work mainly in the New World counties and Prussia. We characterize an unequal taxation of the peasant and landowner households. The land cadastre was carried out so that quite identical lands of peasants and landowners were assigned to different categories, always considering peasant lands better than landowners’.
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Gelaye, Getie. "Contemporary Amharic Oral Poetry from Gojjam: Classification and a sample Analysis." Aethiopica 2 (August 6, 2013): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.2.1.537.
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In the preceding discussion, an attempt was made to provide a classification of Amharic oral poems and songs into several themes and genres. Accordingly, such major genres as work songs, children’s poems, war chants and boasting recitals were identified and a description and analysis of selected poems and their role, particularly in local politics and administration, were provided. In their poems and songs, the peasants of East Gojjam critically express their views, attitudes and feelings either in the form of support or protest, towards the various state policies and local directives.Indeed, the Amharic oral poems and songs from the two peasant communities illustrate topics associated with the change of government, land redistribution, local authorities and their administration, as well as a variety of other contemporary issues affecting the rural society. The poems also throw some light on the understanding of the peasants’ consciousness and observations comparing past and present regimes of Ethiopia, besides their power of aesthetics and creative capabilities of the peasants’ poetic tradition.In fact, this can be seen from a wider perspective, considering the function and role of oral literature in an agrarian and traditional society such as the two peasant communities mentioned in this paper. The peasants’ response in poetry to the diverse contemporary politics and local administration need to be studied carefully and considered appropriately in the state’s future rural policies and development projects if it is intended to bring about a democratic system that leads towards a peaceful coexistence among the rural peasantry.
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Svanberg, Ingvar, and Sabira Ståhlberg. "Peasant Food Provision Strategies and Scientific Proposals for Famine Foods in Eighteenth-Century Sweden." Gastronomy 2, no. 1 (February 6, 2024): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/gastronomy2010002.
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The peasant diet during the Little Ice Age in Sweden was mainly grain-based (bread, gruel, and porridge), and the country was heavily dependent on grain imports to meet the population’s needs for food. During the eighteenth century in particular, when famines were frequent following failed harvests, Swedish peasants utilized a range of locally available resources to survive. Bark bread made of cambium (phloem) from Pinus sylvestris was, for example, commonly used as famine food. Scientists of the Enlightenment period and the state authorities tried to alleviate hunger and poverty through the introduction of new food resources and cooking techniques, including wild or agricultural plants such as lichens or potato, and the use of protein sources different from the traditional ones, such as horse meat. However, many of these proposals encountered strong resistance from the peasantry, and only at the end of the 1800s famines ceased to cause suffering in Sweden. Scientific studies have so far focused mainly on mortality, malnutrition, demography, and official responses to famines; yet the question of what the starving peasants gathered, prepared, and consumed is important for the understanding of the historical situation. Also, the difference between the scientific proposals and peasants’ decisions and choices must be clearly distinguished. This historical study using an ethnobiological approach discusses peasant subsistence strategies in Sweden in the eighteenth century using contemporary sources, which provide an opportunity to study how the population obtained foodstuffs, adapted their diet to available ingredients, and the interaction and conflicting views of peasants and scientists about new, science-based nutrition proposals.
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Saragih, Mujahid Widian, and Yandi Syahputra Hasibuan. "The Existence of Indonesian Peasants in Three Eras: Dutch Colonialism, Japanese Colonialism, and The Independence." Journal of Peasants’ Rights 2, no. 2 (September 30, 2023): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/jpr.v2i2.14141.
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This article discusses the existence of peasants during three eras with different powers. During the Dutch and the Japanese colonialism, it can be said that peasant is a profession that must be avoided because it will become an object of exploitation by those in power. During Dutch rule in Indonesia, the policies that exploited peasants were ‘culturstelseel’ (the forced planting system) and the 1870 Agrarian Law. These two policies made peasants even more impoverished, the lands that formerly owned peasants were forcibly taken away to plant commodities that were in demand on the world market and the profits went into their pockets ruler. During the Japanese colonialism, an obligation to produce rice made peasants increasingly tormented because they had to pursue predetermined targets. During The independence, the peasants were embraced by political parties until they were transformed into mass organizations. Although there has been some progress in the national agrarian political agenda, differences in ideology and interests have resulted in conflicts and struggles between peasant mass organizations, and even with civil society.
