Journal articles on the topic 'Peasantry – Soviet Union'
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1
Ivanov, S. "The destruction of the Ukrainian village by the holodomor of 1932-1933: criminal laws of the soviet authority." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 71 (August 25, 2022): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.4.
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The article considers and analyzes a number of important legal acts adopted by the Union and Republican leadership of the Bolshevik Party during 1932 - 1933. It was made an attempt to demonstrate theirs crime and inhumane nature on the example of repressive actions against the Ukrainian peasantry. It was determined that one of the keys implementation mechanisms of this crime against the Ukrainian peasantry was the establishment of excessive grain supplies, which provided for the planned grain seizure from the peasants to the state’s favour. It is shown that essentially the grain procurement provided not only an opportunity to replenish the stock of bread for sale abroad, but was a convenient and profitable state’s way to deal with the rebellious Ukrainian peasantry. It was found that under the guise of grain procurement, fighting against speculation, embezzlement, and sabotage, the government issued laws that effectively legitimized the extermination of the Ukrainian peasantry. A thorough analysis of a number of regulations adopted by the Soviet authorities during the study period and confirm the thesis of the artificial nature of the Holodomor, which in turn is an extremely important and urgent task in modern historical and legal science to preserve historical memory ukrainians. It has been proved that the legal nihilism of Stalin’s totalitarian dictatorship, embodied in a concentrated form by the anti-peasant laws of 1932-1933, convincingly proves that the Holodomor became one of the largest crimes against humanity in modern human history, that can be qualified as genocide against Ukrainians as a nation and peasants as a class by all criteria. Particular attention is paid to the criminal actions of the Soviet leadership during the forced collectivization of peasant farms and grain companies, as well as the policy of eliminating the kulaks as a class. It has been shown that the main goal of forced collectivization was to create collective farms instead of individual peasant farms, which in turn would facilitate the rapid implementation of grain procurement plans.
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Fonzi, Paolo. "Non-Soviet Perspectives on the Great Famine: A Comparative Analysis of British, Italian, Polish, and German Sources." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 3 (December 16, 2019): 444–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.27.
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AbstractThe present contribution analyzes systematically diplomatic reports written by German, Italian, British, and Polish representatives in the Soviet Union at the time of the Great Famine. Based on both published documents and unpublished archival sources, the article examines comparatively the perception of the Great Famine in these four countries. After providing a short overview of the diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the four countries at the time of the famine, this article examines how German, Italian, British, and Polish diplomats explained three key issues for understanding the Great Famine: (1) the role of the conflicts between state and peasantry in unleashing the famine; (2) the issue of whether the Soviet government intentionally caused the famine; and (3) the role of intentions in the development of the famine and the relationship between the nationalities policy of the Soviet government and the famine.
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Baranova, Elena V., and Vitaliy N. Maslov. "Problems of post-war peasant migration in the acts on the arrival of resettlement echelons in the Kaliningrad Region." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 190 (2021): 200–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-190-200-211.
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The relevance of the research is determined by the necessity for study of the set of documents related to the migration of the rural population in the Soviet country after the World War II. The movement of the Soviet peasantry was an important part of the resettlement process on a national scale. An array of primary data from the echelon lists of migrants stored in a number of regional archives has not yet been introduced into scientific circulation. It is in them that informa-tion is concentrated on the composition of the migrant’s families, their nationality, education, pro-fession, labor activity, property and places of exit, up to village councils. We analyze the content of acts on the arrival of migrants to the Kaliningrad Region. Its agricultural workforce was formed primarily through migration organized by the authorities. The materials of the acts reflect impor-tant aspects of the organization and conditions of the controlled movement of the peasantry across the Soviet Union. Acts on the acceptance of resettlement echelons, along with statistical sources, memoirs and administrative and managerial documentation, allow you to reconstruct an objective picture of the Soviet resettlement campaign in the post-war period.
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Gabbas, Marco. "Collectivization and National Question in Soviet Udmurtia." Russian History 47, no. 4 (September 8, 2021): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340015.
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Abstract The subject of this article is the collectivization of agriculture in Soviet Udmurtia at the turn of the 1930s. Situated in the Urals, Udmurtia was an autonomous region, largely agricultural, and with a developing industrial center, Izhevsk, as capital. The titular nationality of the region, the Udmurts, represented slightly more than 50% of the total inhabitants, while the rest was made up by Russians and other national minorities. Udmurts were mostly peasants and concentrated in the countryside, whereas city-dwellers and factory workers were mostly Russians. Due to these and other circumstances, collectivization in Udmurtia was carried out in a very specific way. The campaign began here in 1928, one year before than in the rest of the Union, and had possibly the highest pace in the country, with 76% of collectivized farms by 1933. The years 1928–1931 were the highest point of the campaign, when the most opposition and the most violence took place. The local Party Committee put before itself the special task to carry out a revolutionary collectivization campaign in the Udmurt countryside, which should have been a definitive solution to its “national” backwardness and to all its problems, from illiteracy to trachoma, from syphilis to the strip system (that is, each family worked on small “strips” of land far from each other). The Party Committee failed to exert much support from the peasant Udmurt masses, which stayed at best inert to collectivization propaganda, or opposed it openly. However, the back of the Udmurt peasantry was finally broken, and Udmurtia was totally collectivized by the end of the 1930s.
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Krasavchenko, Tatiana N. "British Requiem for the Peasantry in the USSR: Gareth Jones and Malcolm Muggeridge." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.009.
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The subject of this interdisciplinary article is the case of British journalists Gareth Jones and Malcolm Muggeridge. In 1933 they were the first and the only ones to draw the world’s attention to the tragedy in the USSR: Soviet power destroyed the foundation of traditional Russian society, i.e. the peasantry — for the sake of the rapid industrialisation of the country, the socialisation of agriculture and the radical transformation of man. The price of this new “main revolution” (according to G. Jones) or experiment, which originated in the brains of “rootless urbanists” — Bolsheviks (Muggeridge) were human-induced famine, death of millions of peasants in Ukraine, Volga, Cuban, and Rostov-on-Don regions. But fascinated by the embodiment of the idea of utopia, as well as proceeding from the interests of Realpolitik, the West ignored this tragedy. The article examines the conflict between the personality — Jones and society, Soviet and Western, as evidence to the fact that “a man can be destroyed but not defeated” (Hemingway). The subject of “famine” was developed in the works of A. Koestler, G. Orwell, research of R. Conquest, D. Rayfield, who in their ideas and opinions followed Jones and Muggeridge. Views on Russia of the latter ones and of an influential New York Times correspondent in Moscow — Walter Duranty, who in 1932 got a Pulitzer prize for his deceitful reports denying the famine in the Soviet Union, are presented here as ethically and culturally opposite: Stalin’s apologist Duranty viewed Russia as a country of Asians, of born slaves; Jones and Muggeridge saw it as a tragic country which was losing its mighty human potential — peasantry and natural course of development, and both of them anticipated the collapse of the Soviet regime. And the Soviet civilization collapsed, though 60 years later, for it was doomed: it is impossible to build Heaven on blood — to achieve world harmony at the cost of “a tear of a child” (Dostoevsky), i. e. the suffering of innocent people.
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Mozokhin, O. B. "Participation of the Organs of the OGPU-NKVD of the Soviet Union in the Collectivization of Agriculture." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S3 (June 2022): S212—S220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622090131.
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Abstract This article analyzes the role of the OGPU-NKVD in carrying out the policy of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on the collectivization of agriculture, and it reports on the protest movements of the peasantry, on individual and collective protests against collectivization, and the suppression of these movements by punitive bodies. The measures of the authorities for the “liquidation of the kulaks as a class” and the organs of the OGPU-NKVD as a mechanism for carrying out repressions are specially studied.
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Шуберт, Татьяна, and Tatyana Shubert. "Stages of Development of the Soviet Statehood of 1917—1940 and their Estimation in Works of Soviet Scientists." Journal of Russian Law 2, no. 7 (September 18, 2014): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/4830.
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In this article the three stages of development of the Russian Constitution (1918, 1925, 1937), are discussed each of represents a certain phase of the constitutional development of the Soviet state. The first stage (1917—1925) is characterized with the transition from capitalism to socialism, the second one stages (1925—1937) is associated with the adoption of the Constitution of the RSFSR in 1925, reflecting changes in the state-building — the formation of the unanimous union of the republican states — the USSR and delegating some mostly important items to it, the formation of the new autonomous regions, the end of the civil war and the reconstruction of the national economics. The third stage (1937—1940) is connected with the adoption of the Constitution of the RSFSR in 1937 (based on the Stalin Constitution of the USSR), which was characterized with the victory of socialism, the industrialization of the country and the collectivization in the agriculture, sphere of economics, the construction of a society without exploiting classes based on the alliance of the working class and the peasantry.
