Journal articles on the topic 'Peasants'
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1
Bhardwaj, Suraj Bhan. "Peasant-State Relation in Late Medieval North India (Mewat)." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 148–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816687636.
Abstract:
Studies on peasantry in medieval India 1 , particularly peasant protests in the late Mughal period, have not adequately addressed the issue of class consciousness in peasantry or that of class character of peasant protests against the state. In a way, agency has been denied to the peasantry in collectively developing and articulating an informed understanding of its distinct social position and economic interests as a class, as well as in protecting those interests. This essay retrieves this agency by arguing that the peasantry in late medieval north India, that is, late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries ce, did develop a degree of self-consciousness as a class and that its conflict with the state did betray a certain class character. The folksongs and folktales popular among the peasantry since the medieval times have all the ingredients with which to construct a definite peasant class ideology that included conceptions of economic interest, social ethics and relation with the ruling class. On the basis of hitherto understudied Rajasthani documents, the article details the various ways in which the state intervened in the peasants’ socio-cultural and economic lives and the ways in which the peasants responded to these interventions. It also shows how the peasants’ class consciousness conditioned their engagement with the state in specific areas, whether grievance redressal, conflict resolution or agricultural production and surplus distribution. Furthermore, it discusses how caste consciousness in a stratified peasant society impinged on its class consciousness. However, there remained certain limits to the fuller development of this class consciousness, which ultimately constrained the fuller realisation of the potential of peasants’ class struggle against the state. The essay locates these limits in the peasants’ periodic negotiations with the state and their belief in the ideal of a non-conflictual, harmonious relation with the state.
2
Chochotte, Marvin. "Making Peasants Chèf: The Tonton Makout Militia and the Moral Politics of Terror in the Haitian Countryside during the Dictatorship of François Duvalier, 1957–1971." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 04 (October 2019): 925–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000306.
Abstract:
AbstractDrawing on never-before-utilized archival and oral sources, “Making Peasants Chèf” contends that decades of peasant marginalization from political power created the social and political conditions for the rise of the infamous tonton makout militia under the dictator François Duvalier. After coming to power in 1957, Duvalier militarized and rearmed peasants in exchange for their loyalty. Thousands of previously ostracized peasants enlisted in the dreaded makout militia to access status and political power. This explains why the peasant-based militia formed an arm of state repression. With the support of an armed peasantry, Duvalier successfully repressed the political opposition, allowing the regime to stay in power for almost three decades.
3
Kuryshev, Igor V., and Andrey A. Lyubimov. "Sources on Social and Political Moods of Peasants of the Ishim District of the Ural Region in 1925?27: Materials of the District OGPU Department Reports." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-418-427.
Abstract:
The article uses previously unstudied reports of the Ishim district OGPU department to describe social and political attitudes of various groups of peasantry in the palmy days of the New Economic Policy (1925–27). The study is to consider the influence of social rural stratification on peasants’ mindsets and the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry; to assess the political resources of the Ishim peasantry through the lens of the OGPU reports; and to show the intransigence in social interests of the rural poor and the kulaks. The authors assess political moods of peasant population as a whole and those of particular social groups: poor, middle peasants, and kulaks. Political moods of the peasantry differentiated with respect to the following criteria: attitude to the Soviet government and various groups and strata, attitude to agricultural tax, attitude to religion, and church, and also according to the degree of political consciousness. On the basis of this analysis, we put forward an idea of multidirectional, heterogeneous participation of peasant population in the political life of the second half of the 1920s and of its significant social differentiation. In general, in the rural areas, the Soviet government was unequivocally supported by the poor, who were to some degree influenced by the kulaks. The middle peasants were characterized by their changing attitude; they symptomatically juxtaposed Soviet government and communists. The rich peasants took an extremely negative position to the Soviet government and tried to exert pressure on the local authorities (i.e. village soviets). However, discontent with the New Economic Policy encompassed all strata of the peasantry. Persistent confrontation between peasants fighting each other in the Ishim anti-communist peasant uprising of 1921 did not weaken for quite a long time. In conclusion, it is noted that protests, social deviations, and negative stance on the New Economic Policy gradually intensified in the political behavior of the Ishim district peasantry. The OGPU reports are a representative source that permits to reconstruct the social and political attitudes of the Ishim region peasantry.
4
Izudin, Ahmad. "Menyuarakan Hak tanpa Sekat: Sebuah Ekspresi Gerakan Sosial Petani." JSW (Jurnal Sosiologi Walisongo) 3, no. 2 (October 17, 2019): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jsw.2019.3.2.4160.
Abstract:
This paper highlighted the social change of peasant in the process of facing any struggling movement. Applying a qualitative method and case study approach, the data in this research were collected by observation, interview, and document study. The data were analyzed using the theory of “Social-Economic Morality”. By analyzing the data using this theory this article revealed the changing society in terms of peasant political attitude. This research found three important aspects. Firstly, compromise is a kind of strategy applied by peasants in their movement. Because there are no supporting factors for peasants to avoid the state’s hegemony and exploitation, so the only strategy to deal with the expansive tendency of capitalism is by changing the political attitude of peasants. Secondly, the organizational consolidation is claiming peasant’s rights. Thirdly, capacity development through the empowerment process is a form of compromise way of peasants’ movement. These three compromise models are the ways to avoid conflict to escalate.
5
Akbar, Waza Karia. "Socio-Economic Dependence of Peasant to Local Collector on Rice Farming System." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Mamangan 7, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.v7i1.2508.
Abstract:
The poverty of peasant in Gunung Talang is caused by low income, low education and limited land. The purpose of this research is to analyze the bases of the peasant socio-economic dependence to the local collector (local assemblers) on rice farming system. The research is also analyzing the soci- economic relations of peasants and local collector on rice farming system. This research was conducted through the qualitative method with descriptive research type. The results show the socio-economic dependence due to peasant’s conditions. They do not have the capital to cultivate the agricultural land. Peasants are trapped in the patron clients system. They cannot get out from poverty. The socio-economic relation between the peasants and the local collector of rice farming occur because of a very strong relationship with their blood relatives (Dunsanak).
6
Akbar, Waza Karia. "Socio-Economic Dependence of Peasant to Local Collector on Rice Farming System." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Mamangan 7, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.2508.
Abstract:
The poverty of peasant in Gunung Talang is caused by low income, low education and limited land. The purpose of this research is to analyze the bases of the peasant socio-economic dependence to the local collector (local assemblers) on rice farming system. The research is also analyzing the soci- economic relations of peasants and local collector on rice farming system. This research was conducted through the qualitative method with descriptive research type. The results show the socio-economic dependence due to peasant’s conditions. They do not have the capital to cultivate the agricultural land. Peasants are trapped in the patron clients system. They cannot get out from poverty. The socio-economic relation between the peasants and the local collector of rice farming occur because of a very strong relationship with their blood relatives (Dunsanak).
7
Nadan, Amos. "The route from informal peasant landownership to formal tenancy and eviction in Palestine, 1800s–1947." Continuity and Change 36, no. 2 (August 2021): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026841602100014x.
Abstract:
AbstractExogenous intervention in land ownership began with few court judgments prior to the weighty Land Code in 1858; but it was especially this law which officially overturned the status quo by permitting registration of cultivated land in the names of non-cultivators. This changed the rules of the game for the peasantry in Palestine. Informally, yet practically, peasants had been the de facto owners of almost all cultivated lands in Palestine for generations. Following the landmark intervention of 1858, non-peasants seized the opportunity to acquire economic assets. They purchased and confiscated peasant lands or manipulated registration of peasant lands into their own names, and the peasants often became their tenants. The additional purchase of lands by Zionist settlers in latter years, compounded by rural demographic growth, intensified this pressure. By 1930, three-quarters of Arab peasants in Palestine cultivated lands they no longer formally owned, while others were pushed to migrate to cities.
