Academic literature on the topic 'Peak union council'
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Journal articles on the topic "Peak union council"
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Griffin, Gerard, and Vincent Giuca. "One Union Peak Council: the Merger of ACSPA and CAGEO with the ACTU." Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 4 (December 1986): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568602800401.
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The possibility of a merger between the ACTU and the white-collar peak councils was first raised publicly in 1969. By 1981, the Australian Council of Salaried and Professional Associations (ACSPA) and the Council of Australian Government Employee Organisations (CAGEO) has disbanded and most of their former members had affiliated to the ACTU. A number of factors, such as converging policies, the changing nature of white-collar unionists and, after 1975, a hostile federal government, pointed to the logic of unification. Despite these influences, however, the merger discussions virtually halted in the mid-1970s. The ultimate success of these discussions is largely attributable to the attitudes and actions ofsenior ASPCA officials and their belief in the concept of one peak council for all trade unions.
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HESS, MICHAEL. "Papua New Guinea's First Peak Union Council: Creating Unions to Fill a Bureaucratic Need?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 34, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1988.tb00792.x.
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Griffin, Gerard. "The Authority of the ACTU." Economic and Labour Relations Review 5, no. 1 (June 1994): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469400500109.
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Most studies of the role of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) have argued that the peak-council has traditionally had little if any authority over its affiliates. This paper contends that this situation changed during the 1980s and that the ACTU achieved a significant degree of internal union authority. Examples of such authority are documented and the combination of external factors, such as the political and economic environment, and internal factors, such as leadership and reduced factionalism, that contributed to this growth of authority are analysed.
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Ellem, Bradon, and John Shields. "Placing Peak Union Purpose and Power: The Origins, Dominance and Decline of the Barrier Industrial Council." Economic and Labour Relations Review 12, no. 1 (June 2001): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460101200105.
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Rathmell, Aaron. "Recasting Peak Union Power: The Labor Council of New South Wales and the 2001 Workers' Compensation Dispute." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 18, no. 1 (August 2007): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.2007.10669360.
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Young-Bum, Park, Lee Byoung-Hoon, and Woo Seog-Hun. "Employment Relations in the Korean Automotive Industry: Issues and Policy Implications." Economic and Labour Relations Review 8, no. 2 (December 1997): 248–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469700800204.
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Since the late 1980s there have been significant problems in the Korean auto industry related to employment relations. This paper focusses on the experience of three companies: Hyundai, Daewoo and Kia, which have pursued somewhat different strategies in industrial relations and human resource management. Hyundai, which is the largest auto producer, has experienced major labour disputes almost every year since 1987, but has reached an accommodation with its union in the past couple of years. Daewoo and Kia have both faced militant union leadership since the early 1990s. Kia's management was rather indecisive, but Daewoo was more decisive and industrial relations appear to have stabilised. However, major industrial conflicts at the end of 1996, following the government's attempt to reform labour laws, and the formation of a new independent peak union council, indicate that industrial relations in the Korean auto industry are likely to remain unsettled for some time.
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Bențe, Cristian. "Economic Evolutions During the Cold War – Romania in the COMECON (1949-1965)." Studia Universitatis „Vasile Goldis” Arad – Economics Series 30, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sues-2020-0028.
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AbstractThe purpose of this work is to present objectively and documented the evolution of Romania within the Council of Mutual Economic Aid (C.M.E.A. or C.O.M.E.C.O.N.) during 1949-1965. Choosing this period of time is not random: in 1949 COMECON was established at the initiative of Moscow, and the year 1965 represented the peak of the “dissidence” politics of Romania within the Council. The Romanian economy after the Second World War followed largely the same path as the other economies in Eastern Europe that entered the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union. The war and the new international situation in which Romania found itself at its end determined a dramatic rupture with the economic model followed in the interwar period. In the run-up to the end of the world conflict, the main interest of the hegemonic power in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, was to benefit from the resources of the countries in the area to compensate for the immense damage caused by the war. The exploitation of Eastern European economies intensified after Moscow became aware of the impossibility of obtaining substantial war reparations from Germany.
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Wolcott, Barbara. "Solar Gains." Mechanical Engineering 123, no. 10 (October 1, 2001): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2001-oct-4.
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This article reviews that photovoltaic technology is growing more popular as a means of distributed generation and as a source of power for the world. Net metering now available in nearly every state in the Union is a strong incentive for this kind of alternative energy because it allows excess power generated during peak hours of sunshine to reverse an electric meter, selling power back to the utility. In addition, many states encourage solar power installations by offering a 50 percent subsidy, making the net cost to an average home-owner about $5,000. Rural electrification through solar power is exemplified in Indonesia, a country of 17,000 islands, of which about 6000 are inhabited. Prior to 1991, more than 10,000 solar home systems were installed in the country, according to the World Energy Council in London. Since solar power generation peaks at the same time spot power prices spike, companies are looking very closely at comparative costs.