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Anfertiev, Ivan A. "Stalin’s Liquidation of Kulaks as Class and Organization of the Process of the Soviet Peasantry Proletarianization." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2021): 1229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-4-1229-1244.
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The article examines various aspects of the recently revealed archival document of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on the plan of repressive policy against the Soviet peasantry “On measures to eliminate kulak farms in the areas of continuous collectivization.” The author notes that the process of liquidation of kulaks as class, or of depeasantrification, as it is often designated in the historical literature, has been well studied. The first and rather timid attempts to assess the problem in the terms of individual “deformations of socialism” date to the turn the 1990s. At present, the attention is mostly focused on the regional aspect, as over the past three decades there has been made available a complex of sources from local archives, which was previously in closed storage. The article analyzes preconditions of the protest sentiments in the course of mass collectivization undertaken by the party bodies in the center and in the regions, as well as harsh suppression of possible peasant uprisings by punitive bodies, identification and persecution of the instigators. Examination of official party documents on collectivization permits to identify the ideological, social, and economic criteria for ranking Soviet peasants among kulaks. It is concluded that liquidation of kulaks as class on the territory of the USSR was conducted in a very short time and in two stages. At the first stage, in January – March 1930, repressions were to be carried out in the economically developed regions: the Black Earth region, the Middle and Lower Volga region, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Belarus, North Caucasus, Dagestan, Ural, Siberia. The second stage spread them to other regions of Soviet Russia. The author notes an inconsistency in the thesis of positive economic consequences of the mass collectivization and elimination of kulaks as class for industrialization. Taking into account their consequences, the author proposes to consider these two complementary processes initiated by the leadership of the CPSU (B) as a preventive campaign to intimidate the rural population in order to return to the methods of surplus appropriation via formation of the collective farm system. It has been revealed that J.V. Stalin’s plans, in accordance with the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, included a rapid change in socio-economic status of peasants: from relatively free farmers, producers of agricultural products entitled to manage their crops (after paying the taxes) to hired workers, in other words, proletarians. According to the author, the large-scale famine of the first half of the 1930s was a direct consequence of the so-called “revolutionary transformations in agriculture,” the victims of which are still to be accurately calculated.
9
Chen, Yixin. "Cold War Competition and Food Production in China, 1957–1962." Agricultural History 83, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-83.1.51.
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Abstract This article examines how Mao’s grand strategy for Cold War competition inflicted a catastrophic agricultural failure in China and victimized tens of millions of Chinese peasants. It argues that Khrushchev’s 1957 boast about the Soviet Union surpassing the United States in key economic areas inspired Mao to launch an industrialization program that would push the People’s Republic past Great Britain in some production categories within fifteen years. Beginning in 1958 Mao imposed unrealistic targets on Chinese grain production to extract funds from agriculture for rapid industrial growth. Maoists placed relentless pressure on communist cadres for ruthless implementation of the Great Leap Forward. Contrary to Maoist plans, China’s grain output in 1959-1960 declined sharply from 1957 levels and rural per capita grain retention decreased dramatically. Throughout China, party cadres’ mismanagement of agricultural production was responsible for the decline in grain output, and the communist state’s excessive requisition of grain caused food shortages for the peasants. But the key factor determining the famine’s uneven impact on the peasantry in the provinces was the degree to which provincial leaders genuinely and energetically embraced Maoist programs. This is illustrated by a close examination of the Great Leap famine in Anhui Province.
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Niсkolsky, Sergey A. "The USSR in Its International Aspect: a Philosophical and Historical Analysis of the Ways for Solving Agrarian Question by the Bolsheviks." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 12 (2021): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-12-90-100.
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The formation of the USSR five years after the October Revolution followed not only from internal needs, but also from the idea of “dialectical transition” of the feudal-capitalist component of the Russian empire’s heritage to the socialist form. The USSR formation also had a more ambitious goal: The Soviet Union was expected to become the first experience of creating the “world workers and peasants union” (V.I. Lenin). First of all, this experience was gained in the agricultural sphere – the dominant sector of the country’s economy. In this regard, the main scientific problem of this article is the philosophical and historical understanding of the methods invented by the Bolsheviks during the war communism policy period in 1918–1921 to form a new sense of agrarian life adequate to the future “world USSR”. After a short break of NEP the experience gained in the agrarian sphere was used during the forcible сollectivization in the Russian Federation and in the territories of the former Russian Empire annexed to it for internationalist purposes. The article analyzes in detail the political and ideological reasons of the Bolshevik’s activities solving the agrarian question during the periods of “war communism” and collectivization, the legal basis they had developed for this issue, the successive elimination of the peasant cooperation as a self-organization of active people, the idea of historical necessity and the communist practicability of the overall labor obligation and the effectiveness of forced labor, as well as the consequences of these measures: the terrible famine of 1920–1921 and the armed resistance of the peasantry to the agrarian policy of the Bolsheviks.
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Khodchenko, Olena, and Natalia Venger. "The activity of the “Union of the Descendants of the Dutch” through the prism of official documents (1922-1927)." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.65-78.
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The purpose of the study is to show how the activities of the Mennonite closed cooperative “Union of the Descendants of the Dutch” (UDD) were refl ected in the offi cial reports of Soviet offi cials; to analyze the importance of the organization for the consolidation of the ethno-confessional community of Mennonites in Ukraine. The research methodology: the general scientifi c (method of system analysis) and special historical (historical-comparative, historical-genetic, problem-chronological) methods are used. Scientifi c novelty: the study notes the importance of the “Union of the Descendants of the Dutch” in reviving and preserving the moral and ethical principles of the ethno-confessional group, and shows the organization’s infl uence on protecting the rights of national minorities in the Soviet state. Conclusions. In the conditions of the early Soviet rule, the economic decline of the region, the location of the Mennonite colonies, and the demoralization of the ethno-confessional community, the “Union” served to coordinate the life and preserve the traditions of the Mennonite communities. The fact that the organization was built on ethnic principles, existed with the help of foreign Mennonite centres (Germany, the Netherlands, the United States, Canada), and abandoned atheistic principles, caused great concern on the part of party, and administrative authorities. Feeling unable to adapt to new political conditions, the UDD led the Mennonite emigration movement of 1923–1926, which gained international notoriety and created a negative image of the Soviet state. The activities of the “Union” were under the supervision of the authorities since 1924. As the totalitarian systemin the USSR and increasing pressure on dissent, the authorities found an offi cial reason for the dissolution of the organization, which took place even in the policy of indigenization. As a result of the liquidation of the organization, the Mennonite population of the USSR found itself vulnerable to pressure from the authorities and shared the fate of the entire Ukrainian peasantry.
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Hughes, James. "Capturing the Russian Peasantry: Stalinist Grain Procurement Policy and the “Ural-Siberian Method”." Slavic Review 53, no. 1 (1994): 76–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500326.
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It has long been accepted by historians that the conjuncture of grain crises of 1927-1929 marked a turning point during which the Soviet Union descended into the tumult of Stalin’s “revolution from above.“ There is, however, no agreement as to what caused this outcome. Was the country pushed down this road as a deliberate act of policy by Stalin to enhance his dictatorial power? Did bolshevik ideology, which favored rapid industrialization and bureaucratic centralized state control, predetermine the end result? Did the sequence of events in this period generate an uncontrollable dynamic of crises and conflict between strengthening state power and societal, particularly peasant, resistance? To reach a more definitive answer to these fundamental questions I have undertaken a case study of a pivotal policy development of this period, one which bridged the crucial transition from NEP to “dekulakization”: the so-called “Ural-Siberian method” or “social influence” method of grain collection.
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Lisnevska, Alina. "The screen performance as an instrument of propaganda (on the example of Ivan Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna», 1933)." Integrated communications 25242644 (2019): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-2644.2019.7.10.
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The myth-making processes in the communicative space are the «cornerstone» of ideology at all times of mankind’s existence. One of the tools of the effective impact of propaganda is trust in information. Today this come round due to the dissemination of information on personalized video content in social networks, including through converged media. New myths and social settings are creating, fate of the countries is being solved, public opinion is being formed. It became possible to create artificially a model of social installation using the myths (the smallest indivisible element of the myth) based on real facts, but with the addition of «necessary» information. In the 20–30 years of the XX century cinematograph became the most powerful screen media. The article deals with the main ideological messages of the Ukrainian Soviet film «Koliivshchyna» (1933). In the period of mass cinematography spread in the Soviet Ukraine, the tape was aimed at a grand mission – creation of a new mythology through the interpretation of the true events and a con on the public, propaganda of the Soviet ideology. This happened in the tragic period of Ukrainian history (1933, the Holodomor) through the extrapolation of historical truth and its embodiment in the most formative form at that time – the form of the screen performance. The Soviet authorities used the powerful influence of the screen image to propagate dreams, illusions, images, stereotypes that had lost any reference to reality. I. Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna» demonstrates the interpretation of historical events and national ideas, the interpretation of a relatively remote past through the ideology of the «Soviet-era». The movie is created as a part of the political conjuncture of the early 1930s: the struggle against Ukrainian «bourgeois nationalism» and against the «Union of Liberation Ukraine», the repressive policies against the peasants, the close-out of the «back to the roots» policy. The movie, on the one hand, definitely addresses to the Ukrainian ideas, on the other hand it was made at the period of the repressions against the Ukrainian peasantry. In the movie «Koliivshchyna», despite the censorship, I. Kavaleridze manages to create a national inclusive narrative that depicts Ukrainian space as multi-ethnic and diverse, but at the same time nationally colorful.