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Datsenko, Artem. "Peasant movement in the Donbass in March – November 1917 and its impact on the economic and internal political situation in the region." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 9 (347) (2021): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-134-145.
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The article studies the events in the countryside of Donbass from March to November 1917. The author reflects the peculiarities of the peasant movement in Donbass, aimed at solving the land issue in order to redistribute land and property in their favor. The events geographically described in the article cover the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk regions within the boundaries of 2013. The article examines the main events associated with peasant uprisings. The author emphasizes that the peasant movement took place throughout the region, but it was most developed in the poorest counties; he aimed to redistribute land in favor of land-poor and landless peasants at the expense of not only landlords, industrial enterprises, church lands, but also rich peasants. developing in most cases spontaneously, and in the conditions of spring-autumn 1917 could not be suppressed by the then power. The author concludes that the situation in the rural areas of Donbass seriously affected the food supply of cities and the army, the rise in prices for essential goods, and even the investment attractiveness of the region. The peasantry of Donbass has already resisted the policy of the Provisional Government in predominantly passive and sometimes active forms. Any political forces planning to extend their power to Donbass already had to reckon with the position of the region's peasantry.
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Pasichna, Yulia, and Andriy Berestovyi. "Social and Political Activity of Peasantry in 1905-1907." Eminak, no. 4(32) (January 13, 2021): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2020.4(32).473.
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By the beginning of 1905, a crisis was impending in all spheres of Russian society. Agrarian problems caused by objective and subjective factors prompted the peasantry to declare their principled positions on solving agrarian problems. The period of 1905-1907 is a vivid example of the struggle of the driving independent force of the revolution, the peasantry, for carrying out an agrarian revolution. Goal: To study the social and political activity of the Russian peasantry in 1905-1907. During 1905-1907, Russia was unsettled by a tide of the social and political activity of the peasantry. The protests, which began in Poltava and Kharkiv Provinces, spread throughout the state and in a short time became uncontrollable by the authorities. Scholars give different figures for the total number of peasant unrests, but despite these differences, it is not difficult to determine that during 1905-1907 peasant unrests covered up to 50% of all European Russia in different periods of peasants� revolutionary activity. Manifestations of the social and political activity of the peasantry can be observed in early 1905 in the spontaneous seizure of landowners� estates, later the peasants started to pillage, plunder, damage agricultural implements, go on strikes, and cut down forests without permission. The manifestations of early 1905 did not become a novelty for Russian society, but 1905 � 1907 were a test for the power structures of the state. After all, the peasantry, although they still �believed in the tsar�, reacted to the unsystematic actions of the power in solving agrarian problems by radical actions and the large-scale protests.
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Safonov, Dmitriy A. "“Land and liberty” as the age-old dream of the Russian peasantry." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 189 (2020): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-149-154.
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Purpose of the research: we doubt the thesis, traditional for Russian historiography, that the desires and dreams of peasants have historically been enclosed in a capacious formula “land and liberty”. The appeal to peasant demands allows us to conclude that the formula “land and li-berty” was a product of the liberal and revolutionary circles of the 19th and early 20th centuries, for which it was traditionally considered themselves more understanding of peasant needs than the peasants themselves. In fact, the main thing in the desires of the peasants was the acquisition of the possibility of free economic management, and the latter at different times had different interpretations due to the changing conditions of life. The main mistake of those who considered themselves experts in peasant needs was the initial belief that at all times the peasants associated the improvement of their lives exclusively with agricultural labor. As a result, we come to the conclusion that with the expansion of other opportunities during the revolution and civil war, the peasants began to demand the creation of normal living conditions not only in the countryside, which was reflected in the slogans of the insurgents of 1920–1922.
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Krivonozhenko, Alexander F., Ekaterina V. Zakharova, and Yulia V. Litvin. "Grinding Mills in the Life of the Russian Peasantry of the Post-Reform Period." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.302.