8
Lyapin, Denis. "Cases of Peasants in the South of Russia in the 20s of the 17th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2020): 162–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.5.13.
Abstract:
Introduction. Among the materials of the Belgorod Stol of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), there is an extensive set of documents related to disputes over peasants who fled to the South of Russia from uyezds of other regions of the state. These are “cases of peasants” which were created in the 1620s. They are an important episode of the overall picture of the economic development of Southern Russia in the 17th century. These documents are of great interest for the study of the Russian peasantry. Methods. The author uses the problem-historical method and traditional methods of working with historical sources. The focus of the article is an attempt to comprehend this vast complex of records management materials. These important materials are connected with the peasant issue in uyezds of Southern Russia in the 1620s. The question is how peasants, who did not have freedom, could move to the South. Unfortunately, this topic was hardly a subject of study in historiography. However, historian Novoselsky showed the importance of studying “cases of peasants”. In the course of the article, the author shows that peasants did not have legal grounds for the resettlement to the southern outskirts. In the last two decades of the 16th century, peasants were attached to the land. This is a wellknown and proven fact. However, in the Time of Troubles, many peasant families fled to the South. It was a time of anarchy. In the 1620s, the flight of peasants continued and was numerous. This triggered the emergence of “cases of peasants”. The author has studied 58 cases of this kind. Results. The study of these documents shows that the governmental policy regarding the flight of peasants was not harsh. The state allowed the possibility of the flight of peasants. The authorities did not consider landowners who accepted fugitives to be lawbreakers. The rules prohibiting the transfer of peasants began to act only if a landowner found his peasant and filed a lawsuit about his return.
9
McDonald, Tracy. "Judith Pallot, ed., Transforming Peasants: Society, State, and the Peasantry, 1861–1930. Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies, Warsaw, 1995. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. 1 + 256 pp. $69.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900262807.
Abstract:
Transforming Peasants is a collection of papers that focuses primarily on the Russian peasantry between 1861–1930, with brief forays into Poland, the Kirgiz steppe, and Turkestan. Judith Pallot's introduction to the volume is informative and concise. She provides the reader with an excellent overview of each paper and highlights each author's contribution to the existing debates within the context of Russian and East European peasant studies. Pallot is well versed in the comparative literature on the study of the peasantry and notes the degree to which new work on the Russian, Central Asian, and East European peasantries has been influenced, informed, and expanded by this comparative material. What unifies the various selections in Transforming Peasants is that each author is grappling with the way in which the state, intellectuals, or educated society conceived of or “imagined” peasants and how these conceptions, in turn, influenced, shaped, or determined policy aimed at transforming the peasantry.
10
Savchenko, Andrii. "Entrepreneurial Initiatives of the Ukrainian Peasants During the "Thaw" to Satisfy Everyday Needs." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-45-50.
Abstract:
The purpose of the article: to analyze the entrepreneurial potential of personal farms of collective farmers during "thaw" period in the field of household needs. Scientific novelty. The peasant stories we have collected during field research, clearly demonstrate the willingness of peasants to earn extra money to meet their needs. In the general structure of cash receipts to the peasant's homestead, it was important to receive income, for example, from such handicrafts as sewing and repairing clothes and shoes. The Ukrainian peasant society of the Khrushchev era remained a secondary subject of socio-economic life for the state, so only the peasant entrepreneurial initiative helped peasants to survive and provide at least a sufficient level and quality of life for their own families. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of comparative-historical and interdisciplinary analysis, socio-cultural approach. Conclusions. The everyday life of the Ukrainian peasant family of the "thaw" era was characterized by the fact that the needs of the peasants were constantly growing, but their satisfaction from the state was minimal. Accordingly, the role of various handicraftsmen became more active, who could satisfy on the spot, at least at a primitive, minimal level, the vital needs of fellow villagers. The peasant stories we have analyzed, collected during field research, clearly enough demonstrate the willingness of peasants to earn additional funds to satisfy their needs. In the general structure of monetary receipts of the peasant household, it remained relevant to obtain income, for example, from such handicraft trades as sewing and repairing clothes and shoes. The Ukrainian peasant society of the Khrushchev era remained for the state a secondary subject of socio-economic life, therefore only peasant entrepreneurial initiative helped him survive and ensure at least a sufficient level and quality of life for his own family.
11
Chalcraft, John. "ENGAGING THE STATE: PEASANTS AND PETITIONS IN EGYPT ON THE EVE OF COLONIAL RULE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 3 (July 22, 2005): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052098.
Abstract:
In spite of many competing views on peasants, their politics, and the state in 19th-century Egypt, the historiography contains certain striking continuities in its understanding of peasant–state political relations. Historians influenced by Marxism, modernization theory, and nationalism alike have usually seen state and peasantry as sharply distinct and conflicting. Peasants have often been depicted as locked in a struggle against the penetration of state agency into a previously autonomous rural domain. Whether seen as a force for benevolent modernization or for the predatory extraction of conscripts and taxes, the state has regularly been viewed as self-propelled and sui generis, reforming or invading the world of an either passive, silently subversive, or violently revolutionary peasantry. The figure of the tradition-bound, submissive, or apathetic peasant simply marks out a terrain for state agency, albeit an agency obstructed by peasant hostility, irrationality, or resentment. The silently subversive peasant, further, who uses James C. Scott's “weapons of the weak,” merely undermines in antagonistic and wordless fashion projects emanating from above. The revolutionary peasant, finally, becomes the self-generating locus of the nationalist or socialist modern and seeks the violent overthrow of the predatory state, transforming the latter into only the negative—albeit treacherous—terrain on which the positive historical agency of peasants and their allies can work. In short, the existing historiography, while varying the historical role, value, and meaning of peasant and state, preserves both as radically distinct, self-creating, and self-defining collective agents involved in zero-sum and often violent antagonism.
12
Klír, Tomáš. "Local Migration of Peasants in the Late Middle Ages: a Quantitative Analysis of the Cheb City-State 1442–1456." Journal of Migration History 8, no. 2 (June 15, 2022): 191–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08020004.
Abstract:
Abstract Many scholars have proved statistically that the migration of the Early Modern European peasantry was predominantly local and socially conditioned. This article tries to expand our quantified knowledge of the Late Medieval period using the unique documentary evidence from the Cheb city-state (Czech Republic). Based on a detailed analysis, we show that the migration pattern of the Late Medieval Cheb peasantry was similar to the Early Modern one despite very different demographic, economic and social conditions. The strength of the ties to the land increased with wealth; the better the property often among rural landholdings, gaining a better position. The wealthier the peasants status of the household, the lower the rate of replacement on the landholding. Poorer peasants migrated relatively more to the city, where they were among the wealthier burghers. Even though peasant migration took place over short distances, it brought about fundamental changes for many peasants.
13
Scanlan, Padraic X. "Slaves and Peasants in the Era of Emancipation." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 495–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.39.