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RACHKOVSKYI, Hryhorij. "The Liquidation of Small Settlements of the Northern Districts of Lviv Region in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 23 (June 8, 2022): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3646.
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The settlement structure of the countryside was the most affected by administrative and territorial reforms during the Soviet period. Radical changes took place in rural settlements in late 1940s and early 1950s. Earlier Soviet regime stopped the transformation of the peasantry into a farming stratum by force. The growth of the farm type motivated the spread of dispersed forms of rural settlement. The main thesis of the article is large-scale process of liquidation of small settlements in the second half of the twentieth century as the result of state policy of the USSR. This led to the destruction of dispersed forms of rural settlements. Khutirs represented sole homekeeping and entrepreneurial initiative in rural areas in the second half of the twentieth century; they were declared a major obstacle to collectivization. Unification of social, political and economic life in the USSR did not provide for the existence of such settlements. The liquidation of the khutirs was to overcome peasant individualism. The scattered form of resettlement and land use contradicted the principles of organizing the work of collective farms. Archival documents show that the khutirs were also considered the main centers of support for the underground movement. The basis for the liquidation of khutirs was the resolution of the Central Committee of the VKP(b) (All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)). CPSU(b) and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR of May 27, 1939. The total liquidation of khutirs in the western regions of Ukraine was continued by the resolution of the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian SSR and the Central Committee of the VKP(b) № 2467 of August 12, 1950. The new stage of the campaign began on July 4, 1952 with the issuance of another order of the Government of the USSR. The liquidation of farms took other forms in the following years. On the example of the northern districts of Lviv region, changes in the settlement structure are highlighted in this article. In the northern districts of Lviv region, a khutir was the main type of small-scale settlement that belonged to one rural community. The destruction of the khutirs began under the initiative of the central government of the USSR, which did not take into account the interests of the peasants. Lists of settlements to be resettled were formed on the basis of proposals sent to the regional authorities by the heads of district executive committees. The lack of clear criteria for the typology of settlements has led to heterogeneity of the lists. The resettlement process only had a coordinated form at the documentary level. In fact, people have experienced huge difficulties and inconveniences related to the new rural order, housing, land development, shortages of goods and so on. Large-scale process of liquidation of small settlements in the second half of the twentieth century was the result of state policy of the USSR. The disappearance of this type of settlement is connected with the implementation of a purposeful state policy.
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Zvyagelskaya, I. D. "Soviet Researchers on the Middle East: Ahead of Their Time." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-24-37.
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In the mid-1950s-1960s the Soviet Orientalists were facing serious challenges. The collapse of the colonial system, the growth of national liberation movements, the entry of new forces that did not fit into the rigid framework of the Communist ideas about the revolutionary process, demanded realistic explanations of what was happening. The article attempts to consider some breakthrough ideas and assessments of historical events in the Middle East put forward by the Soviet experts. The review is primarily based on the publications of Soviet specialists published in the 1970’s. Among those who studied the new trends and tried to explain their further development were Soviet Arabists. At that time their circle was small. Among those who were engaged in political problems of the Arab world, one can name I.P. Belyaev, E.M. Primakov, G.I. Mirsky, A.M. Vasilyev. They had different backgrounds, but all had managed to form in their studies a fairly complete picture of political trends and state-building in the Arab world. Despite the domination of the official dogmas the leading Soviet researchers were able to present a realistic picture of the region, although their «untimely meditations» were presented in a form acceptable to the Communist ideology.The primitive division of society into the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, peasantry and landlords and the hopes for eventual development of communist parties worldwide both did not reflect the realities in the Third World countries and did not leave room for the Soviet Union there. Due to ideological reasons the USSR could not support nationalist movements abroad. Nevertheless, the Soviet leadership passed the first test for the ability to reassess their ideological stereotypes in the early 1950s, when the leaders of the Egyptian revolution turned to the USSR for military assistance. In order to justify the pragmatic choice in favor of supporting the new Arab nationalist leaders, the Soviet scholars developed the concept of three consecutive and co-dependent revolutionary flows: first, the national liberation movement overthrowing the colonial system; second, the world labor movement overthrowing the capitalist system politically; and, third, the world communist movement overthrowing the capitalist system in economic terms.It was also important for the Soviet leaders to explain the orientation of the young decolonized nationalist regimes towards the USSR, without using the argument of just political expediency. Such an explanation was the theory of the non-capitalist path of development or socialist orientation. It posed that capitalism cannot solve any of the problems of developing countries. Their interest in rapid overcoming of backwardness and maintaining national sovereignty cannot be combined with the choice of a capitalist development model. The theory of socialist orientation was based on original ideas of Marxism founders and further developed by Lenin who insisted that economically underdeveloped countries can with the help of the proletariat from advanced countries go directly to socialism bypassing capitalism.The reality of revolutions without the proletariat and the desire to take advantage of the anti-colonial struggle to establish full-scale presence of the USSR in the Middle Eats made the Soviet leadership more tolerant of scientists' attempts to realistically analyze regional trends and developments.For instance, in the Soviet era, politicians were tempted to explain all conflicts in the regions of the Third world, and particularly in the Middle East exclusively by the workings of imperialism. However, Soviet scholars, E.M. Primakov among them, warned in their studies of the dangers of such simplified estimates. Still relevant today also is G. Mirsky’s explanation of the major role the army plays in the politics of the Middle East. He argued that in the traditional societies of the region the army was the only modern, nationwide institution.The works of the Soviet scholars can help better understand contemporary trends. Their studies of driving forces of the revolutions in the Arab world, of the nationalistic regimes, of regional conflicts have not lost their relevance today. They warn the modern generation of researchers against simplistic conclusions, a temptation of politicized assessments and of ignoring the complexity of regional issues.
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BALDOLI, CLAUDIA. "‘With Rome and with Moscow’: Italian Catholic Communism and Anti-Fascist Exile." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000448.
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This article aims to explore the interplay between religion and political radicalism in Europe by focusing on the case of Italian ‘White Leagues’ (Catholic trade unions) in the interwar period. Interest in this movement stems partly from the opinion that the understanding of politics in early twentieth-century Europe has often been distorted by the historiographical focus on the political polarisation between communism and fascism, which has led to the neglect of the complex ideological area in between. The article will focus in particular on the main organiser of the peasant ‘White’ unions in Italy, Guido Miglioli. He developed a network of political contacts across Europe with the aim of resuscitating the anti-fascist struggle in Italy and launching a campaign for the liberation of the peasantry. This was to be achieved through a European peasant International that would draw from the Soviet example while maintaining its Christian roots.
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Sukhonos, V. V. "THE SOVIET MODEL OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE OF THE FATE OF THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY: THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS." Legal horizons, no. 18 (2019): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i18.p20.