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Grinding mills were a routine attribute of the economic life of the peasantry, being an indispensable stage in the process of making bread. Yet these structures are hardly ever specifically researched by historians and anthropologists. This paper examines the socio-economic role of mills in the life of peasants of the early 20th century in Karelia. The study is based on the analysis of archival statistical data from the agricultural census of 1916 as well as on ethnographical and toponymical materials, which allows for a comprehensive examination of the object. The study has identified the number of mills in Karelia at the beginning of the 20th century. It also analyses the conditions that contributed to the effectiveness of functioning of these peasant farm buildings. It has been found that the mill craft in Karelia was the second (after blacksmithing) small-scale peasant production in terms of its economic benefit. At the same time, this type of economic activity was not the main source of income in those farms where they existed. The miller remained primarily a peasant farmer, but the level of prosperity of his economy was higher than that of other peasants. The sources used for the research have also enabled to trace the negative effects of crises in agriculture in Karelia during World War I on the flour milling business. A special attention in the paper is devoted to the mythological worldview of peasants. The analysis of the corpus of Karelian- and Russian-language toponymic data has confirmed the important role of grinding mills in the setup of the region’s peasant economy.
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Lyapanov, Artem. "Serfs of the Russian State or Free Rural Commoners? (Based on the Example of State Peasants of Vladimir Province 1841-1866)." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2020.21(2).228-250.
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The article analyzes the rights and obligations of state peasants following the reform of P.D. Kiselev, one of the aims of which was to bring the real situation of this category of the population into line with their formal status as free peasant peasants. The personal and property rights of peasants are examined as well as their implementation under the new system of government; duties, most importantly, the payment of numerous duties and obligations. The authors concluded that the reformers were not able to achieve the desired results. The situation of state peasants was better than that of other categories of peasants. However, they did not become truly free peasants before the reform of 1866.
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Lyapanov, Artem. "Serfs of the Russian State or Free Rural Commoners? (Based on the Example of State Peasants of Vladimir Province 1841-1866)." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2020.21(2).228-250.
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The article analyzes the rights and obligations of state peasants following the reform of P.D. Kiselev, one of the aims of which was to bring the real situation of this category of the population into line with their formal status as free peasant peasants. The personal and property rights of peasants are examined as well as their implementation under the new system of government; duties, most importantly, the payment of numerous duties and obligations. The authors concluded that the reformers were not able to achieve the desired results. The situation of state peasants was better than that of other categories of peasants. However, they did not become truly free peasants before the reform of 1866.
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MOON, DAVID. "PEASANT MIGRATION AND THE SETTLEMENT OF RUSSIA'S FRONTIERS, 1550–1897." Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 859–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007504.
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This article surveys the expansion of Russian peasant settlement from 1550, when most of the 6·5 million peasants lived in the forest-heartland of Muscovy, to 1897, when around fifty million Russian peasants lived throughout large parts of the immense Russian empire. It seeks to explain how this massive expansion was achieved with reference to different facets of the ‘frontier’: the political frontier of the Russian state; the environmental frontier between forest and steppe; the lifeway frontier between settled peasant agriculture and pastoral nomadism; and the ‘hierarchical frontier’ between the Russian authorities and the mass of the peasantry. The article draws attention to the different ways in which peasant-migrants adapted to the variety of new environments they encountered, and stresses interaction across each facet of the frontier. Nevertheless, by 1897, the coincidence between the two main types of environment and the two principal lifeways of the population had been virtually eliminated in much of the Russian empire outside central Asia. This was a consequence of the expansion of Russia's political frontiers, mass peasant migration, the ploughing up of vast areas of pasture land, and the sedentarization of many nomadic peoples. The expansion of peasant settlement helps explain the durability of Russian peasant society throughout the period from the mid-sixteenth to the late-nineteenth centuries.
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Rahikainen, Marjatta. "Unfree labour by free peasants: labour service in the Swedish and Finnish countryside, from the late seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries." Rural History 31, no. 2 (October 2020): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793320000035.
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Abstract This article discusses the received image of free Swedish and Finnish peasants, charting parallels with peasants in the Baltic region. It draws upon the post-Cold War discussion of free and unfree rural labour in early modern Europe. The discussion maintains that the labour service by free Swedish and Finnish peasant landholders and peasant tenants at its heaviest point may have been on a par with the corvée in the early modern Baltic provinces. It is suggested that the Cold War mental map may have led to an overstatement of the East-West distinction between peasants’ circumstances in the Baltic Sea region.
