Journal articles on the topic 'Peak union council'

The possibility of a merger between the ACTU and the white-collar peak councils was first raised publicly in 1969. By 1981, the Australian Council of Salaried and Professional Associations (ACSPA) and the Council of Australian Government Employee Organisations (CAGEO) has disbanded and most of their former members had affiliated to the ACTU. A number of factors, such as converging policies, the changing nature of white-collar unionists and, after 1975, a hostile federal government, pointed to the logic of unification. Despite these influences, however, the merger discussions virtually halted in the mid-1970s. The ultimate success of these discussions is largely attributable to the attitudes and actions ofsenior ASPCA officials and their belief in the concept of one peak council for all trade unions.

Most studies of the role of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) have argued that the peak-council has traditionally had little if any authority over its affiliates. This paper contends that this situation changed during the 1980s and that the ACTU achieved a significant degree of internal union authority. Examples of such authority are documented and the combination of external factors, such as the political and economic environment, and internal factors, such as leadership and reduced factionalism, that contributed to this growth of authority are analysed.

Since the late 1980s there have been significant problems in the Korean auto industry related to employment relations. This paper focusses on the experience of three companies: Hyundai, Daewoo and Kia, which have pursued somewhat different strategies in industrial relations and human resource management. Hyundai, which is the largest auto producer, has experienced major labour disputes almost every year since 1987, but has reached an accommodation with its union in the past couple of years. Daewoo and Kia have both faced militant union leadership since the early 1990s. Kia's management was rather indecisive, but Daewoo was more decisive and industrial relations appear to have stabilised. However, major industrial conflicts at the end of 1996, following the government's attempt to reform labour laws, and the formation of a new independent peak union council, indicate that industrial relations in the Korean auto industry are likely to remain unsettled for some time.

AbstractThe purpose of this work is to present objectively and documented the evolution of Romania within the Council of Mutual Economic Aid (C.M.E.A. or C.O.M.E.C.O.N.) during 1949-1965. Choosing this period of time is not random: in 1949 COMECON was established at the initiative of Moscow, and the year 1965 represented the peak of the “dissidence” politics of Romania within the Council. The Romanian economy after the Second World War followed largely the same path as the other economies in Eastern Europe that entered the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union. The war and the new international situation in which Romania found itself at its end determined a dramatic rupture with the economic model followed in the interwar period. In the run-up to the end of the world conflict, the main interest of the hegemonic power in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, was to benefit from the resources of the countries in the area to compensate for the immense damage caused by the war. The exploitation of Eastern European economies intensified after Moscow became aware of the impossibility of obtaining substantial war reparations from Germany.

This article reviews that photovoltaic technology is growing more popular as a means of distributed generation and as a source of power for the world. Net metering now available in nearly every state in the Union is a strong incentive for this kind of alternative energy because it allows excess power generated during peak hours of sunshine to reverse an electric meter, selling power back to the utility. In addition, many states encourage solar power installations by offering a 50 percent subsidy, making the net cost to an average home-owner about $5,000. Rural electrification through solar power is exemplified in Indonesia, a country of 17,000 islands, of which about 6000 are inhabited. Prior to 1991, more than 10,000 solar home systems were installed in the country, according to the World Energy Council in London. Since solar power generation peaks at the same time spot power prices spike, companies are looking very closely at comparative costs.