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The article is devoted to the constitutional and legal issues of local government organizations. The main attention is paid to the Soviet model of local government, which, in the period of the industrialization of the country, focused on the further strengthening of the Soviet state apparatus, the deployment of the so-called “Soviet democracy” and the fight against bureaucratic defects. However, such a situation as a whole was not typical of the Soviet system. That is why the Bolsheviks attempts to attract the poor sections of the rural population. However, success in this direction was caused not so much by the strengthening of the Soviet economy as a whole, but by the opportunity for the rural poor to plunder wealthy peasants, which had developed because of the dictatorship of the proletariat existing in the USSR. Subsequently, the Bolshevik Party raised the issue of organizing special groups of poverty or factions for an open political struggle to attract the middle peoples to the proletariat and to isolate wealthy peasants (the so-called “kulaks”) during the elections to the Soviets, cooperatives, etc. With the onset of socialist reconstruction, there was a need to organize poverty, because it was an important element and the establishment of “Soviet democracy in the countryside.” The Stalin Constitution of 1936 transformed the Soviets. From 1918, they were called the Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’ and Red Army Deputies, and now, with the entry into force of the Stalin Constitution, the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. This transformation of the Soviets reflected the victory of the socialist system throughout the national economy, radical changes in the class composition of Soviet society, and a new triumph of “socialist democracy”. In addition, the “victory of socialism” in the USSR made possible the transition to universal, equal, and direct suffrage by secret ballot. On December 24 and 29, 1939, citizens of the Soviet Union elected their representatives to the local Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. 99.21 % of the total number of voters took part in the vote. The election results are another testament to the growing influence of the Bolshevik Party on the population of the Soviet Union, which has largely replaced the activities of the Soviets themselves, including the local ones. Holding elections to the regional, regional, district, district, city, village and settlement councils of workers’ deputies completed the restructuring of all state bodies in accordance with the Stalin Constitution and on its basis. With the adoption in 1977 of the last Constitution of the USSR, the councils of workers’ deputies were renamed the councils of people’s deputies. In 1985, the last non-alternative elections were held for 52,041 local councils, and in 1988, their structure became more complicated: there were presidencies organizing the work of regional, regional, autonomous regions, autonomous districts, district, city and rayon in the cities of Soviets. People’s Deputies. Within the framework of the city (city subordination), village, and town councils, this work is carried out directly by the heads of the designated Councils. On December 26, 1990, the Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR introduced regular amendments to the Constitution of the USSR, which formally abolished the Presidencies, but did not prohibit their existence. On September 5, 1991, the Constitution of 1977 was effectively abolished. Finally, it happened after December 26, 1991, when the USSR actually ceased to exist. Thus, existing in the USSR during the period of socialist reconstruction and subsequent transformations that began with the processes of industrialization and ended as a result of the collapse of the USSR, the model of local government organization remained ineffective due to its actual replacement by the activities of the governing bodies of the ruling Communist Party. Keywords: Local Government; the system of Councils; local Councils; Council of Deputies of the working people; Council of People’s Deputies; Soviet local government.
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Patnaik, Utsa. "Peasants and Industrialisation in the Soviet Union." Social Scientist 16, no. 10 (October 1988): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3520381.
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Morozova, T. I. "Ways and Tools of Channeling the Official Image of Soviet Authorities to the Population of Siberia during the Period of the New Economic Policy." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 8 (October 25, 2022): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-8-119-131.
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The article analyzes one of the key aspects of the representation of authorities, i. e. channeling their official image to the population. Based on the achievements of Russian historiography and information from published and newly found archival sources, it identifies ways and tools used by the Soviet Authorities to deliberately and purposefully construct the idea about itself in the minds of Soviet citizens in Siberia and effectively channel it during 1921–1929. Among the main translators of the official image of the Soviet authorities were such institutions as the Communist Party, Soviets, trade unions, the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol), various public organizations, media press, cultural and political educational institutions. The article shows that these translators used tools that generally can be divided into three groups. The first one is traditional or universal tools, including congresses, conferences, meetings, elections, theaters, museums, clubs, libraries, books, newspapers, and magazines. The second group – tools established by the Soviet regime, including illiteracy elimination organizations, Izba Chitalnya (“village reading rooms”), Soviet party schools, Peasant Club, and “red” corners. The third group – unique or innovative tools: “nomination”, patronage of the city over the village. The article concludes by arguing that in the early years of the New economic policy (NEP) the efficiency of the majority translators and tools of the representation of the Soviet authorities were limited. However, as the Central committee of the RCP(b) abandoned the emergency policy in Siberia and the economic situation in the country and in the region had been improved, their work and influence were gradually restored. Because of this, the authorities got back their abilities of self-presentation in different forms, in different languages, among urban and rural residents, men and women, Russians and national minorities, and literate and illiterate citizens.
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Rozovyk, Olesia. "SOVIET RESETTLEMENT’S PROGRAM FOR THE UKRAINIAN PEASANCE IN 1921–1925." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-67-72.
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The article, based on little-known sources, deals with the process of forming the policy of the Soviet government to solve such a problem as agrarian overpopulation of the USSR. The article presents data on overpopulation in some districts of the Ukrainian SSR, such as Kyiv, Chernihiv and Volyn districts, where such a phenomenon as scarcity of land and low-yielding soils was presented. An Emergency Resettlement Commission was established within the People’s Commissariat of Land Affairs by the decision of the Council of People’ Commissars (CPC). This Commission solved all issues related to the resettlement of peasants within the republic and abroad. Similar commissions were also formed in all provincial and county centers of the Ukrainian SSR. These commissions began active work on the registration of landless peasants and the search for vacant lands, primarily in the republic for their resettlement, beginning in the spring of 1921. Commissions were also carried out with the All-Russian (later All-Union) Resettlement Commission on the provision of land in uninhabited areas of the RSFSR, such as the Volga region, the Urals, Siberia, Kazakhstan, the Far East, Kuban, Stavropol, North Caucasus to the settlers from Ukraine. In February 1923, the CPC of the Ukrainian SSR took measures to ensure the planned resettlement of the rural population of the republic in Ukraine and abroad. In the autumn of 1923, the VIII All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets approved the main directions of resettlement policy in the republic. It was reduced to the following measures: first – the resettlement of Ukrainians in the free lands of the Ukrainian SSR; second – resettlement, first of all, of the poor population, which included assistance in farming; third – the resettlement of part of the population from rural areas to cities; fourth – the resettlement of small peasant families in the All-Union Colonization Fund in the Urals, Siberia, Kazakhstan, the Far East. In April 1924, CPC of the Soviet Union, supporting the resettlement movement, adopted a resolution “On the benefits of migrants”. It determined the level of material assistance to the families who settled in new lands. Thus, during 1921–1925, the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee and the CPC of the Ukrainian SSR developed a program of resettlement of the Ukrainian population within its ethnic lands and the Union Colonization Fund. This was the first five-year cycle of resettlement policy of the government of the USSR, and in 1926 a new resettlement program was approved, designed first for seven and then for ten years.
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Lahusen, Thomas. "On Roots and Rhizomes : The Private and the Public in the Soviet 1930s." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 11 (April 9, 2022): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.1998.1847.
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The present article attempts to investigate how the categories of public and private were recontextualized during the social and political upheaval of the Soviet 1930s in a series of diaries, written by ordinary people, men and women, workers, peasants, students, a housewife and activist, members of the intelligentsia, and even a first secretary of the Soviet Writers’ Union.
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Suławka, Adam Radosław. "Rewolucyjne partie chłopskie w II RP w świetle historiografii." Res Gestae 10 (July 27, 2020): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.10.14.
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The aim of this article is to summarise the current state of academic research regarding revolutionary peasant parties in the Second Polish Republic: the Independent Peasant Party (IPP), Union of Peasant Left “Self-Help” and Belarussian Peasant and Workers “Hromada” that operated in the north-eastern borderlands. These political formations, whose target group was peasants, were crypto-communist. Although officially independent, they were actually agencies
of the Communist Party of Poland (CPP) and Communist Party of Western Belarus, which were in turn branches of Soviet intelligence in Poland. These groups aroused greatest interest among researchers prior to 1989 (during the existence of the communist block) due to the fact that Polish historians, members of the ruling Polish United Workers’ Party at the time, monopolised scientific research. Members of the PUWP’s satellite United People’s Party also had the
opportunity to work on this issue, but their influence was much weaker. Articles regarding the Hromada were also available; however, much more detailed and important were those written in the Belarussian SSR. Practically in all cases those scientific papers were written in line with the communist ideology that praised the work of these parties. Still, thanks to research in Polish and Soviet archives, we can obtain valuable information about them and their members. After the decline of the communist block the topic has received much less attention from researchers both in Poland and Belarus, except for those who had already worked on it during the communist era and published a few fragmentary articles. As a result, the issue discussed in this article is still waiting for comprehensive and honest scholarship.
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Suleimenov, М. A., and G. M. Kappassova. "Soviet political regime in Kazakhstan during the period of «military communism»." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 136, no. 3 (2021): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2021-136-3-57-65.
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The article deals with the emergence and activity of Soviet power institutions in Kazakhstan during the period of «war communism». During the years of «war communism», the construction of the Soviet state apparatus continued. An important feature of this process, researchers call the wide involvement of workers and peasants in state bodies. There was a change in the national composition of civil servants - after the revolution, they began to include representatives of many peoples of the former Russian Empire. In addition, many officials continued to work in Soviet state structures that began their careers during the Provisional Government or even the tsarist regime. The escalation of the civil war led to the emergence of emergency authorities not provided for by the Constitution of the USSR. On the ground, the functions of emergency services were performed by revolutionary committees. During the years of the Civil War and «war communism», the RCP (b) became the core of the Soviet political system. Thus, under the influence of wartime emergencies, a rigid military command system began to form in the country. The article reveals the specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan, carried out by the Bolsheviks during the civil war of 1918-1920. As a result of the analysis, it was possible to determine that the policy of «war communism» in the regional aspect was carried out in line with general Soviet trends. It represented a set of measures of the Soviet government in the field of industry, agriculture, and social relations aimed at militarizing production and ensuring the combat capability of the Red Army. The specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan were determined by the economic backwardness of the region and the nature of hostilities. These features should include: later than in the whole Soviet Union, the inclusion of the regions of Kazakhstan in the process of implementing measures of «war communism», their extension to the indigenous population, more rigid forms and methods of implementing military-communist construction. The result of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan was a drop in production, especially in the agricultural sector of the economy, the famine of 1920-1922, which led to demographic losses of the population, mass migration of nomadic peoples outside the country, widespread peasant anti-Bolshevik protests and resistance of the indigenous population in the form of Basmachism. Based on archival materials and published works, the authors analyze the activities of Soviets and revkoms. In conclusion, conclusions are drawn that determine the nature of the origin and purpose of the Soviet institutions of power.