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Zhu, Yongtian, Shigemitsu Shibasaki, Rui Guan, and Jin Yu. "Poverty Alleviation Relocation, Fuelwood Consumption and Gender Differences in Human Capital Improvement." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 2 (January 16, 2023): 1637. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20021637.
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The aim of poverty alleviation relocation is to break the vicious cycle of poverty and ecological degradation. The improvement of human capital, specifically women’s human capital, is important to realize the poverty alleviation and sustainable development of relocated peasant households. Based on the survey data of 902 peasant households in southern Shaanxi in 2020, using the PSM model and the mediation effect test model, this paper explores the impact of participation in relocation on human capital from the perspective of gender differences, and the mediation effect of fuelwood consumption in the effect of participation in relocation on the human capital of peasants with different genders. The results show that firstly, in general, participation in relocation effectively improves the human capital of peasants. Secondly, there are gender differences in the improvement of the human capital of relocated peasants. Compared with male peasants, the health level of female peasants is significantly improved. Finally, fuelwood consumption plays an important mediation role in the impact of participation in relocation on human capital and the mediation role is more significant in improving the human capital of relocated female peasants.
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Santoso, Jarot, Arizal Mutahir, Hendri Restuadhi, and Aidatul Chusna. "Moving with the Soul: Cipari Peasant Movements for Land Rights in Indonesia." Forest and Society 8, no. 1 (January 15, 2024): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24259/fs.v8i1.26579.
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This research explains movements by peasants in Cipari, Cilacap, Central Java, Indonesia, in demanding their land rights. Compared with similar cases in Indonesia, efforts by Cipari peasants paid off in the end and presented a unique case of success. Cipari peasants obtained ownership rights to the land on their terms. Through an empirical case study approach, we found that the Cipari peasant movement to fight for land rights lasted for a long period of time, beginning in the post-independence era and extending through the post-collapse of Indonesia’s New Order regime. For Cipari peasants, land is not just a means of production or economic resource but also has socio-cultural value and, more importantly, embodies spiritual (religious) values. These social and cultural factors provided the main driver for Cipari peasants to persist in undertaking their resistance movement. Over a long process, Cipari peasants obtained legal title to land in the form of land certificates. We show that the Cipari peasant social and resistance movement emerged and continued to develop not solely because of political opportunities but especially due to its socio-cultural values about land.
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Viazinkin, Aleksei Y., and Kuzma A. Yakimov. "Peasant traditionalism during the era of the “revolutionary turning point”." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 5 (2022): 1296–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-5-1296-1303.
Full textAbstract:
The analysis of the evolution of the peasant mentality in the historical period of the “revolutionary turning point” is carried out. The relevance of the study lies in the creation of a theoretical basis for a more detailed development of the problem of peasant traditionalism and the problem of the role of the “revolutionary turning point” generation in the crisis of the traditional peasant mentality in the first third of the 20th century. In the course of the study, analytical and historical-comparative methods were used. It is shown that the radicalization of the mood of the peasants during the years of the First Russian revolution was due to the problem of land scarcity and the spread of neo-populist ideas that worsened at the early 20th century. The war factor created the prerequisites for a new view of the peasants on the problem of the relationship between the monarchical power and the people, which contained grounds for a deep rupture of age-old traditional ties. The events of the 1917 revolution and the Civil War led to the breakdown of the traditional communal archetype in the peasant mentality, influencing the emergence of intergenerational conflicts and deepening the confrontation between the rural poor and the prosperous peasantry.
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Winarjo, Wahyudi, and Tutik Sulistyowati. "Roots of stagnation of the peasants’ social movement in Kalibakar, South Malang." AMCA Journal of Community Development 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.51773/ajcd.v2i1.99.