Abstract:
AbstractFrom the middle of the eighteenth century until the late 1830s, the idea of enslaved people as “peasants” was a commonplace among both antislavery and proslavery writers and activists in Britain. Slaveholders, faced with antislavery attacks, argued that the people they claimed to own were not an exploited labor force but a contented peasantry. Abolitionists expressed the hope that after emancipation, freedpeople would become peasants. Yet the “peasants” invoked in these debates were not smallholders or tenant farmers but plantation laborers, either held in bondage or paid low wages. British abolitionists promoted institutions and ideas invented by slaveholders to defend the plantation system. The idea of a servile and grateful “peasant” plantation labor force became, for British abolitionists, a justification for the “civilization” and subordination of freedpeople.
14
Seregny, Scott J. "Peasants, Nation, and Local Government in Wartime Russia." Slavic Review 59, no. 2 (2000): 336–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697055.
Abstract:
More than a decade ago, in a discussion in this journal, Leopold Haimson argued that peasant soldiers’ perception of Soviet power in 1917-18 “did not encompass any conception of the relationships between themselves, their village communities, or even the peasant estate as a whole, and other social groups—let alone any generalized view of the Russian body politic as a whole.” He went on to note that this peasant particularism “reflected a continuity in the mentalité of Russian peasants stretching back to the very inception of the Russian state.” Peasants rejected any superordinate authority and consistently acted out “a profound urge to be left alone.” Haimson's description of Russian peasants at the outset of civil war is a powerful evocation of peasant mentalités, not only of peasants in Russia but of peasants the world over, and would seem to preclude their inclusion in a nation.
15
Lichbach, Mark I. "What Makes Rational Peasants Revolutionary? Dilemma, Paradox, and Irony in Peasant Collective Action." World Politics 46, no. 3 (April 1994): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950687.
Abstract:
Peasant upheavals are studied from the perspective offered by the selective incentives solution to Olson's collective action problem. This article presents much evidence from three different forms of peasant struggles—everyday forms of peasant resistance, unorganized rural movements, and organized peasant rebellions—that demonstrates the widespread existence of selective incentives. Questions about the causes and consequences of selective incentives are then examined. First, what are the conditions under which peasant struggles emphasize material selective incentives rather than nonmaterial altruistic appeals? The level of selective incentives in any peasant upheaval is a function of demand and supply considerations. Peasants demand selective incentives. The suppliers include one or more dissident peasant organizations, the authorities, and the allies of both. A political struggle ensues as the suppliers compete and attempt to monopolize the market. Second, what are the conditions under which the pursuit of material self-interest hurts rather than helps the peasantry's collective cause? Selective incentives supplemented by ideology can be effective; selective incentives alone are counterproductive.These questions and answers lead to the conclusion that the selective incentives solution reveals much more about peasant upheavals than simply that peasants will often be concerned with their own material self-interest. It is therefore important to study the following three aspects of peasant collective action: the dilemma peasants face, or how peasant resistance is in the interest of all peasants but in the self-interest of none; the paradox peasants face, or that rational peasants do solve their dilemma (for example, with selective incentives) and participate in collective action; and the irony peasants face, or that self-interest is both at the root of their dilemma and at the foundation of a solution to their paradox.
16
Stauter-Halsted, Keely. "Patriotic Celebrations in Austrian Poland: The Kościuszko Centennial and the Formation of Peasant Nationalism." Austrian History Yearbook 25 (January 1994): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800006329.
Abstract:
The first peasant movement in Eastern Europe to declare its formal independence from other parties grew up in Austrian Galicia. Founded in 1895, the Polish Peasant party (Stronnictwo Ludowe) was characterized by an approach to the problem of Polish nationalism unique to the peasantry. Like many other agrarian groups, the Polish peasants privileged peasant culture and values above upper-class and urban traditions as the true source of national strength. Yet the dynamics of this budding peasant nationalism, its sources and leadership bases, have yet to be fully explored.
17
Rodríguez, Juanita. "Picturing the Peasant in Orlando Fals Borda’s Work 1950s-1970s." Master, Vol. 5, no. 2 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m9.060.art.
Abstract:
Orlando Fals Borda, a renowned Colombian sociologist, who worked for both the academia and the government from the 1950s to 90s, wrote two works on Colombian peasantry and its relation with big landowners that were published with a selection of photographs of peasants, landowners, and grassroots movements. These works and their images have had an impact on the construction of peasant- and landowner visual icons in recent Colombian history, as they have been used in books, primers, and exhibitions since their creation, and they had a crucial influence on the visual propaganda of the Agrarian Reform project in Colombia. As a result of Fals’s fieldwork, there are two photograph collections kept at two institutions in Colombia that have organized and catalogued the images: The Central Bank in Montería and the National University in Bogotá. These institutions are prime creators of the visual memory of rural Colombia and I analyze Fals’s fieldwork as part of a jigsaw puzzle in which peasants, landowners, and intellectuals, like Fals, both consumed and created visual icons of land, rurality, and peasantry in Colombia’s recent history. Keywords: Agrarian Reform, Colombia, landowners, Orlando Fals Borda, peasants, photography.
18
Ansoms, An. "Views from Below on the Pro-poor Growth Challenge: The Case of Rural Rwanda." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0037.
Abstract:
Abstract:This article focuses on the Rwandan peasantry to confirm how “views from below” can contribute to a better understanding of the ”pro-poor” growth challenge. Based on micro-level evidence gathered in 2007, it examines local peasants' perceptions of the characteristics and degree of poverty for different socioeconomic categories (i.e., peasant groups). It looks at the various opportunities and constraints that influence the potential of these categories or groups for social mobility and their capacity to participate in growth strategies. Further, it considers how local peasants perceive specific policy measures in the Rwandan government's “pro-poor” rural strategies. Their insights could inspire Rwandan policymakers and supporting donors to redirect their efforts toward distribution-oriented growth strategies.
19
Voronchuk, Iryna. "OLEKSANDR LAZAREVSKYI AND THE DISCUSSION ON THE FACTORS OF SERFDOM IN THE LEFT-BANK UKRAINE." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022): 284–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11614.
Abstract:
The article analyzes the discussion that unfolded among professional historians of the Hetmanate after the work of Oleksandr Matviiovych Lazarevskyi “Ordinary Peasants of Little Russia” was published in 1866. Lazarevskyi was one of the first researchers to study the history of the Left-bank Ukraine, which at that time remained virtually unexplored. When in 1861 the peasant reform was announced by the tsarist government, the researcher became interested in the issues of the Left-bank Ukrainian peasantry, especially given the fact that due to his official position he had access to archival documents of those institutions that dealt with peasant affairs. Looking into the matter of attaching Left-bank peasants to the land, Lazarevskyi concluded that serfdom was not imposed by the Russian government but became the work of Ukrainian Cossack officers (starshyna), who concentrated administrative and judicial power in their hands. This conclusion, however, did not gain general acceptance. The divergence of views was mainly about the origins and the process of the introduction of serfdom in the Left-bank Ukraine. A scientific discussion began among the historians of Ukraine such as Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Dmytro Bahalii, Venedykt Miakotyn, Ivan Luchytskyi, Victor Barvinskyi, Ivan Telichenko, Oleksandr Shlikevych and others. In particular, Hrushevskyi pointed out that precisely this conclusion of Lazarevskyi had to be corrected. In support of Hrushevsky’s view, this article lists a number of laws of the Russian Empire of the 18th century which aimed at making Russian peasants serfs. It is shown that very fast that order of things was transferred to the Left-bank Ukraine, which lands were given out to Russian officials on a large scale resulting in Great Russia's latifundial landownership. In addition to the lands received for the service, Russian officials independently appropriated territories adjacent to them, thus significantly enlarging their estates. They were the ones who led the establishment of their customary order of life in Ukrainian lands, turning into serfs not only peasants but also ordinary Cossacks, which also aligned with the interests of the Cossack starshyna. The final point in the enserfment of peasantry, in particular the Ukrainian one, was put by the law of May 3, 1783 which forbade peasants to leave entirely. Hence, when considering the reasons for the enslavement of the Left-bank peasantry, one should take into account the impact of the Russian social practices and the efforts of the tsarist government to turn Ukraine into a colonial province.