This exploratory study examines union-civil alliances in New Zealand (NZ). It focuses on the involvement of NZ’s peak union body, the Council of Trade Unions, in three civil group coalitions around the Living Wage Campaign, Decent Work Agenda and Environmental Agenda. It assesses how the CTU and its affiliates’ coalition involvement are informed by and seek to progress liberal (representative), participatory and/or more radical democratic principles, and what this means for organizational practice; the relations between the coalition parties; workplaces; and beyond.Through case discussions, the study finds that civil alliances involving the CTU and its affiliates do not reflect a core trait of union activity in NZ. Among the union-civil alliances that do exist, there is a prevailing sense of their utility to progress shared interests alongside, and on the union side, a more instrumental aim to encourage union revival. However, the alliances under examination reflect an engagement with various liberal and participatory democratic arrangements at different organizational levels. More radical democratic tendencies emerge in relation toad hocelements of activity and the aspirational goals of such coalitions as opposed to their usual processes and institutional configurations.In essence, what emerges is a labour centre and movement which, on the one hand, is in a survivalist mode primarily concerned with economistic matters, and on the other, in a position of relative political and bargaining weakness, reaching out to other civil groups where it can so as to challenge the neo-liberal hegemony. Based on our findings, we conclude that Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) view of radical democracy holds promise for subsequent coalitions involving the CTU, particularly in the context of NZ workers’ diverse interests and the plurality of other civil groups and social movements’ interests. This view concernson-goingagency, change, organizing and strategy by coalitions to build inclusive (counter-) hegemony, arguing for a politic from below that challenges existing dominant neo-liberal assumptions in work and other spheres of life.

Although air traffic in Europe is forecasted to double by 2030, many major European airport hubs are operating at or close to full capacity already today, i.e. they cannot meet the airlines' demand for takeoff and landing slots. A continuous increase of airport capacity (mostly by adding additional runways) is hardly possible in the densely populated European Union. The Council Regulation (EEC) 95/93 on common rules for the allocation of slots at Community airports (CR 95/93) establishes a set of rules for the allocation of takeoff and landing slots which are the most critical bottleneck in European air traffic. The basic allocation principle is grandfather rights: an airline will generally be allocated the same slot in the subsequent scheduling period which it has used in the respective preceding period. Based on the current allocation scheme, peak hour slots at congested airports are almost never available for allocation to a different air carrier. Also, the current allocation scheme does not take into account the seats available on the aircraft used by an airline or whether such aircraft is fuel-efficient or particularly loud. In sum, the current slot allocation mechanism based on grandfather rights does not necessarily promote the efficient use of scarce runway capacity or competition between airlines. Several attempts have been made by the European Commission to alter CR 95/93, but the basic principle of grandfather rights was always preserved. On 1 December 2011, the European Commission published its 'Proposal of the European Parliament and of the Council for a regulation on common rules for the allocation of slots at European Union airports', which objective is to ensure optimal allocation and use of airport slots at congested airports, primarily by strengthening and effectively implementing slot allocation and use, and enhancing fair competition and competitiveness of operators. In preparation of this Proposal, the European Commission carried out a public consultation in 2010 and commissioned various studies to independent consultancy firms. This article discusses the various options explored in the public consultation and the studies which have been included by the European Commission in its Proposal, and what the potential upsides and downsides of such options are should they be eventually enacted.

The 2015 migration crisis significantly affected the EU’s area of freedom, security, and justice and challenged the cohesion and solidarity of the European Union. Although the crisis is past its peak, it is not over yet: problems and challenges associated with it persist. One of them is the lack of a common approach among member states to the implementation of the principle of solidarity in the EU area of immigration and asylum. This work aims to consider the legal and political aspects of the implementation of the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility in the area of immigration and asylum. This study relies on the works of Russian and international experts in European integration and European law and on the analysis of EU regulations. There are two dimensions to the implementation of the princi­ple of solidarity: the political and legal ones. The legal perspective provides certain clarity to the issue. According to the European Court of Justice, this principle is binding: it is capable of imposing the legal obligation of solidarity. However, as to the political perspective, mem­ber states have not been able to reach compromise. Although it is possible to introduce a permanent relocation mechanism using qualified majority voting, the Council usually seeks consensus. In this situation, the goal of the EU is not to ensure the right decision but rather to create conditions for it to be implemented by all the member states.