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Parker, Jane, and Ozan Alakavuklar. "Social Movement Unionism as Union-Civil Alliances: A Democratizing Force? The New Zealand Case." Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations 73, no. 4 (March 6, 2019): 784–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056977ar.
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This exploratory study examines union-civil alliances in New Zealand (NZ). It focuses on the involvement of NZ’s peak union body, the Council of Trade Unions, in three civil group coalitions around the Living Wage Campaign, Decent Work Agenda and Environmental Agenda. It assesses how the CTU and its affiliates’ coalition involvement are informed by and seek to progress liberal (representative), participatory and/or more radical democratic principles, and what this means for organizational practice; the relations between the coalition parties; workplaces; and beyond.Through case discussions, the study finds that civil alliances involving the CTU and its affiliates do not reflect a core trait of union activity in NZ. Among the union-civil alliances that do exist, there is a prevailing sense of their utility to progress shared interests alongside, and on the union side, a more instrumental aim to encourage union revival. However, the alliances under examination reflect an engagement with various liberal and participatory democratic arrangements at different organizational levels. More radical democratic tendencies emerge in relation toad hocelements of activity and the aspirational goals of such coalitions as opposed to their usual processes and institutional configurations.In essence, what emerges is a labour centre and movement which, on the one hand, is in a survivalist mode primarily concerned with economistic matters, and on the other, in a position of relative political and bargaining weakness, reaching out to other civil groups where it can so as to challenge the neo-liberal hegemony. Based on our findings, we conclude that Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) view of radical democracy holds promise for subsequent coalitions involving the CTU, particularly in the context of NZ workers’ diverse interests and the plurality of other civil groups and social movements’ interests. This view concernson-goingagency, change, organizing and strategy by coalitions to build inclusive (counter-) hegemony, arguing for a politic from below that challenges existing dominant neo-liberal assumptions in work and other spheres of life.
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Naumann, Christoph. "New Proposal to Amend the System of Airport Slot Allocation in the European Union." Air and Space Law 37, Issue 3 (June 1, 2012): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2012013.
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Although air traffic in Europe is forecasted to double by 2030, many major European airport hubs are operating at or close to full capacity already today, i.e. they cannot meet the airlines' demand for takeoff and landing slots. A continuous increase of airport capacity (mostly by adding additional runways) is hardly possible in the densely populated European Union. The Council Regulation (EEC) 95/93 on common rules for the allocation of slots at Community airports (CR 95/93) establishes a set of rules for the allocation of takeoff and landing slots which are the most critical bottleneck in European air traffic. The basic allocation principle is grandfather rights: an airline will generally be allocated the same slot in the subsequent scheduling period which it has used in the respective preceding period. Based on the current allocation scheme, peak hour slots at congested airports are almost never available for allocation to a different air carrier. Also, the current allocation scheme does not take into account the seats available on the aircraft used by an airline or whether such aircraft is fuel-efficient or particularly loud. In sum, the current slot allocation mechanism based on grandfather rights does not necessarily promote the efficient use of scarce runway capacity or competition between airlines. Several attempts have been made by the European Commission to alter CR 95/93, but the basic principle of grandfather rights was always preserved. On 1 December 2011, the European Commission published its 'Proposal of the European Parliament and of the Council for a regulation on common rules for the allocation of slots at European Union airports', which objective is to ensure optimal allocation and use of airport slots at congested airports, primarily by strengthening and effectively implementing slot allocation and use, and enhancing fair competition and competitiveness of operators. In preparation of this Proposal, the European Commission carried out a public consultation in 2010 and commissioned various studies to independent consultancy firms. This article discusses the various options explored in the public consultation and the studies which have been included by the European Commission in its Proposal, and what the potential upsides and downsides of such options are should they be eventually enacted.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Peak union council"
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Rittau, Yasmin. "Regional Labour Councils and Local Government Employment Generation: The South Coast Labour Council 1981-1996." University of Sydney. Business, Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/574.
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The thesis examines the role of regional labour councils in local employment generation. It specifically analyses the case of an Australian regional labour council, the South Coast Labour Council (SCLC), between 1981 and 1996. The Illawarra region was the centre of SCLC activity. It was an industrialised region that experienced high levels of unemployment in the period. These were greater than the State and national averages, which reflected a geographical concentration of unemployment in certain regions in Australia. The SCLC attempted to address this issue, as it was part of the union structure that was specifically focused on the regional level and on regional concerns. The study argues that the SCLC developed a local employment generation strategy and it examines how and why this was adopted and pursued. It finds that the SCLC was well placed at the regional level and was well resourced with a capacity to influence the external environment through its utilisation of both political and industrial methods in a period of agreeable internal relations. The research identifies the development of its local employment generation strategy. Sometimes the SCLC pursued its strategy in a manner of ad hoc decision-making and muddling through, while at other times it involved characteristic and distinctive regular patterns. The thesis concludes by evaluating the SCLC�s strategy of local employment generation and by exploring the applicability of the general trade union literature on methods and strategy to regional labour councils.