20
Yakhshiyan, O. Yu. "The “golden age” of Russian serfdom." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 8 (September 28, 2022): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2022-8-28-34.
Abstract:
The article attempts to show the apogee of Russian serfdom as one of the most significant direct and immediate results of Peter the Great’s transformations. The proprietary (proprietorial) interest of the landed gentry in relation to the local lands and peasants received a previously unthinkable impulse due to Peter’s elevation of the status of estates to patrimonial, as well as the erasure of the legal boundary between serfs and peasants by turning both into “audit souls” during the tax reform. Already in the last years of Peter the Great’s reign, the authorities were inclined to identify the right of landlords to peasants with the right to immovable property in the context of the evolution of serfdom in Russia. The article discusses in detail the practice of distribution by emperors and empresses of lands with peasants into ownership as a reward for special merits. The author analyzed the post-Petrine legislation that expanded the class privileges of the nobility and strengthened their ownership rights in relation to landlords and peasants. Particular attention is paid to the practice of selling landlord peasants without land and with the separation of families. The historical significance of Peter’s and post-Peter’s policies of a sharp strengthening of the ownership (proprietary) rights of nobles to land and peasants in their estates lies primarily in the accumulation of a powerful conflict potential in Russian society for the long term. The “time bomb” laid by Peter I and his immediate successors in the inter-verbal relations of the local nobility and the peasantry dependent on it will explode at the beginning of the twentieth century, and it will give rise to a great peasant revolution in Russia.
21
Fedoseev, Roman V., Eduard D. Bogatyrev, and Natalya A. Kisteneva. "Activities of the Peasant Land Bank in Penza province of Russia (1883-1915)." Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 12, no. 34 (September 2, 2021): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.46925//rdluz.34.27.
Abstract:
The reform of 1861 not only freed the peasants from serfdom, but also led to radical economic changes in the agrarian sphere. The peasantry was involved in civil and legal relations associated with the purchase and sale of land. In order to assist land-poor peasants in the purchase of land, a specialized credit institution was created, which issued loans on favorable terms against the security of the acquired land plots. The purpose of this study is to identify the features of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank in the territory of the Penza province of Russia. Based on the materials of the Penza province, the main indicators of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank are analyzed, the dynamics of credit operations, the influence of its activities on the growth of land prices are considered, regional features of the processes under study are indicated. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the creation and operation of the Peasant Land Bank was an element of the government's agricultural policy aimed at creating peasant land tenure by providing loans to buy land from private owners.
22
Guampe, Feliks Arfid, Muhammad Hasan, Andrian Dolfriandra Huruta, Christine Dewi, and Abbott Po Shun Chen. "Entrepreneurial Literacy of Peasant Families during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Case in Indonesia." Sustainability 14, no. 19 (September 28, 2022): 12337. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141912337.
Abstract:
Our research examines peasant families’ entrepreneurial literacy and entrepreneurial behavior. The study was conducted in rural areas of North Morowali. This location is one of the agricultural bases in the Central Sulawesi Province (Indonesia). We employ a qualitative approach with a case study. The data were gathered through observation and in-depth interviews with six peasants. The key respondents were chosen through judgment sampling. The key respondents comprised two lowland rice peasants, two cocoa peasants, and two oil palm peasants. Despite the socio-economic restrictions due to the COVID-19 pandemic, peasant families continue to engage in agricultural entrepreneurship. Entrepreneurial literacy is obtained from interaction with the internal and external environment before the COVID-19 pandemic. The entrepreneurial literacy of peasant families denotes the knowledge and understanding of cultivation systems, quality seeds and seedlings, plant pests and diseases, fertilizers, pesticides, agricultural technology, post-harvest management, and market access. The low impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in rural areas is also due to its low population density compared to urban areas and limited mobility of peasants, thereby minimizing social contact, and the commodity being cultivated is a food commodity. We developed new insights into the peasants’ literacy and entrepreneurial behavior model during the COVID-19 pandemic.
23
Topilsky, Aleksey. "Peasant land tenure of Eastern Galicia in the second half of 19th – early 20th centuries." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 182 (2019): 299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-182-299-304.
Abstract:
We consider the problems of development of small land tenure in Eastern Galicia in the second half of 19th – early of 20th century. We show the dynamics of the property stratification of peasant population, the reasons for the households fragmentation. We characterize the develop-ment of the rural bourgeoisie and the rural proletariat, the growth of the number of small-land and landless peasant households among the Rusyns-Ukrainian population is shown. We show the change in the peasants’ social and economic status, the dynamics of demonstrations related to the problems of land parcelling between landowners and peasants after the serfdom abolition. For the purpose of lands protection the peasants resorted to the demonstrations including, first of all, such forms of fight as disruption of works (performed in the withdrawn territory by woodcutters, shepherds, ploughmen, etc.). We conclude that in Galicia, the vast majority of peasant families could not feed themselves from their land, and therefore a huge number of poor low-income and landless peasants were forced to leave their native land, looking for work mainly in the New World counties and Prussia. We characterize an unequal taxation of the peasant and landowner households. The land cadastre was carried out so that quite identical lands of peasants and landowners were assigned to different categories, always considering peasant lands better than landowners’.
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Gelaye, Getie. "Contemporary Amharic Oral Poetry from Gojjam: Classification and a sample Analysis." Aethiopica 2 (August 6, 2013): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.2.1.537.
Abstract:
In the preceding discussion, an attempt was made to provide a classification of Amharic oral poems and songs into several themes and genres. Accordingly, such major genres as work songs, children’s poems, war chants and boasting recitals were identified and a description and analysis of selected poems and their role, particularly in local politics and administration, were provided. In their poems and songs, the peasants of East Gojjam critically express their views, attitudes and feelings either in the form of support or protest, towards the various state policies and local directives.Indeed, the Amharic oral poems and songs from the two peasant communities illustrate topics associated with the change of government, land redistribution, local authorities and their administration, as well as a variety of other contemporary issues affecting the rural society. The poems also throw some light on the understanding of the peasants’ consciousness and observations comparing past and present regimes of Ethiopia, besides their power of aesthetics and creative capabilities of the peasants’ poetic tradition.In fact, this can be seen from a wider perspective, considering the function and role of oral literature in an agrarian and traditional society such as the two peasant communities mentioned in this paper. The peasants’ response in poetry to the diverse contemporary politics and local administration need to be studied carefully and considered appropriately in the state’s future rural policies and development projects if it is intended to bring about a democratic system that leads towards a peaceful coexistence among the rural peasantry.
25
Datsenko, Artem. "Peasant movement in the Donbass in March – November 1917 and its impact on the economic and internal political situation in the region." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 9 (347) (2021): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-134-145.