Hearing impairment caused by noise, traditionally called – depending on the duration of exposure - acute or chronic acoustic trauma, includes, in addition to presbyacusis, the most common adult population of hearing impaired. In Poland - according to the report of the Central Statistical Office (GUS, 2011), the number of workers employed in NDN exceeded the noise level (85 dB) is about 200 thousand, the highest in the mining, metal and metal products production, textiles and wood production. According to the Regulation of the Council of Ministers of on June 30, 2009, on the list of occupational diseases (Journal of Laws No. 132, item 1115), it is defined as "bilateral permanent hearing loss of the cochlear or sensory-nerve type, expressed as an increase in hearing threshold of at least 45 dB in the ear better heard, calculated as an arithmetic mean for frequencies 1,2 and 3 kHz. Hearing impairments also occur in the military and police during field training and in combat where the source of acoustic injuries are firearms and pulse-inducing explosions (as in some industries) with high C peak levels (Lc peak) Time to rise to a maximum of <1 ms. The prevalence of loud music listening, particularly by personal stereo players, is also affecting children and adolescents with audiometric hearing loss, according to the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates of around 15-20%. The preventive action strategy is defined by the European Union legislation and the national implementing legislation that reduces or eliminates the risk and reduces (if not eliminated), taking into account available technical and organizational solutions to minimize the risk of hearing damage. If you can not reduce the noise levels with technical and organizational methods, you need individual hearing protectors. Ear protectors may be equipped with electronic systems with active noise reduction (which can improve low and medium frequency performance), adjustable attenuation (improves speech intelligibility and perception of warning signals), and wireless communication for verbal communication.

FT-IR transmission spectra of liquids in well-made and firmly held cells with KBr or NaCl windows are usually very reproducible except that their baselines often show unexpected variations. To obtain absolute absorption intensities from these spectra such baseline differences must be corrected. The problem is illustrated with absorbance spectra of the 1036 cm−1 band of benzene and the absorption index spectra calculated from them via the National Research Council of Canada program 46. Distinction is made between the experimental absorbance spectrum, the ideal experimental absorbance spectrum, and the absorbance spectrum, and a soundly-based method to correct the baselines is presented. We describe a modification of the NRC program 46 that effects the correction and calculates, on a laboratory computer, the complex refractive indices from a transmission spectrum of a liquid.The method is applied to 15 transmission spectra of the 1036 cm−1 band of benzene. It improves the agreement between the 15 peak absorption index values obtained from these spectra from 4% to 2.5%, and improves the agreement between the baseline absorption index values from 5% to 0.01%, all percentages being of the peak value. A table of the average real and imaginary refractive indices and molar absorption coefficients is given. The average peak absorption index value and the area under the band agree closely with those obtained in 1980, and with earlier values from transmission or ATR measurements. These areas are all distinctly lower than those calculated from early measurements of dispersion. These results form the basis for a possible recommendation to the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry for a secondary intensity standard. We encourage others to measure this band to help ascertain that systematic errors do not significantly influence our results.To summarise our numerical results at 25 ± 1 °C and 1.0 cm−1 nominal resolution: The average peak absorption index is 0.0710 with a 95% confidence limit of 0.0004, which is within 0.0001 of the less precise value measured in 1980 with a dispersive instrument that was calibrated against a primary intensity standard. The area under the absorption index band between 1095.8 and 912.6 cm−1 is 1.358 cm−1 with a 95% confidence limit of 0.009 cm−1, and that under the molar conductivity band is 3.69 ± 0.03 km/mol. These areas convert to 15.64 ± 0.1 km/mol and 6.79 ± 0.05 km/mol for the more commonly used measures of integrated absorption, the areas under the Naperian and decadic molar absorption coefficients, respectively.Key words: infrared, absorption intensity, optical constants, FT-IR spectroscopy, benzene (liquid), intensity standard.