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Chroust, David Zdeněk. "Keeping Soviet Russia in the Czech Diaspora?" Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no. 4 (2015): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04904006.
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The Hospodář was a twice-monthly magazine for Czech farmers in America, launched in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1891. In the 1920s it became more international as the United States shut out immigrants from Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union became a leading subject in its editorials, columns and especially the hundreds of reader letters published every year. Transnational families were a window into the Czech communities in Volhynia and Crimea. Social Democrats, Communists and others argued about the Soviet Union’s merits as a workers’ and peasants’ state. Agronomist Stanislav Kovář became a regular columnist in Vologda and then Novorossiisk on the NEP and then collectivization in Soviet agriculture. Tolerant, largely written by readers, without political or religious affiliation, and international, the Hospodář was a productive forum for experience, imagination and discourse in the international Czech diaspora on the early Soviet Union.
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Ablaeva, E. B., A. R. Ensebayeva, and M. A. Utanov. "Administrative Justice in the Soviet Period (Analysis of the Doctrine, Legislation and Procedure of the First Half of the 20th Century)." Lex Russica, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.170.1.067-081.
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Socio-political significance and legal status of the institute of administrative justice are widely understood in the context of the thorough analysis of Soviet theory, legislation and practice of the first half of the last century. The choice of the subject matter of the study is preconditioned by the universally recognized periodization, according to which administrative justice in the Soviet period reached the highest level of development in the first half of the 20th century after the foundations of civil proceedings of the Union of the SSR and the Soviet Union Republics were approved in 1961. From this point of view, it is very interesting and useful to study the objective circumstances that took place in the first half of the last century. The study covers the beginning of the Soviet path of development and improvement of the institute of administrative justice, the lower border of which constitutes the final moment of the establishment of Soviet power, and the upper border covers the post-war period of the Soviet Union. The grounds, conditions and procedure of settlement of complaints against actions of Soviet institutions and officials are identified by various bodies. The selected subject matter was actualized during the development and adoption of the first Administrative Procedural Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as well as in the course of institutional reform aimed at ensuring the rule of law, including in the areas of public administration and local government.The purpose of this paper is to study the issues of regulation of public relations arising between the Soviet State represented by public authorities, their officials, state officials, on the one hand, and Soviet citizens and their associations, on the other. To achieve this goal, the following tasks are set: studying the normative legal acts of the Soviet power issued by the central election commissions, All-Russian congresses of councils, people's commissariats, workers'-peasants' inspectorates, councils of workers'-and-peasants' defenses and many other Soviet institutions regulating administrative justice in the first half of the 20th century; determination of grounds, conditions and procedure for appealing or challenging the legality of acts, decisions, actions or omissions to act on behalf of Soviet institutions and officials; analysis of the legal thought of the first half of the 20th century.
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Sukhonos, V. V. "THE SOVIET MODEL OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY: ADMINISTRATIVE, LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS." Legal horizons, no. 17 (2019): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i17.p:42.
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The article is devoted to the political and legal problems of the organization of local authorities. At the same time, the main attention is paid to the Soviet model of local government in the period of its first reform, which falls on the day of the so-called “New Economic Policy”, when the liberalization processes started, called the “Leninist line for the development of socialist democracy”. However, the expansion of this democracy was greatly complicated by the fact that the Soviet state apparatus did not have its own bureaucracy, and therefore, for the most part, relied on the bureaucracy of the old, bureaucracy, raised on the bureaucratic traditions of the royal apparatus. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that many of the workers of the party and Soviet bodies, especially the grassroots, were hardly deprived of previous methods of state administration, which usually had military-administrative character. The transition to a new economic policy (NEP), a certain liberalization of the Soviet system could not but cause a revival in the work of the party, trade unions, and the Soviets. But if the restructuring of the party and trade unions was implemented within a rather short time, then in relation to the Soviets, it was a bit delayed. The newly formed Soviet state apparatus proved to be unprepared for various kinds of social experiments. Among other things, this was due to the inadequate level of farming in the first years of the NEP, the general deterioration of the civil war, the still hard financial situation of the people and the use of all these circumstances by the opponents of the Bolsheviks in the countryside. The most effective means of improving the Soviet apparatus and eliminating bureaucratic “tricks” was the regular campaign in the form of wide involvement in the management of the state of workers and peoples. Particularly relevant was the issue of improving the forms of party leadership by the activities of the Soviet state and economic apparatus. It was necessary to find the right forms of relations between the party and Soviet bodies, to eliminate the practice of substituting Soviets by party bodies not removed from the civil war since the times of civil war. This kind of branching should have provided a more systematic discussion and solution of economic issues by the Soviet authorities while increasing the responsibility of each Soviet worker and the case he was entrusted with. On the other hand, this provided the opportunity for party bodies to focus on the overall management of the work of all state bodies, paying particular attention to the education and organization of working classes. However, despite a certain liberalization of the Soviet system, the model of the organization of local government in the USSR in the period of the New Economic Policy remained ineffective, both as a result of its virtually “curious” character and absolute domination of the members of the Bolshevik Party in the Soviets. Keywords: Local Government; a system of Councils; local Councils; Councils of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies; Soviet local government.
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Lévesque, Jean. "Exile and Discipline: The June 1948 Campaign Against Collective Farm Shirkers." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1708 (January 1, 2006): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2006.129.
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In February and June 1948, the Stalinist state issued two decrees aimed at a radical solution of the problem of labor discipline among Soviet collective farm peasants. Borne out of the initiative of the Ukrainian Communist Party Secretary N.S. Khrushchev, who found examples of community self-policing in tsarist legislation, the decrees granted collective farm general meetings the right to deport to distant parts of the Soviet Union peasants reluctant to fulfi ll the minimal labor requirements set by the state. Based on a wide array of formerly classifi ed Russian archival documents, this study draws the complete story of this little known page in the history of Stalinist repression. It demonstrates that despite the harshness of the measures employed, the decree did little to force peasants back to work on collective farms given the seriousness of the postwar agrarian crisis.
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Goldman, Wendy Z. "Industrial Politics, Peasant Rebellion and the Death of the Proletarian Women's Movement in the USSR." Slavic Review 55, no. 1 (1996): 46–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500978.
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In December 1927 delegates to the XV Party Congress of the Soviet Union adopted the slogan, “Face toward Production.” Over the next five years, as the Party embarked on a massive effort to industrialize the country and collectivize agriculture, this slogan came to define policy in every area of life. The Party daily exhorted the people to speed up production, increase the harvest, reconstruct agriculture. Workers erected behemoths of heavy industry as artists emblazoned the image of belching smokestacks everywhere, symbols not of pollution but of the transformative promise of industrialization. Stalin and his supporters purged the unions, the planning agencies and the Party of “rightists” who were seen as obstacles to the new tempos of production and the collectivization of agriculture.
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Healey, Dan. "Sexology and the national Other in the Soviet Union." Twentieth Century Communism 20, no. 20 (May 1, 2021): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864321832926373.
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Historians have pointed to overseas colonialism and 'race science' as influential in the construction of European sexual science. Soviet sexology arose on a 'semi-periphery' between Europe and colonised societies. The 'Others' against whom Russian sexual ideals were forged would be 'internally colonised' peasants and non-Russian ethnicities of the Soviet Union's internal orient. Pre-Stalinist sexology blended the 'sexual revolution' with European sexual science focused on workers in the Slavic urban industrial heartland; nationalities beyond this perceived heartland lagged behind and their sex lives required modernisation. Stalin virtually curtailed sexological research. After 1945 the party revived it to spur fertility, especially in Slavic urban centres where births had dropped below replacement rate. Ideological control constrained sexologists, confining them to silos, limiting internationalisation and cramping research. But new, heteronormative therapeutic measures, some from Western science, and others devised at home, were developed. Less vocal than Western or Eastern Bloc sexology, Soviet sex research continued to display anxiety about internal national and ethnic Others into the 1980s and beyond.
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Dillon, Michael. "Fang Zhimin, Jingdezhen and the Northeast Jiangxi Soviet." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1992): 569–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009914.