Abstract:
The article studies the events in the countryside of Donbass from March to November 1917. The author reflects the peculiarities of the peasant movement in Donbass, aimed at solving the land issue in order to redistribute land and property in their favor. The events geographically described in the article cover the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk regions within the boundaries of 2013. The article examines the main events associated with peasant uprisings. The author emphasizes that the peasant movement took place throughout the region, but it was most developed in the poorest counties; he aimed to redistribute land in favor of land-poor and landless peasants at the expense of not only landlords, industrial enterprises, church lands, but also rich peasants. developing in most cases spontaneously, and in the conditions of spring-autumn 1917 could not be suppressed by the then power. The author concludes that the situation in the rural areas of Donbass seriously affected the food supply of cities and the army, the rise in prices for essential goods, and even the investment attractiveness of the region. The peasantry of Donbass has already resisted the policy of the Provisional Government in predominantly passive and sometimes active forms. Any political forces planning to extend their power to Donbass already had to reckon with the position of the region's peasantry.
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Pasichna, Yulia, and Andriy Berestovyi. "Social and Political Activity of Peasantry in 1905-1907." Eminak, no. 4(32) (January 13, 2021): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2020.4(32).473.
Abstract:
By the beginning of 1905, a crisis was impending in all spheres of Russian society. Agrarian problems caused by objective and subjective factors prompted the peasantry to declare their principled positions on solving agrarian problems. The period of 1905-1907 is a vivid example of the struggle of the driving independent force of the revolution, the peasantry, for carrying out an agrarian revolution. Goal: To study the social and political activity of the Russian peasantry in 1905-1907. During 1905-1907, Russia was unsettled by a tide of the social and political activity of the peasantry. The protests, which began in Poltava and Kharkiv Provinces, spread throughout the state and in a short time became uncontrollable by the authorities. Scholars give different figures for the total number of peasant unrests, but despite these differences, it is not difficult to determine that during 1905-1907 peasant unrests covered up to 50% of all European Russia in different periods of peasants� revolutionary activity. Manifestations of the social and political activity of the peasantry can be observed in early 1905 in the spontaneous seizure of landowners� estates, later the peasants started to pillage, plunder, damage agricultural implements, go on strikes, and cut down forests without permission. The manifestations of early 1905 did not become a novelty for Russian society, but 1905 � 1907 were a test for the power structures of the state. After all, the peasantry, although they still �believed in the tsar�, reacted to the unsystematic actions of the power in solving agrarian problems by radical actions and the large-scale protests.
27
Safonov, Dmitriy A. "“Land and liberty” as the age-old dream of the Russian peasantry." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 189 (2020): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-149-154.
Abstract:
Purpose of the research: we doubt the thesis, traditional for Russian historiography, that the desires and dreams of peasants have historically been enclosed in a capacious formula “land and liberty”. The appeal to peasant demands allows us to conclude that the formula “land and li-berty” was a product of the liberal and revolutionary circles of the 19th and early 20th centuries, for which it was traditionally considered themselves more understanding of peasant needs than the peasants themselves. In fact, the main thing in the desires of the peasants was the acquisition of the possibility of free economic management, and the latter at different times had different interpretations due to the changing conditions of life. The main mistake of those who considered themselves experts in peasant needs was the initial belief that at all times the peasants associated the improvement of their lives exclusively with agricultural labor. As a result, we come to the conclusion that with the expansion of other opportunities during the revolution and civil war, the peasants began to demand the creation of normal living conditions not only in the countryside, which was reflected in the slogans of the insurgents of 1920–1922.
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Lyapanov, Artem. "Serfs of the Russian State or Free Rural Commoners? (Based on the Example of State Peasants of Vladimir Province 1841-1866)." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2020.21(2).228-250.
Abstract:
The article analyzes the rights and obligations of state peasants following the reform of P.D. Kiselev, one of the aims of which was to bring the real situation of this category of the population into line with their formal status as free peasant peasants. The personal and property rights of peasants are examined as well as their implementation under the new system of government; duties, most importantly, the payment of numerous duties and obligations. The authors concluded that the reformers were not able to achieve the desired results. The situation of state peasants was better than that of other categories of peasants. However, they did not become truly free peasants before the reform of 1866.
29
Lyapanov, Artem. "Serfs of the Russian State or Free Rural Commoners? (Based on the Example of State Peasants of Vladimir Province 1841-1866)." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2020.21(2).228-250.
Abstract:
The article analyzes the rights and obligations of state peasants following the reform of P.D. Kiselev, one of the aims of which was to bring the real situation of this category of the population into line with their formal status as free peasant peasants. The personal and property rights of peasants are examined as well as their implementation under the new system of government; duties, most importantly, the payment of numerous duties and obligations. The authors concluded that the reformers were not able to achieve the desired results. The situation of state peasants was better than that of other categories of peasants. However, they did not become truly free peasants before the reform of 1866.
30
Krivonozhenko, Alexander F., Ekaterina V. Zakharova, and Yulia V. Litvin. "Grinding Mills in the Life of the Russian Peasantry of the Post-Reform Period." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.302.
Abstract:
Grinding mills were a routine attribute of the economic life of the peasantry, being an indispensable stage in the process of making bread. Yet these structures are hardly ever specifically researched by historians and anthropologists. This paper examines the socio-economic role of mills in the life of peasants of the early 20th century in Karelia. The study is based on the analysis of archival statistical data from the agricultural census of 1916 as well as on ethnographical and toponymical materials, which allows for a comprehensive examination of the object. The study has identified the number of mills in Karelia at the beginning of the 20th century. It also analyses the conditions that contributed to the effectiveness of functioning of these peasant farm buildings. It has been found that the mill craft in Karelia was the second (after blacksmithing) small-scale peasant production in terms of its economic benefit. At the same time, this type of economic activity was not the main source of income in those farms where they existed. The miller remained primarily a peasant farmer, but the level of prosperity of his economy was higher than that of other peasants. The sources used for the research have also enabled to trace the negative effects of crises in agriculture in Karelia during World War I on the flour milling business. A special attention in the paper is devoted to the mythological worldview of peasants. The analysis of the corpus of Karelian- and Russian-language toponymic data has confirmed the important role of grinding mills in the setup of the region’s peasant economy.
31
Rahikainen, Marjatta. "Unfree labour by free peasants: labour service in the Swedish and Finnish countryside, from the late seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries." Rural History 31, no. 2 (October 2020): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793320000035.
Abstract:
Abstract This article discusses the received image of free Swedish and Finnish peasants, charting parallels with peasants in the Baltic region. It draws upon the post-Cold War discussion of free and unfree rural labour in early modern Europe. The discussion maintains that the labour service by free Swedish and Finnish peasant landholders and peasant tenants at its heaviest point may have been on a par with the corvée in the early modern Baltic provinces. It is suggested that the Cold War mental map may have led to an overstatement of the East-West distinction between peasants’ circumstances in the Baltic Sea region.
32
MOON, DAVID. "PEASANT MIGRATION AND THE SETTLEMENT OF RUSSIA'S FRONTIERS, 1550–1897." Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 859–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007504.
Abstract:
This article surveys the expansion of Russian peasant settlement from 1550, when most of the 6·5 million peasants lived in the forest-heartland of Muscovy, to 1897, when around fifty million Russian peasants lived throughout large parts of the immense Russian empire. It seeks to explain how this massive expansion was achieved with reference to different facets of the ‘frontier’: the political frontier of the Russian state; the environmental frontier between forest and steppe; the lifeway frontier between settled peasant agriculture and pastoral nomadism; and the ‘hierarchical frontier’ between the Russian authorities and the mass of the peasantry. The article draws attention to the different ways in which peasant-migrants adapted to the variety of new environments they encountered, and stresses interaction across each facet of the frontier. Nevertheless, by 1897, the coincidence between the two main types of environment and the two principal lifeways of the population had been virtually eliminated in much of the Russian empire outside central Asia. This was a consequence of the expansion of Russia's political frontiers, mass peasant migration, the ploughing up of vast areas of pasture land, and the sedentarization of many nomadic peoples. The expansion of peasant settlement helps explain the durability of Russian peasant society throughout the period from the mid-sixteenth to the late-nineteenth centuries.