Introduction Patients with atrial fibrillation frequently suffer from heart failure despite having a normal ejection fraction. There is no proven therapy to improve physical capacity and quality of life in patients with permanent atrial fibrillation with preserved cardiac contractility. Objective The IMproved exercise tolerance in heart failure with PReserved Ejection fraction by Spironolactone on myocardial fibrosiS in Atrial Fibrillation (IMPRESS-AF) trial addressed whether or not 2 years of treatment with spironolactone, as compared with placebo, improves exercise tolerance, quality of life and diastolic function in patients with permanent atrial fibrillation and preserved left ventricular ejection fraction. Design A randomised, single-centre, double-blind, placebo-controlled trial. Setting Two hundred and fifty ambulatory patients [mean age 72.3 years (standard deviation 7.4 years); 23.6% female] with permanent atrial fibrillation and left ventricular ejection fraction ≥ 55% [mean 60.5% (standard deviation 5.5%)]. Interventions Treatment with either 25 mg of spironolactone (n = 125) or placebo (n = 125) daily. Main outcome measures The primary efficacy end point was exercise tolerance at 2 years as measured by peak oxygen consumption (VO2) on cardiopulmonary exercise testing. Secondary end points were quality of life, the ratio of mitral peak velocity of early filling (E) to early diastolic mitral annular velocity (E′) (E/E′; a marker of diastolic dysfunction), all-cause hospital admissions and spontaneous return to sinus rhythm. Treatment effects were estimated by adjusting for baseline values. Study ethics The study was approved by the National Research and Ethics Committee West Midlands – Coventry and Warwickshire (reference 14/WM/1211). All patients provided informed written consent. Results There was no difference in the peak oxygen consumption at 2 years between the spironolactone group [analysed, n = 103; mean VO2 14.03 ml/minute/kg (standard deviation 5.38 ml/minute/kg)] and the placebo group [analysed, n = 106; mean VO2 14.45 ml/minute/kg (standard deviation 5.14 ml/minute/kg)] (adjusted treatment effect –0.28 ml/minute/kg, 95% confidence interval –1.27 to 0.71 ml/minute/kg; p = 0.58). The findings were consistent across all sensitivity analyses. For secondary efficacy end points, there was no significant change in the mean 6-minute walking distance (treatment effect –8.47 m, 95% confidence interval –31.87 to 14.93 m; p = 0.48). This also held true for the mean ratio of mitral peak velocity of early filling (E) to early diastolic mitral annular velocity (E′) (i.e. E/E′), a measure of left ventricular diastolic function (treatment effect –0.64, 95% confidence interval –1.48 to 0.20; p = 0.13). The study treatment was also not associated with a significant treatment effect for quality-of-life scores [p = 0.67 for the EuroQol-5 Dimensions, five-level version (EQ-5D-5L), questionnaire and p = 0.84 for the Minnesota Living with Heart Failure (MLWHF) questionnaire at 2 years]. The findings remained consistent after adjustment for age, sex and body mass index. Spontaneous return to sinus rhythm on electrocardiography, performed at 2 years, was uncommon in both study groups [4% (standard deviation 3.8%) in the placebo group and 8% (standard deviation 7.9%) in the spironolactone group; p = 0.21]. At least one hospitalisation for any reason was required by 15.3% of patients in the spironolactone group and 22.8% in the placebo group (p = 0.15; after adjustment for age, sex and body mass index, p = 0.12). The estimated glomerular filtration rate was reduced by 6 ml/minute/1.73 m2 at 2 years in patients allocated to spironolactone (with no reduction in those receiving placebo, resulting in a reduction in the p-value of the difference in the estimated glomerular filtration rate between patients in the spironolactone group and those in the placebo group of < 0.001). Limitations This was a relatively small study. Conclusions Spironolactone therapy does not improve exercise capacity, cardiac function or quality of life in patients with atrial fibrillation and preserved ejection fraction. Future work Further testing of spironolactone in patients with atrial fibrillation and preserved ejection fraction would be difficult to justify. Trial registration Current Controlled Trials ISRCTN10259346, European Union Clinical Trials Register 2014-003702-33 and ClinicalTrials.gov NCT02673463. Funding This project was funded by the Efficacy and Mechanism Evaluation programme, a Medical Research Council and National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) partnership. This will be published in full in Efficacy and Mechanism Evaluation; Vol. 7, No. 4. See the NIHR Journals Library website for further project information. This project received support from the NIHR Clinical Research Network.