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In June 1930, units of the 10th Red Army, which had been formed in northeastern Jiangxi by Fang Zhimin and Shao Shiping, entered the ancient porcelain town of Jingdezhen. The capture of the town brought the modern revolutionary politics of the Chines Communits Party (CCP) into contact with the local government and trades union organizations of a conservative, traditionally-minded town. Jingdezhen remained under the influence of the Red Army from 1930 until the strategic withdrawal from the Northeast Jiangxi Soviet in 1933 which was the forerunner of the complete withdrawal from the Jiangxi base areas and the Long March. There is ample information on the organization of the N.E. Jiangxi Soviet base and its best-known leader, Fang Zhimin, but most studies concentrate on the political structure of the Soviet government, the career and personality of Fang and the peasant milieu in which the Soviet emerged.1 Jingdezhen was not a peasant society or a major city: it was an intermediate small town world with part of the population permanently resident and many seasonal workers from the rural areas who provided a link with peasant communities.
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Свинаренко, Наталія. "Про психологічні наслідки голоду 1932–1933 рр. та менталітет українців." Studia Orientalne 24, no. 4 (2022): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/so2022409.
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As a result of the famine of 1932–1933, those peasants of Ukraine who were lucky enough to survive had deep psychological traumas. No one provided them with professional assistance, it simply did not exist at that time in the Soviet Union, people perceived life as a reality that was deprived of those who were less fortunate. The daily realities of life forced people, instead of professional psychological and rehabilitation care, to work hard and implement five-year plans in factories, mills and collective farms. The authority of the clergy and parents in the Ukrainian countryside was replaced by the undeniable authority of Lenin’s party and its leaders. Obedience and obedience of the Ukrainian population arose as a result of repressive activities of the Stalinist regime, unsuccessful peasant revolts and uprisings. For fear of entering the Stalinist camps, at first the responsible persons, and later the whole ordinary population, spoke little and clearly; and everyone knew that every careless word said could cost a life. This laid the foundations of slavish psychology, which is characteristic of more than half of Ukrainian society during the Soviet era. The life orientations of the majority of Ukrainian peasants have changed – their plans and aspirations have been directed to cities and towns. Due to the terrible realities of the famine in Ukraine, witnessing the brutality of the Soviet authorities, people in Ukrainian villages are becoming obedient and submissive en masse. Classical agricultural traditions have been replaced by new priorities. It is during this period that the so-called double morality, or system of double standards, emerges – when the same person quite consciously expresses one opinion at home, and in public – quite another. The root causes of this double standard were fear for his life and his family. Young children subconsciously noticed this, and acted in the same way as adults – so unconsciously formed the experience of generations. Over time, Ukrainians become Russified, treat Russian-speakers very loyally and calmly. Absolutely Russian-speaking Ukrainians are appearing in Ukraine, and few have paid attention to this threatening phenomenon.
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Vladimirov, Katya. "Social Origins of the Soviet Party Elites, 1917–1990." Russian History 41, no. 2 (May 18, 2014): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04102013.
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The Soviet system replicated the imperial reign it destroyed by establishing the rule of a new elite: the Soviet party bureaucracy. True beneficiary of a revolutionary transformation, this elite came from peasant sons, promoted and rewarded by the Soviet system. This provincial surplus was a major force behind the Soviet empire: many of these young, uprooted individuals were extraordinarily successful. From slums and humble origins, they reached the inner circle of party power and remained there for almost forty years. This article profiles one of the most powerful groups within the upper echelon of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the members of the Central Committee, using statistical database analysis to examine the dramatic social transformation of this demographic group and its evolution to successful power domination.
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STONE, ANDREW B. ""Overcoming Peasant Backwardness": The Khrushchev Antireligious Campaign and the Rural Soviet Union." Russian Review 67, no. 2 (April 2008): 296–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9434.2008.00485.x.
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Bogdanov, Sergey V., Vladimir G. Ostapyuk, and Natalya A. Zhukova. "Public Sentiment among the Population of the City of Leningrad and the Leningrad Region in June - August 1941: From Situation Reports of the NKGB of the USSR." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1051–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1051-1059.
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The article considers one aspect of everyday life of the population of Leningrad and the Leningrad region in the first months of the Great Patriotic War, which had been carefully concealed by official Soviet propaganda. Throughout all postwar decades up to the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian historical science continued to reproduce the myth of absolute unity of the Soviet society and mass patriotic enthusiasm of the working class, kolkhoz peasants and intelligentsia in the face of enemy aggression. And yet archival documents of the state security agencies reveal numerous facts and distinctive features of anti-Soviet manifestations among various socio-professional groups of the population of Leningrad and the Leningrad region in the first months following the German invasion in the Soviet territory. These facts show that the imminent war had a serious impact on the inner world of the inhabitants of the Northern capital of the Soviet Union, exacerbating numerous problems that had accumulated in the Soviet society in the decades before the war. The article mostly draws on the recently declassified situation reports of the People's Commissariat of State Security for the city of Leningrad and the Leningrad region from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense. It deals with such occurrences of anti-state sentiment as panic rumors, anti-Soviet agitation, listening to the radio-broadcasts of hostile states, distribution of anti-Soviet leaflets, planning pogroms of local party and state leaders. It analyses key features of anti-Soviet manifestations among urban and rural population. It contains information on the first manifestations of collaboration among those inhabitants of the Leningrad region, who had ended up in the territory occupied by the German troops. It studies mechanics of repressive activities of state security bodies caused by restructuring of Soviet society, while the military operations began.
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Tauger, Mark B. "Natural Disaster and Human Actions in the Soviet Famine of 1931–1933." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1506 (January 1, 2001): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2001.89.
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Until recently both scholarly and popular discussions of the catastrophic famine in the Soviet Union in 1931-1933 invariably have described it as an artificial or ''manmade" famine. Certain well-known scholars have dominated this discussion, expressing two main interpretations of the famine. A Ukrainian nationalist interpretation holds that the Soviet regime, and specifically losif Stalin, intentionally imposed the famine to suppress the nationalist aspirations of Ukraine and Ukrainians; revisionists argue that the leadership imposed the famine to suppress more widespread peasant resistance to collectivization. According to these views, a natural disaster that could have caused a famine did not take place in those years.
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Nekbakhtshoev, Navruz. "Institutional Design, Local Elite Resistance, and Inequality in Access to Land: Evidence from Cotton-Growing Areas of Tajikistan." Central Asian Affairs 7, no. 4 (March 17, 2021): 307–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22142290-bja10012.
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Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan, like other postcommunist states, embarked on agricultural land reform. The government, assisted by international organizations, implemented laws and created campaigns to break up Soviet-style collective farms and encourage independent farms. After over a decade, 66 percent of farmers in the country, including in cotton-growing areas, continue to work collectively, and 71 percent of arable land is held in collectives. I argue that the decentralized nature of the land redistribution program enabled the managers of former collective farms, re-labeled as “collective peasant farms,” to gain power so that they could use informal practices to resist peasant shareholders’ efforts to actualize their land rights. Theoretically, my argument reconciles competing perspectives about the reasons for limited land redistribution in the context of postsocialist transition. The study’s policy implication is that the government of Tajikistan, and foreign donors, instead of decentralizing the implementation of land reform, should take an active role in physically redistributing land among shareholders.
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Pleschitser, A. Ya. "The next tasks of a doctor in the countryside." Kazan medical journal 25, no. 11 (October 29, 2021): 1217–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj80477.
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The main question is which side the doctor should be on, should he enter into an alliance with the poor and middle peasants of the countryside, with Soviet and public organizations in order to strike a blow at the kulak and his henchmen, or should he choose a different path? The resolution of this issue depends on the ideology of the doctor, his political attitude; both are determined by many factors, of which there are some of the main ones that determine its political and public face. This will be the social origin of the doctor and his attitude to the soviet power, to the conquests of the October Revolution. Only a complete assimilation of the tasks put forward by the October Revolution and the measures carried out by the party, trade unions and the soviet government will enable every doctor to be in the vanguard, at the forefront of the workers 'and peasants' front of the builders of socialism in the countryside. To do this, it is necessary to clearly understand the party's policy in the countryside.
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Shevchenko, Tetiana. "FACTORS OF CONSOLIDATION OF UKRAINIAN PEOPLE IN THE POLITICAL PROGRAMS OF DISSIDENTS (THE END OF THE 1950S TO THE BEGINNING OF THE 1960S)." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 22 (2017): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2017.22.26.