Full textAbstract:
This paper embodies the complete results of our field research on the stagnation of the peasant movement in Kalibakar, South Malang. It aims to reveal the reasons behind the stagnation of Kalibakar peasant movement, and how it should be responded considering the peasants’ struggle since the New Order era. The stagnation has severely hit the movement organization, Forum Komunikasi Petani Malang Selatan/ FORKOTMAS (The South Malang’s Peasants Communication Forum), the spirit of the peasants, and the support from the involving networks. Such stagnation has directly impacted the sustainability of the struggle for the land reform idealized by the peasants. The scope and limitations of this research lie in the subjective micro perspectives from FORKOTMAS administrators and peasants on the stagnation of their organizations. This research employed Theory of Symbolic Interactionism by George H. Mead as a theoretical framework to analyze the obtained data, with the main theoretical concepts of mind, self, and society. Results showed that the peasants’ thought (mind) did not consider their movement was stagnant in an absolute sense. The peasants regarded themselves have self-readiness (self) to change the orientation of the movement through the development of socio-economic organizations and/ or institutions, and education for the Kalibakar community. The peasants are also ready to continue efforts of land certification by optimizing the support network of Malang Raya community leaders (society). This research implies that the Kalibakar phenomenon is an articulation of a dynamic dialectic between the thoughts of peasants, themselves, and a wider Malang society.
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Melnychuk, Oleh, and Tetiana Melnychuk. "Establishment of the Bolshevik Totalitarian Regime in Podillia at the End of the 1920s – at the Beginning of the 1930s: Causes, Technologies And Consequences (on the Example of the Melnykivtsi Village in the Vinnytsia Region)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 35 (2021): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-35-56-68.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article, based on the analysis of sources, taking into account the microhistorical approach, to trace the process of final establishment of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the Podillia at the and of 1920s – at the beginning of the 1930s through analysis of causes, technologies and consequences. The methodology of the research is based on a combination of general scientific, special-historical and interdisciplinary methods of microhistorical research, taking into account the principles of historicism, systematics, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty lies in the author's attempt, based on the analysis of a wide representative source base, from the standpoint of a specific microhistorical study, to analyze the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in Podillia in the second military-communist assault. Conclusions. An analysis of various sources reflecting the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the village of Melnykivtsi in the Vinnytsia region suggests that the intensification of local authorities to socialize peasant farms in Podillya began in the spring of 1928. If at the beginning of the unification of peasants voluntarily, then with the party taking a course for continuous collectivization, in November 1929, forceful methods of involvement in collectives prevailed. Suppression of the resistance of wealthy peasants was proposed through the expropriation of their property and deportation outside their permanent residence. The response of the Podillia peasantry to the atrocities of the authorities was the intensification of open resistance, as a result of which in the spring of 1930th the Soviet authorities were even overthrown for a short time in some settlements of Podillya. The appearance of J. Stalin's article "Dizziness from Success" was perceived by some peasants as an outspoken criticism by the leader of the violent methods of the local authorities, so as a result of the so-called "bagpipes", by May 1930 almost 1/3 of all members of collective farms left the collectives. . During the second stage of continuous collectivization, which began in September 1930th, the main "argument" that was to persuade the peasants to join the collectives was tax pressure. Influence on the peasantry was carried out through the system of grain procurement. By setting unbearable norms for the delivery of bread for individual farms, the authorities thus forced them to join the collective farms. Forced collectivization, accompanied by the expropriation of wealthy peasants, unbearable grain procurement plans and the forced seizure of food supplies led to mass starvation of part of the Podolsk peasantry in the spring of 1932. As a result of the artificially planned Holodomor of 1932-1933th decreased by more than 1 million people. According to the authorities' plan, the genocide was to finally subdue the Ukrainian peasantry by starvation. By destroying the peasant owners, the Bolshevik government also deliberately and purposefully destroyed the social base of Ukrainian nationalism.
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Zhang, Wu. "Protest Leadership and Repertoire: A Comparative Analysis of Peasant Protest in Hunan in the 1990s." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 2 (June 2013): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200207.
Full textAbstract:
Based on detailed ethnographic fieldwork, this paper compares two cases of peasant protest against heavy taxes and fees in a northern Hunan county in the 1990s. It argues that peasant protest did not arise spontaneously. Rather, it erupted when leaders emerged who used central policy documents on lowering peasant taxes and fees to mobilise peasants. Protest leaders were articulate and public-spirited peasants who had received political training from the local party-state. Furthermore, the number of leaders, their education level, and their relationship with the local party-state explain why the repertoire and the scope of the two protests varied. Protests led by less educated veteran Communist Party cadres tended to be milder and smaller than those led by better-educated peasants more distant from the local party-state. This paper helps us to understand the process of peasant mobilisation in contemporary China and explains why peasant protest varies across cases.