33
Zhu, Yongtian, Shigemitsu Shibasaki, Rui Guan, and Jin Yu. "Poverty Alleviation Relocation, Fuelwood Consumption and Gender Differences in Human Capital Improvement." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 2 (January 16, 2023): 1637. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20021637.
Abstract:
The aim of poverty alleviation relocation is to break the vicious cycle of poverty and ecological degradation. The improvement of human capital, specifically women’s human capital, is important to realize the poverty alleviation and sustainable development of relocated peasant households. Based on the survey data of 902 peasant households in southern Shaanxi in 2020, using the PSM model and the mediation effect test model, this paper explores the impact of participation in relocation on human capital from the perspective of gender differences, and the mediation effect of fuelwood consumption in the effect of participation in relocation on the human capital of peasants with different genders. The results show that firstly, in general, participation in relocation effectively improves the human capital of peasants. Secondly, there are gender differences in the improvement of the human capital of relocated peasants. Compared with male peasants, the health level of female peasants is significantly improved. Finally, fuelwood consumption plays an important mediation role in the impact of participation in relocation on human capital and the mediation role is more significant in improving the human capital of relocated female peasants.
34
Viazinkin, Aleksei Y., and Kuzma A. Yakimov. "Peasant traditionalism during the era of the “revolutionary turning point”." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 5 (2022): 1296–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-5-1296-1303.
Abstract:
The analysis of the evolution of the peasant mentality in the historical period of the “revolutionary turning point” is carried out. The relevance of the study lies in the creation of a theoretical basis for a more detailed development of the problem of peasant traditionalism and the problem of the role of the “revolutionary turning point” generation in the crisis of the traditional peasant mentality in the first third of the 20th century. In the course of the study, analytical and historical-comparative methods were used. It is shown that the radicalization of the mood of the peasants during the years of the First Russian revolution was due to the problem of land scarcity and the spread of neo-populist ideas that worsened at the early 20th century. The war factor created the prerequisites for a new view of the peasants on the problem of the relationship between the monarchical power and the people, which contained grounds for a deep rupture of age-old traditional ties. The events of the 1917 revolution and the Civil War led to the breakdown of the traditional communal archetype in the peasant mentality, influencing the emergence of intergenerational conflicts and deepening the confrontation between the rural poor and the prosperous peasantry.
35
Melnychuk, Oleh, and Tetiana Melnychuk. "Establishment of the Bolshevik Totalitarian Regime in Podillia at the End of the 1920s – at the Beginning of the 1930s: Causes, Technologies And Consequences (on the Example of the Melnykivtsi Village in the Vinnytsia Region)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 35 (2021): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-35-56-68.
Abstract:
The purpose of the article, based on the analysis of sources, taking into account the microhistorical approach, to trace the process of final establishment of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the Podillia at the and of 1920s – at the beginning of the 1930s through analysis of causes, technologies and consequences. The methodology of the research is based on a combination of general scientific, special-historical and interdisciplinary methods of microhistorical research, taking into account the principles of historicism, systematics, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty lies in the author's attempt, based on the analysis of a wide representative source base, from the standpoint of a specific microhistorical study, to analyze the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in Podillia in the second military-communist assault. Conclusions. An analysis of various sources reflecting the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the village of Melnykivtsi in the Vinnytsia region suggests that the intensification of local authorities to socialize peasant farms in Podillya began in the spring of 1928. If at the beginning of the unification of peasants voluntarily, then with the party taking a course for continuous collectivization, in November 1929, forceful methods of involvement in collectives prevailed. Suppression of the resistance of wealthy peasants was proposed through the expropriation of their property and deportation outside their permanent residence. The response of the Podillia peasantry to the atrocities of the authorities was the intensification of open resistance, as a result of which in the spring of 1930th the Soviet authorities were even overthrown for a short time in some settlements of Podillya. The appearance of J. Stalin's article "Dizziness from Success" was perceived by some peasants as an outspoken criticism by the leader of the violent methods of the local authorities, so as a result of the so-called "bagpipes", by May 1930 almost 1/3 of all members of collective farms left the collectives. . During the second stage of continuous collectivization, which began in September 1930th, the main "argument" that was to persuade the peasants to join the collectives was tax pressure. Influence on the peasantry was carried out through the system of grain procurement. By setting unbearable norms for the delivery of bread for individual farms, the authorities thus forced them to join the collective farms. Forced collectivization, accompanied by the expropriation of wealthy peasants, unbearable grain procurement plans and the forced seizure of food supplies led to mass starvation of part of the Podolsk peasantry in the spring of 1932. As a result of the artificially planned Holodomor of 1932-1933th decreased by more than 1 million people. According to the authorities' plan, the genocide was to finally subdue the Ukrainian peasantry by starvation. By destroying the peasant owners, the Bolshevik government also deliberately and purposefully destroyed the social base of Ukrainian nationalism.
36
Zhang, Wu. "Protest Leadership and Repertoire: A Comparative Analysis of Peasant Protest in Hunan in the 1990s." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 2 (June 2013): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200207.
Abstract:
Based on detailed ethnographic fieldwork, this paper compares two cases of peasant protest against heavy taxes and fees in a northern Hunan county in the 1990s. It argues that peasant protest did not arise spontaneously. Rather, it erupted when leaders emerged who used central policy documents on lowering peasant taxes and fees to mobilise peasants. Protest leaders were articulate and public-spirited peasants who had received political training from the local party-state. Furthermore, the number of leaders, their education level, and their relationship with the local party-state explain why the repertoire and the scope of the two protests varied. Protests led by less educated veteran Communist Party cadres tended to be milder and smaller than those led by better-educated peasants more distant from the local party-state. This paper helps us to understand the process of peasant mobilisation in contemporary China and explains why peasant protest varies across cases.
37
Svensson, Patrick. "Peasants and Entrepreneurship in the Nineteenth-Century Agricultural Transformation of Sweden." Social Science History 30, no. 3 (2006): 387–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013511.
Abstract:
In post-World War II agricultural research, a new perspective on “peasant society” developed. This approach is still vigorous today and implies that peasant society—defined by subsistence production, the safety-first principle, and a stable village system with moral obligations—leads to conservative behavior toward change. It also assumes that only external forces can tear down the system and force peasants into markets. However, many researchers throughout Europe have challenged these opinions of peasant mentality and peasant behavior. This study investigates five parishes in southern Sweden (Scania) to analyze the behavior of peasants during the agricultural transformation (c. 1750–1850). Important organizational and institutional changes, such as enclosures, the emergence of a formal credit market, and the growing land market, are analyzed. Results reveal that some peasants actively participated in the agricultural transformation in a number of ways and that peasant farmers in Scania did not demonstrate a conservative attitude toward change.
38
Singh, Shailendra Kumar. "Disintegration of the Moral Economy in Gopinath Mohanty’s Paraja." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (April 11, 2017): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517696550.