Full textAbstract:
An activity of the Ukrainian Workers and Peasants Union (UWPU) headed by Levko Lukyanenko in West Ukraine at the end of the 1950s to the beginning of the 1960s was a manifestation of the struggle for independence of Ukraine. Contemporary historiography studies the UWPU’s activity in the context of looking for new forms and methods of the political resistance to the Soviet system in West Ukraine without using the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The result of the struggle depended on the ability to consolidate a whole society by the leaders of the national liberation movement. In the article we shall study the ideas about unity of the Ukrainian society and potential factors of its consolidation in the program documents of the UWPU. A task in hand of the UWPU was “to unmask before workers and peasants an irreconcilable opposite of their interests and the interests of the bureaucratic officialdom as well to compel the direction to comply in the sphere of increasing freedoms of people. Nevertheless an addition complication in the UWPU’s propaganda in West Ukraine was Lykyanenko’s and Kandyba’s, the leading members’ belonging to the system of the Soviet justice which was a part of the party and state structure and estranged deeply from people. The UWPU proclaimed a start of a new stage of struggle for the independence of Ukraine by the most conscientious workers and peasants which are united all over Ukraine and do not communicate with each other. The struggle of the UWPU for Ukraine’s secession from the USSR should be peaceful and according to the Soviet constitution on the tactic and ideological grounds. The UWPU has thought that the idea of the independent Ukraine is only one possible idea which could unite the whole Ukrainian people, exploited by the Russian Soviet colonialist polotics workers and peasants deprived of their rights. The programme of the Union opposed the whole Ukrainian people to the Ukrainian Communists, the representatives of the party and state officialdom, as obedient representatives of the colonial administration. The members of the UWPU, high-principled Marxists, proclaimed their unstinting support the struggle of the Ukrainian Uprising Army for the independence of Ukraine and blamed an armed repression by the Soviet state the Ukrainian underground in West Ukraine. Taking into account the Ukrainian people changed during centuries of slavery and a social oppression the UWPU’s programme does not only presume to challenge the presence of the protest potential of the Ukrainian people but also affirms that in time the Ukrainian people’s aspiration to independence develops widely and its struggle for the independence becomes fiercer. The UWPU suggests to campaign among workers and peasants for the uniting the whole Ukrainian people for the struggle for Ukrainian state independency, as well to win representatives of other nationalities which live in Ukraine, and fight for general democratization of the state structure in the USSR
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Hessler, Julie. "A Postwar Perestroika? Toward a History of Private Enterprise in the USSR." Slavic Review 57, no. 3 (1998): 516–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500710.
Full textAbstract:
One of the firmest popular conceptions of the Soviet Union in the United States is of a system diat categorically banned private enterprise. Embraced by specialists and the general public alike, this conception reflects the official Soviet stance diat the private sector was eradicated during losif Stalin's “great break” of 1929-30. Indeed, over the course of diose two years, individual peasants were compelled to collectivize, private stores forcibly shut, private manufactures socialized, and even doctors and dentists pressured to cooperate or to close shop. The concept of an interdiction against all private economic activity found support in the words of the dictator–Stalin's assertions that the Soviet Union was a society “without capitalists, small or big,” that socialist, not capitalist, property was the “foundation of revolutionary legality,” and many other statements of a similar ilk. Stalin proved his commitment to this model by his readiness to resort to coercion against its violators: at his instigation, repressive laws threatened entrepreneurs with five to ten years in prison camp for profitable private business. Such developments appeared as unequivocal as they proved lasting; when commentators discussed perestroika in the late 1980s, the only historical precedent they could identify was Lenin's New Economic Policy six decades before.
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Dönninghaus, V. "“We are not so Fuzzy to Build Riots and Rebellion...”: Attempt of Massive Exemption of German Population from the USSR to Canada in 1929." Problems of World History, no. 11 (March 26, 2020): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-4.
Full textAbstract:
The mass exodus of German peasants to Moscow in 1929 attracted international attention to the plight of Soviet Germans. The unexpectedly stubborn resistance of the German rural population to the policy of socialist transformations, his desire to leave the USSR for Canada, accompanied by appropriate calls for the West, reinforced the regime’s distrust of “disloyal” nationalities. As relations between the USSR and Germany worsened, prejudice grew in Moscow against the Germans as an extremely reactionary group of people that discredited the Soviet system in the eyes of the world community. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Bolsheviks) paid great attention to the “emigrants” not only because the periphery was unable to cope with this problem, but also because it was a question of Western national minorities. Moreover, this group, which in an organized manner opposed the policy of the Soviet regime, did not fit into the “class” scheme, since among the German peasants who decided to emigrate from the USSR, there were mainly middle peasants and poor people. The opposition to the Soviet system was not a social, but a national group. The regime resolved this contradiction by ceasing to consider the German peasants engulfed by the “American fever” “neutral” and collectively transferring them to the category of “class enemies”. Against the background of forced collectivization, the Kremlin regarded the mass movement of Germans for leaving the USSR as direct support for the “right deviators”, which gave this movement an “anti-Soviet character”. The belonging of the fugitives and their many supporters to the Western minority prompted the organs of the OGPU to look for the organizers of the emigration movement on the other side of the border. Peaceful emigration of Germans from the USSR turned out to be a specific, but very effective way of protesting collectivization. Its avalanche-like character, as well as the appeal for help to Germany as a “historical homeland” was considered a manifestation of disloyalty to the USSR of the entire German population of the country. Germany’s protectorate policy aimed at protecting the life, property and fundamental rights of its “diaspora” was expressed both in diplomatic pressure on the Kremlin and in specific acts of assistance to Soviet Germans. Such patronage of the Germans in the USSR inevitably aroused fears among the Kremlin leadership that they, especially in the atmosphere of impending war, pose a threat to the security of the state.
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Shishkin, Vladimir I. "West Siberian Uprising of 1921: Oblivion, Study, Memorialization." Vestnik NSU. Series: History, Philology 20, no. 8 (October 28, 2021): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-8-113-123.
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The article is dedicated to commemorating the 100th anniversary of the 1921 West Siberian rebellion. It cut off Siberia, which was the main source of supplying food to Western Russia, from the European part of the country for almost three weeks. As a result, in late February – early March 1921, Soviet authorities found themselves on the brink of an abyss. In the Soviet period, this event was characterized as a major counter-revolutionary peasant rebellion, led by the underground Siberian Peasant Union, established by the Social Revolutionaries. This interpretation of the uprising contributed to its one-sided and, therefore, rather rapid oblivion and disappearance from public consciousness. The article highlights the names of the scholars who played a major role in debunking the Soviet myths about the West Siberian rebellion. Modern researchers have proved that the West Siberian uprising was predominantly spontaneous and was triggered by a combination of reasons caused by politics and the activities of the Soviet authorities. It was anti-communist in nature and its main demand was the restoration of true Soviet power but without the communists. At the same time, nowadays a partial shift in terminology, as well as in public consciousness, related to the awareness of the nature and essence of the uprising, becomes more noticeable. The article traces the first signs of recognition of the importance that has been given not only to the tragic end of the West Siberian rebellion but also to its heroic beginning. This was evidenced by the appearance in several settlements of new memorials of the uprising.
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Lonergan, Gayle. "‘Paper Communists’ – Bolshevik party membership in the Russian Civil War." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 1 (February 8, 2013): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.12.009.
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This article illustrates the recruitment profile of the Civil War cohort of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1919 to 1921.It disputes the traditional historiography, which presents the party as undergoing a linear process of decay and corruption ending in the period of the careerists of the Brezhnev period. Instead it demonstrates that even in the early period of the revolutionary republic the party was an attractive prospect for those wishing to attain position and privilege. Once it had shown itself to be the victor in the conflict, the party enjoyed considerable popularity in unexpected regions, attracting ambitious young peasants from the peripheries of the former Empire.
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Harasymiw, Bohdan. "The CPSU in Transition from Brezhnev to Gorbachev." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900056298.
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AbstractLeadership succession in the Soviet Union has always had some impact on the composition of the ruling Communist party, which is otherwise determined normally by the force of social status. As the CPSU constitutes the pool from which the Soviet political elite is drawn, changes in that pool brought about by the succession of Gorbachev are bound to have implications for the future. Apparently unable at the beginning of his term to stem the intake of new members, Gorbachev has made dramatic use of expulsions to regulate the composition of the party. In their overall effect, his policies have shown a remarkable continuity with the Brezhnev period. This includes the enhancement of workers’ and peasants’ chances of being drawn into full-time political roles at the expense of white-collar persons. The net effect is likely to be a widening of the gap between the party and the intelligentsia, who are effectively excluded from membership in the political elite.
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Ларионов, Алексей, and Aleksey Larionov. "Prescriptive Mechanisms of Military-Socium Everyday-Life Regulation (Case study: the Workers´ and Peasants´ Red Army in 1941-1945)." Servis Plus 8, no. 1 (March 15, 2014): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2792.
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This paper deals with the problem of centralized management of everyday life of the Red Army during World War II. The paper considers the role and interaction of the Soviet Union supreme bodies of state and military power in regulating the daily routine of the army, analyses the features of the organization of both spiritual and material facets of the frontline everyday life, and identifies the role of personality factors in the management of the daily life of the Red Army in 1941—1945.
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Bianco, Lucien. "The 1958-62 Chinese Famine and Its Impact on Ethnic Minorities." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus644.