The article introduces the publication of the recently declassified archival documents of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI) and the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation concerning the stay of a delegation of Soviet military leaders in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic on May 8-14, 1968, led by Marshal of the Soviet Union I.S. Konev. In August 2018, at the initiative of the Prague 6 City Council, metal “information plates” were installed on the pedestal of the monument to Marshal Konev, where among other things it was stated that “In 1968, he personally backed the intelligence surveillance preceding the invasion of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact into Czechoslovakia". This action was part of measures to prepare public opinion for the removal of the monument. The documents being published show there is not the slightest reason to consider the soviet delegation headed by Marshal Konev as intelligence surveillance operation to prepare for an invasion. The internal political crisis in Czechoslovakia in early May had not yet reached its peak (the famous manifesto "Two Thousand Words" will be published only on June 27). The Soviet leadership, headed by L. Brezhnev hoped that the "Czechoslovak comrades" would be able to cope with the situation, "would rebuff the anti-socialist forces." The delegation of the Soviet military leaders had a symbolic, cultural significance and was intended to revive the memory of the events of 1945, of the victims of the Red Army and the brotherhood in arms of Soviet and Czechoslovak soldiers. In the extremely unstable and confused atmosphere of the “Prague Spring”, the members of the delegation sought to clarify the true state of affairs and public sentiments in the country. As Marshals Konev and Moskalenko admitted themselves, they “had no opportunity to fully understand all the processes”. The so-called "intelligence surveillance", which is mentioned in the Czech press, was carried out by them in a completely open way of meeting and exchanging views with colleagues, speaking at rallies, and communicating with workers. Moscow preferred to act at the time by political methods, gradually shifting to military pressure (the “Shumava” military exercises). The time for tough demands came later (negotiations in Čierna nad Tisou, July 29 – August 1, and in Bratislava on August 3, 1968). The final decision on the intervention was made by the Soviet political leadership after numerous consultations with partners in the socialist camp, largely under the influence of the tough position of the first secretary of the PUWP Central Committee W. Gomulka and the first secretary of the SED Central Committee V. Ulbricht.

In a national referendum held on 12 June 2008, 53.4 percent of Irish citizens voted “no” to the Treaty of Lisbon. As its provisions require ratification by all member states, the Irish vote marks a further setback for attempts at consti- tutional reform of the European Union (EU). The Lisbon reform treaty, officially entitled the Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on Euro- pean Union and the Treaty establishing the Eu- ropean Community,1 was signed by the prime ministers and presidents of EU member states in December 2007. It was the result of a pro- cess set in motion by the European Council in a meeting held in Laeken, Belgium in December 2001. Intended to make the “ever closer union” more democratic, and to facilitate the adjust- ment of European institutions to the new po- litical situation brought on by the accession to the EU of Central and Eastern European states, the “Laeken Council” issued a declaration trig- gering efforts to constitutionalize the European Union. To this end, a reform process was ini- tiated involving a body called the Convention on the Future of Europe (Convention), made up of European and member state government representatives and parliamentarians.2 This re- form process resulted in the recommendation in 2003 of a draft Treaty Establishing a Constitu- tion for Europe (Constitutional Treaty),3 which was subsequently approved by the Intergovern- mental Conference and the European Council in Rome in October 2004. Despite several mem- ber states ratifying the Constitutional Treaty, it was rejected by popular referenda in France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2005. At that time, and in view of the obvious risks to ratifi- cation in some other member states, the process of constitutionalization ground to a halt.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the conflict regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism in the European Union. The author analyzes the concept of «medical tourism» and other terms used to denote the phenomenon of travel of persons to foreign countries to receive medical services («cross-border healthcare», «medical tourism», «medical travel»). The article analyzes the regulation of the EU-member states and supra-national regulation of private law aspects in the field of medical tourism. In particular, the peculiarities of receiving medical care by citizens of the European Union, which are regulated with the Directive of the Euro-pean Council and the Parliament 2011/24 / EU on the application of patients’ rights in cross-border healthcare. The author concludes that the conflict regulation of medical tourism in the European Union is based on the general conflict rules on the conclusion and implementation of contracts in the field of services and insurance, as well as compensation for damage caused by improper performance of contracts or civil offenses (torts), resolving conflicts of jurisdiction, etc. Special conflict regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism in the European Union is not developed. At the same time, the author emphasizes the significant gaps in the conflict regulation of certain issues related to medical tourism, especially such debatable as cross-border surrogacy, organ transplantation, eutha-nasia and others. The author supports the view that for the countries of the European Union today in the context of medical tourism for the purpose of surrogacy in countries where such a procedure is legal, relevant today are issues of conflict regulation, such as determining the nationality of the child; recognition of paternity (origin of the child); recognition of birth certificates of a surrogate mother issued in other countries.