Abstract:
This article suggests that the concept of the moral economy of the peasant, as defined by James C. Scott, in the context of Southeast Asia, provides a compelling theoretical framework through which one can examine Gopinath Mohanty’s novel Paraja (1945), 2 2 This article takes its cue from a brilliant article written by Shashi Bhushan Upadhyay in which he usefully employs the concept of moral economy to analyse the peasant narratives of Premchand. See Shashi Bhushan Upadhyay, ‘Premchand and the Moral Economy of Peasantry in Colonial North India’, Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 5 (2011): 1227–59. However, while Upadhyay equates the idea of moral economy with the traditional Indian concept of dharma, in order to explain the passivity of Premchand’s peasant protagonists, I have endeavoured to demonstrate, in this article, the disintegration of the moral economy in Gopinath Mohanty’s novel Paraja, and how such disintegration may precipitate resistance and a strong sense of moral outrage. an unparalleled achievement in Oriya literature that narrates the predicament of the tribal peasants of the Koraput region. It demonstrates how the encroachment of the colonial state on the invaluable resources of the tribal peasants in Mohanty’s novel results in an escalating disintegration of the moral economy which in turn precipitates resistance and a strong sense of moral outrage. However, instead of collective rebellion that Scott discusses about, in his groundbreaking work, in Mohanty’s novel, we find several instances of everyday forms of resistance, a concept that Scott formulates in his subsequent works. This not only helps us to understand and make sense of the motives and intentions of the tribal peasants in the novel but also underscores the abiding relevance and timeless appeal of Mohanty’s work, even in the post-Nehruvian nation-state, where the problems confronting the tribal peasants in the wake of globalisation are increasingly acute, virtually insurmountable and even more pronounced than ever before.
39
Kulachkov, Vadim V. "Documents from the State Archive of the Orel Region as a Source for Studying Peasant Legal Sense in Early 20th Century." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-98-108.
Abstract:
The article studies documents from the State Archive of the Orel Region (GAOO) as an important source for studying the sense of justice of the Oryol gubernia peasants in early 20th century. Introduction of new archival materials allows to flesh out our knowledge and to produce a true-to-life picture of the Oryol peasants’ way of life. The peasant origins of the majority of the population necessitate a comprehensive study of peasant legal consciousness. Historical legacy is pertinent to present day, and forgetting its lessons is fraught with consequences. Evolution of modern Russian statehood hedges on its historical and legal traditions. The article studies documents in the fonds of public authorities, police, gendarmerie, courts, and prosecution offices. Introduction of new materials of public authorities, police, gendarmerie, courts, and prosecution offices into the scholarship promotes the analysis of the evolution of peasant legal sense in early 20th century. The chronological framework of the article is limited to the period from 1900 to 1917, its territorial framework is limited to the Oryol gubernia in its pre-revolutionary borders. The article studies reports, dispatches, and circular letters using the comparative method. The intensification of peasant protest was incidental to the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907 – the peasants hoped to force the government to settle the agrarian question, wherein lay the crux of their interests. As peasants of the Oryol gubernia suffered from shortage of arable land, antimonarchical sentiments gained momentum and translated a growing number of trials for contempt of the Emperor. Illegal literature spreading among the peasants, further radicalized them, and the authorities grew more and more hesitant in their assessment of peasant loyalty, which is quite intelligible in the archival documents. Thus, the use of new archival documents in addition to published materials promotes the scholarship on the peasant legal sense.
40
Kurisoo, Merike, and Aivar Põldvee. "The Appearance of Hans and Jaan. A 17th Century Epitaph Painting Donated by Estonian Peasants." Baltic Journal of Art History 14 (December 27, 2017): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2017.14.05.
Abstract:
The epitaph donated by Hans and Jaan, two peasants from Türi parish, is evidence of the acceptance of ecclesiastic values and religious devotion among the Estonian peasantry. Other examples of this tendency from the Swedish era also exist. For instance, the grand wheel crosses, typical for North Estonia, that were once located in the Türi churchyard; and a chandelier (1659) donated by a peasant in the Keila church, the size of which exceeds those gifted by manor lords. From a later period, the stained-glass coats of arms of the peasantry in the Ilumäe chapel (1729) are also an example of this heightened sense of self-awareness and its display in houses of worships.Along with the hundreds and hundreds of works donated to churches by nobles, the epitaph painting depicting the Adoration of the Shepherds is a rare example of a painting gifted to a church by farmers, which also commemorates them. Hans and Jaan have now earned a place in Estonian (art) history: the pictures of the two simple men are the first known portraits of peasants whose names we know.
41
Trościński, Grzegorz. "Panów na chłopy uskarżanie się / „The Landlords’ Complaints Against Peasants ”: A Text Found in the MS Collection of the Diocesan Library at Sandomierz Attests The Enduring Popularity of the Medieval Satire Against Cunning Peasants." Ruch Literacki 53, no. 6 (December 1, 2012): 699–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0043-x.
Abstract:
Summary This article deals with a hitherto unknown text from the late 16th or early 17th century titled „The Landlords’ complaints against peasants”, found by the writer in a volume which belonged to the Franciscan (Bernardine) convent at Radom and is now kept at the Diocesan Library at Sandomierz (MS L 1684). That the poem, reprinted in the article, is a literary offspring of the medieval anti-peasant verse „A Satire on Lazy Peasants” is indicated by the a number of semantic and lexical traits as well its rhyme scheme. However, its line of descent is not direct. It is indebted to (or, represents a textual variant of) another contemporary poem called „A Description of the knavish and artful character of the peasant hard set against his lord”, found in St Petersburg by Aleksander Brückner. „The Landlords’ complaints against peasants” is the only poem physically available in a MS from the legacy of the medieval „Satire on Lazy Peasants”. In the Franciscan MS it faces „A Peasant Lament against the Landlords”, a poem which can also be found in a Czartoryski Library manuscript. Finally, a text quoted in one of the footnotes contains another, hitherto unknown variant of the „Peasant Lament” from 1629.
42
Beyan, Temesgen Tesfamariam. "Accessing Global Capital Through Remittance: A Route to the Reconfiguration of the Peasant Mode of Production in Rural Eritrea." Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 10, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 296–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22779760211033776.
Abstract:
Migration and its resultant remittance have become the two powerful forces of peasant transformation in Eritrea in the last decade. If the former is responsible for uprooting labor from land, the latter is a replacement value to what the labor would have produced from the land. Using qualitative data gathered through an ethnographic fieldwork in the peasant region, this article argues that these two forces—migration and remittance—have resulted in gradual divorce of peasants from their means of production, land, in ways that seemingly appear productive to the peasants, rural–urban migration and a new form of relationship between peasants and state. In general, the outcome of the entire process is the emergence of quasi-peasant society which no more depends on land for survival because remittance has provided them alternative source. Therefore, migration and remittance in Eritrea have not only resulted in massive uprooting of labor from the land, but also heavily reconfigured the peasant mode of production.
43
Wylegała, Anna. "Nasza i (nie) wasza sprawa. O ziemiańskich i chłopskich narracjach o reformie rolnej." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 62, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2018.62.1.2.
Abstract:
This text contains a comparative analysis of gentry and peasant narratives about the agricultural reform conducted in Poland on the basis of the Polish Committee of National Liberation’s decree of September 6, 1944. The author sought these narratives in personal documents such as diaries, memoirs, works sent to memoir competitions, and oral history interviews. An analysis of the documents revealed, above all, an asymmetry between the narratives of the gentry and the peasants. For the former, the reform was a key biographical event, while in most of the peasant narratives it was marginal, particularly in the context of other elements of the experience of war and occupation. The points of convergence, in terms of what members of the peasantry and gentry write or say about the reform, are few. Moreover, while the peasants always appear in the narratives of the gentry, the gentry appear much more rarely in the narratives of the peasants. The narratives of the gentry are fairly cohesive and it would seem that they have become the basis for the creation of a collective memory of the gentry as a group. The peasant narratives are quite diverse. Their shape is the outcome of factors such as the narrator’s social and economic status before the war; the fact of being, or not being, a beneficiary of the reform; the narrator’s political engagement; the narrator’s party affiliation at the time of the reform; and the period of Poland’s postwar history when the narrative was written or spoken. The author’s findings reveal what image of the agricultural reform has been preserved in Poles’ memory.