Full textAbstract:
China underwent its most murderous famine between 1958 and 1962. Although a demographic transition from the countryside to the cities was in its early stage and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was among the lowest in the world, objective conditions were far less decisive than Chinese Communist Party (CCP) policies in bringing about the famine. A development strategy copied on the Soviet model favoured quick industrialization at the expense of rural dwellers. Such novelties as people’s communes, communal canteens, and backyard furnaces further aggravated the famine. Though ethnic minorities represented only 6 percent of China’s population, compared to forty-seven percent in the Soviet Union, Soviet nationality policies heavily influenced those of China. Initially mild, especially for Tibetans, Chinese nationality policies became more authoritarian with the advent of the Great Leap Forward in 1958. Qinghai Tibetans resisted the closure of many monasteries; then the same policies, and famine itself, caused a more important rebellion in 1959 in Xizang (Tibet). Repression and the flight of the Dalai Lama to northern India coincided with the end of Tibet’s special status in China.
Internal colonialism did not, however, aggravate the impact of famine on national minorities in China. Their rate of population growth between the first two censuses (1953 and 1982) exceeded that of Han Chinese. Among the provinces most severely affected by famine, only Qinghai was largely inhabited by ethnic minorities. Within Qinghai the same pattern prevailed as in Han populated provinces: the highest toll in famine deaths was concentrated in easily accessible grain surplus areas. The overwhelming majority of victims of the Chinese famine were Han peasants. At most, 5 percent were members of ethnic minorities, compared to eighty percent of victims in the Soviet Union in the period between 1930 and 1933.
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Blikharskyi, Roman. "“No much than all my writings”: context and preview of Vasyl Stefanyk’s autobiography of 1926." Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no. 13(29) (2021): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2021-13(29)-2.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the preconditions for writing the first Vasyl Stefanyk’s autobiographical work. The research focuses on the problems of genre differentiation and interpretation of the autobiography function, understood by us as a documentary story of first-person biographical facts. Has been defined that the the Vasyl Stefanyk’s autobiographical work became aware for the first time through Ivan Lyzanivskyi’s publication “Stefanyk pro sebe”, on the pages of the magazine “Pluzhanyn” of the Union of Peasant Writers “Pluh”. The peculiarity of the Ukrainian literary process of the 1920s have been described. In particular, the ideological platform of the “Pluh” was focused on peasant issues, tried to attract writers to build a new cultural and social reality, thus contributing of Soviet policy implementation «smychka of the city and the village». In the article is emphasized that rustic motives in Vasyl Stefanyk’s work were of interested to Soviet ideology because they illustrated the shortcomings of “old” peasant life, and for “Pluh” the writer’s work was also a source of folklore material. A significant role in the fact that Vasyl Stefanyk’s name was appearing on the pages of Ukrainian Soviet magazines was played by the publisher, literary critic, and in the past public figure Ivan Lyzanivskyi, who, in particular, have been published fragments of Vasyl Stefanyk’s Autobiography and commented on them in the socialist ideology way. This paper proposes, to take into account the communicative situation during autobiographical texts researching, in which the speaker (namely: Vasyl Stefanyk), in a retrospective manner, depicts the formation of a representative image of his own “Self”. It has been determined that Vasyl Stefanyk’s autobiography of 1926 was, the communicative act realization between the writer and I. Lyzanivskyi. This option will allow to further expand the hermeneutic arsenal, and avoid biased conclusions due to the alleged causal constructions. Keywords: Vasyl Stefanyk, Ivan Lyzanivskyi, autobiography, “Pluzhanin”, subjectivity, literary process, communicative act.
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Janick, Jules. "Nikolai Ivanovich Vavilov: Plant Geographer, Geneticist, Martyr of Science." HortScience 50, no. 6 (June 2015): 772–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.50.6.772.
Full textAbstract:
Nikolai Ivanovich Vavilov (1887–1943), one of the pioneers of 20th century plant breeding, is best known for seminal work in identifying centers of origins and diversity for cultivated plants. Vavilov studied genetics with William Bateson from 1913 to 1914 at the John Innis Horticultural Institute. In 1921, he was chosen by Vladimir Lenin to head the Branch of Applied Botany in Petrograd (St. Petersburg) and rose to be the Director of the All-Union Institute of Agriculture in Leningrad, where he oversaw agricultural research for the entire country. By 1934, Vavilov established more than 400 research institutes and experiment stations with a staff of 20,000. His efforts established the Soviet Union as a world leader in genetics and plant breeding in the 1920s and early 1930s. Vavilov carried out an extensive series of expeditions worldwide, including the United States, to collect germplasm; and he created the world’s largest repository, over 250,000 seed accessions. However, as a result of famine in the Soviet Union in the late 1920s, partly as a result of forced collectivization of peasants, Vavilov came in conflict with an ambitious agronomist, Trofim Lysenko, who came to prominence with an agricultural technique proposed in 1928, of exposing chilled, soaked seeds of wheat (dubbed vernalization) to extend production in northern areas of Russia. Lysenko’s rejection of Mendelian genetics won the support of Joseph Stalin, leading to the arrest and death sentence of Vavilov, although this was later commuted to 20 years imprisonment. Vavilov died of starvation in prison in 1943, thus entering the select group of martyrs of science along with Gordiano Bruno, Galileo Galilei, Antoine Lavoisier, and Georgii Karpechenko.
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Jeifets, Victor. "On the way to the Soviet Mexico: the Comintern and the Communist Party of Mexico at the period of its illegal activities, 1929-1934." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-33-60.
Full textAbstract:
This article deals with the evolution and peculiarities of the policy of Mexican communists who were forced to operate underground after the beginning of the "left turn" in the late 1920s. During this period, the CPM actually abandoned its own interpretation of the problems of the revolution in its country, being satisfied with the policies and assessments of the Comintern apparatus. The author's attention is paid to both the party's course towards attempts to penetrate the army structures, as also to new forms of activity (after the collapse of the policy of broad alliances) in the labor movement, among the unemployed and peasant organizations; they were all aimed at achieving the goal of the seizure of power by the workers and peasants; in 1929-1934 the Communist Party of Mexico virtually excluded the anti-imperialist component from its sphere of activity. The crisis in the reformist sector of the labor movement contributed to the intensive development of an independent labor movement, the path to which the Mexican Communists tried to find, however, this activity was complicated by the presence of a number of serious competitors. During this period, the communists concentrated their efforts on working in the nation-wide branch trade unions, which created the groundwork for new growth. At the same time, the CPM did not understand neither the significance of the figure of the progressive politician Lazaro Cardenas, nor the consequences of the regrouping within the ruling elites, and with great difficulty renounced sectarian politics.
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Marks, Gary N. "Communist party membership in five former Soviet bloc countries, 1945–1989." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.03.004.
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This study examines the social composition of the communist party in the Soviet Union and four East European countries during the post-war period. Two alternative explanations for joining the communist party are examined: the classical political participation model from Western political science and the party policy model. In Western countries, the people who join political parties tend to be male, older, married, highly educated and in higher status occupations. According to the party policies model, recruitment should reflect the party’s policies, ideologies and intentions to promote particular social groups such as, workers, peasants, young people, women and those with proletarian backgrounds. The data analyzed are from nationally representative surveys from the Social Stratification in Eastern Europe after 1989 study. Stronger support was found for the political participation model. Generally, parental party membership, being male, married, highly educated and working in an administrative position influenced joining, whereas social background, a manual occupation, and political time period had little or no influence. Between-country differences in the process of joining were minor. There was little evidence that recruitment reflected the parties’ ideologies or policies.
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Haytoğlu, E., and A. Zh Arkhymatayeva. "Justification of politics during the Soviet Stalinist era in Kazakhstan from a historical point of view." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 132, no. 3 (2020): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-132-3-68-83.
Full textAbstract:
The main aspects in historical development of the Republic of Kazakhstan were Stalin’s s policy in the 20 – 30s of the twentieth century which was famous as “the Great Repression”. The article was written on the basis of different researches and the historical record. It provides information on eliminating the traditional structure in Kazakhstan by the Soviet government in Stalin’s time, measures to weaken the social and economic forms of the traditional agriculture of the Kazakh people, the country’s industrialization policy, mass collectivization and creation of collective and State farms, the policy on confiscation of the wealthy peasants’ property and challenges related to the population decline. To establish the socialist structure based on the ideology of economy, the political structure and the culture in the Soviet time was carried out with unprecedented extent in the mentality of Kazakh society and consequences of ambiguity which have not occurred in the past .It is significant to realize general trends in the social transformations of the Eurasian multicultural space, the modernization and the culture in order to study this unique experience. The current situation analysis of the scientific knowledge requires understanding Kazakh history from a conceptual viewpoint and clarifying a number of events of selected period. Kazakhstan passed the difficult path in restructuring of a new policy, the economy and the social culture as part of the Soviet Union.