The Azores archipelago in the North Atlantic is an important area for biodiversity because it is rich in rare species and habitats, and almost undisturbed. Sanguinhal mire was originally a lake that evolved through paludification into a peat habitat. It is located inside Nature 2000 (European Union for Protection of Nature and Biodiversity, Council Directive 92/43/EEC of 21 May 1992 on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and flora, Habitat Directive Annex I(b) habitat 7140) area of Santa Bárbara and Pico Alto Mountains on the island of Terceira, and it is a good example of a basin peatland type that was first discovered in 1998. This paper provides baseline information on its flora, vegetation communities, structure, surface hydrology and chemistry. Forty-one plant species including six Sphagnum species and ten endemic vascular plants have been recorded, and eight plant communities are distinguished. The maximum peat depth is 2.5 m. The mire receives flowing water from its margins, in addition to intercepted precipitation and fog. After precipitation, water drains through several placic rupture points. Both pH and water conductivity were measured, with some ecological tendencies observed. The conservation status of the mire is good, but it is subject to increasing pressure from cattle pasture and a walking trail that constrains natural surface water movement.

Abstract Background Domestic pigs have an evolutionary conserved exploratory behaviour. To comply with this requirement, the European Union aims at setting standards for appropriate enrichment materials for pigs (Council Directive 2008/120/EC). As recommended characteristics include ‘chewable’ and ‘edible’, pigs might also consume these materials (Commission Recommendation (EU) 2016/336), which are often additionally advertised to enhance lying comfort and hygienic conditions in stables. To date, a wide range of bedding, enrichment and disinfectant materials is available on the market to ensure environmental enrichment, a dry, hygienic environment or lying comfort. Previous studies revealed considerable amounts of undesirable substances in some of these materials possibly being a risk for food safety considering oral uptake by the animal. To determine interest and indicators for consumption of different types of materials by pigs during exploratory behaviour, a camera-assisted observational study with 12 female pigs (German Landrace) was conducted. We tested their preference for a disinfectant powder, peat, biochar and straw as reference material in a 4 × 6 factorial arrangement. Results Pigs manipulated and consumed all offered materials. However, longest manipulation time per pig was observed for biochar (63 min/day) and peat (50 min/day) (p < 0.05). Analyses of the bulk molecular-chemical composition and n-alkanes and acid insoluble ash as markers in the materials and in faeces clearly revealed the consumption of these materials by pigs. Conclusions Whether the consumption of considerable amounts together with certain levels of undesirable substances represents a risk for pig and consumer health could yet not be established. Future studies will address the quantitative contribution of undesirable substances by oral ingestion of bedding and enrichment materials and disinfectant powders to the daily feed ration.

All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. 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