44
Barkan, Joel D., and Frank Holmquist. "Peasant-State Relations and the Social Base of Self-Help in Kenya." World Politics 41, no. 3 (April 1989): 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010504.
Abstract:
Peasant-state relations in developing countries are often a function of the nature and extent of stratification in peasant populations. Where there is a rigid class structure, the prospects for cooperation by members of the peasantry are low, and large landowners tend to ally themselves with the state to exploit the rural poor. Where, on the other hand, the nature of rural stratification is ambiguous, “small” and “middle” peasants are able to organize themselves for collective action and to bargain effectively for state aid to their communities. The hypothesis is confirmed using survey data about the nature of peasant participation in the Harambee selfhelp development movement in rural Kenya. Effective peasant-state bargaining in Kenya has in turn contributed to the legitimacy of the Kenyan political system.
45
Nakhutsrishvili, Luka. "Peasant Oaths, Furious Icons and the Quest for Agency: Tracing Subaltern Politics in Tsarist Georgia on the Eve of the 1905 Revolution. Part II: Agents and Items of (Counter)Insurgent Political Theology on the Imperial Borderland." Praktyka Teoretyczna 39, no. 1 (May 22, 2021): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/prt2021.1.3.
Abstract:
This two-part transdisciplinary article elaborates on the autobiographical account of the Georgian Social-Democrat Grigol Uratadze regarding the oath pledged by protesting peasants from Guria in 1902. The oath inaugurated their mobilization in Tsarist Georgia in 1902, culminating in full peasant self-rule in the “Gurian Republic” by 1905. The study aims at a historical-anthropological assessment of the asymmetries in the alliance formed by peasants and the revolutionary intelligentsia in the wake of the oath as well as the tensions that crystallized around the oath between the peasants and Tsarist officials. In trying to recover the traces of peasant politics in relation to multiple hegemonic forces in a modernizing imperial borderland, the article invites the reader to reconsider the existing assumptions about historical agency, linguistic conditions of subjectivity, and the relationship between politics and the material and customary dimensions of religion. The ultimate aim is to set the foundations for a future subaltern reading of the practices specific to the peasant politics in the later “Gurian Republic”. The second part of the article delves into Uratadze’s account of the aftermath of the inaugural oath and the conflicts it triggered between peasants, intelligentsia and the Tsarist administration.
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Abar, Akhmad Zaini. "PETANI DALAM PERSPEKTIF ANTROPOLOGI EKONOMI." Agro Ekonomi 9, no. 1 (November 29, 2016): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/agroekonomi.16803.
Abstract:
The concepts of rational and moral choices are both of ideal types in social science. These are only use for a social analysis and not for a social engineering. The rational peasants do not indicate the rational choice that have been introduced by Samuel L. Popkin, they are, on the other hand, in moral choice that have been stated by James C. Scott. The commercialization of peasants and agricultural sectors do not reflect the rational peasant's movement. In the essay, the Indonesian case, the commercialization of peasants are an effect of the state's project of colonial era and the New Order, these aren't the articulation of the rational peasants.
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Buve, Raymond. "Peasantry and the State in Colonial Mexico: A Tentative Comparison with Western Europe." Itinerario 15, no. 2 (July 1991): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006409.
Abstract:
Peasants is a blanket term for all those who, one way or another are involved in agrarian activities, be it as a labourer, a herdsman, a sharecropper, a tenant, an independent cultivator or in a combination of two or more of these activities. Besides this, one will have to account for part-time income from migratory labour or economic activities as home industries, petty trade, transport or mining. Many peasant societies are internally stratified into richer peasants, sometimes village élites, middle peasants and their poor brethren. In Western Europe and in Mexico most peasants belonged to the latter category. For them Darnton's conclusion, ‘to eat or not to eat, that was die question peasants confronted in their folklore as well as in their daily lives’ was certainly valid, and, out of necessity, these peasants were often looking for additional land or income. They were, for that matter, mobile.
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Cai, Yongshun. "Community Elites and Collective Action: The State and the Starved during the Chinese Famine (1959–61)." Politics & Society 48, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219893798.
Abstract:
Tens of millions of peasants died during the Great Famine in China from 1959 to 1961. Numerous Chinese peasants remained silent during the famine while others staged resistance. This article explores how peasant resistance was possible in a communist regime and how the government contained such resistance. It finds that resistance was considerably affected by the availability of protest leaders. Chinese peasants were organized into rural collectives controlled by the party-state through local cadres. Sympathetic rural cadres played crucial roles in facilitating peasant resistance. However, government control generally deprived rural communities of protest leaders. When collective resistance did occur, the government contained its influence through accommodation and repression. Effective control rendered the government insensitive to the famine suffered by the vast rural population of the country.
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Yep, Ray. "Can “Tax-for-Fee” Reform Reduce Rural Tension in China? The Process, Progress and Limitations." China Quarterly 177 (March 2004): 42–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000049.
Abstract:
This article questions the effectiveness and viability of the fiscal response to rural stability adopted by the Chinese state. Tax-for-fee reform (feigaishui) has been heralded as a possible solution to the cancer of excessive fiscal predation by local government. While the experiment may have achieved in relief of peasant burden, the success is simply based on central government financial sponsorship and is thus hardly sustainable as a national programme. And unless there is fundamental reform of fiscal redistribution, the new scheme will ironically hurt rather than help the poorest peasants. Putting all the blame on local cadres is politically expedient, but the central government needs to admit that the present crisis is a result of the systemic discrimination against peasants and the consequent deficit in financing rural governance. The ultimate solution entails a full-scale eradication of structural bias against the peasantry.
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Bonnicksen, Andrea L. "Book Reviews: Alemneh - Environment, Famine, and Politics in Ethiopia: A View from the VillageAlemneh Dejene Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1990, 150 pp. US$25.95 cloth. ISBN 1-55587-240-9. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1800 30th St., Suite 314, Boulder, CO 80301, USA." Politics and the Life Sciences 11, no. 2 (August 1992): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073093840001529x.
Abstract:
PrécisAlthough the author is now with the World Bank, he was a research fellow at the Energy and Environmental Policy Center, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, when conducting research for this book. He focuses on the Wollo region of Ethiopia, where, as he describes it, “to Wollo peasants, famine is as familiar as their villages” (p. 69). The book is based on surveys given to peasants in the Wollo region in 1987-88, participant observation, and examination of governmental policies. Appendices contain the texts of two questionnaires. One questionnaire was designed to understand the types of environmental degradation, the peasants' reaction to it, and the peasants' strategies in times of famine. The other was given to peasants affected by the government's resettlement scheme and was designed to determine the conditions under which they lived.Alemneh (the Ethiopian family name) presents a case study documenting the ineffectiveness of governmental policies imposed from above with little consultation with the individuals most affected by the policies. He develops the theme that environmental degradation—and subsequently famine—is shaped by local and national social and political forces. He recommends alternatives throughout the book that, to be effective, must be developed with grassroots peasant participation. The government's role in a long-term solution is “central,” but the peasants must be a part of that decision making. The original survey research is a major strength of the book. Information about the observations and activities of peasants support Alemneh's message that peasant based policies are workable.