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Rittau, Yasmin. "Regional Labour Councils and Local Government Employment Generation: The South Coast Labour Council 1981-1996." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/574.
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The thesis examines the role of regional labour councils in local employment generation. It specifically analyses the case of an Australian regional labour council, the South Coast Labour Council (SCLC), between 1981 and 1996. The Illawarra region was the centre of SCLC activity. It was an industrialised region that experienced high levels of unemployment in the period. These were greater than the State and national averages, which reflected a geographical concentration of unemployment in certain regions in Australia. The SCLC attempted to address this issue, as it was part of the union structure that was specifically focused on the regional level and on regional concerns. The study argues that the SCLC developed a local employment generation strategy and it examines how and why this was adopted and pursued. It finds that the SCLC was well placed at the regional level and was well resourced with a capacity to influence the external environment through its utilisation of both political and industrial methods in a period of agreeable internal relations. The research identifies the development of its local employment generation strategy. Sometimes the SCLC pursued its strategy in a manner of ad hoc decision-making and muddling through, while at other times it involved characteristic and distinctive regular patterns. The thesis concludes by evaluating the SCLC�s strategy of local employment generation and by exploring the applicability of the general trade union literature on methods and strategy to regional labour councils.
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Webster, Barbara Grace, and b. webster@cqu edu au. "'FIGHTING IN THE GRAND CAUSE':A HISTORY OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN ROCKHAMPTON 1907 1957." Central Queensland University. School of Humanities, 1999. http://library-resources.cqu.edu.au./thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.
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Research of a wide range of primary sources informs this work, including hitherto unstudied local union records, oral testimony, contemporary newspapers, government and employer reports. Conclusions reached in this dissertation are that while the founders of the local trade union movement shared a vision of improving the lot of workers in their employment and in the wider social context, and they
endeavoured to establish effective structures and organisation to this end, their efforts were of mixed success. They succeeded eminently in improving and protecting the employment conditions of workers to contemporary expectations through effective exploitation of political and institutional channels and through competent and conservative local leadership. However, the additional and loftier goal of creating a better life for workers outside the workplace through local combined union action were much less successful, foiled not only by overwhelming economic difficulties, but also by a local sense of working-class consciousness
which was muted by the particular social and cultural context of Rockhampton.
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Oakshott, Stephen Craig School of Information Library & Archives Studies UNSW. "The Association of Libarians in colleges of advanced education and the committee of Australian university librarians: The evolution of two higher education library groups, 1958-1997." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Information, Library and Archives Studies, 1998. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/18238.
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This thesis examines the history of Commonwealth Government higher education policy in Australia between 1958 and 1997 and its impact on the development of two groups of academic librarians: the Association of Librarians in Colleges in Advanced Education (ALCAE) and the Committee of Australian University Librarians (CAUL). Although university librarians had met occasionally since the late 1920s, it was only in 1965 that a more formal organisation, known as CAUL, was established to facilitate the exchange of ideas and information. ALCAE was set up in 1969 and played an important role helping develop a special concept of library service peculiar to the newly formed College of Advanced Education (CAE) sector. As well as examining the impact of Commonwealth Government higher education policy on ALCAE and CAUL, the thesis also explores the influence of other factors on these two groups, including the range of personalities that comprised them, and their relationship with their parent institutions and with other professional groups and organisations. The study focuses on how higher education policy and these other external and internal factors shaped the functions, aspirations, and internal dynamics of these two groups and how this resulted in each group evolving differently. The author argues that, because of the greater attention given to the special educational role of libraries in the CAE curriculum, the group of college librarians had the opportunity to participate in, and have some influence on, Commonwealth Government statutory bodies responsible for the coordination of policy and the distribution of funding for the CAE sector. The link between ALCAE and formal policy-making processes resulted in a more dynamic group than CAUL, with the university librarians being discouraged by their Vice-Chancellors from having contact with university funding bodies because of the desire of the universities to maintain a greater level of control over their affairs and resist interference from government. The circumstances of each group underwent a reversal over time as ALCAE's effectiveness began to diminish as a result of changes to the CAE sector and as member interest was transferred to other groups and organisations. Conversely, CAUL gradually became a more active group during the 1980s and early 1990s as a result of changes to higher education, the efforts of some university librarians, and changes in membership. This study is based principally on primary source material, with the story of ALCAE and CAUL being told through the use of a combination of original documentation (including minutes of meetings and correspondence) and interviews with members of each group and other key figures.
Books on the topic "Peak union council"
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1956-, Ellem Bradon, Markey Ray, and Shields John 1954-, eds. Peak unions in Australia: Origins, purpose, power, agency. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2004.
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Jadeja, Raj. Parties to the award: A guide to the pedigrees and archival resources of federally registered trade unions, employer associations, and their peak councils in Australia, 1904-1994. Canberra: Noel Butlin Archives Centre, Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, 1994.
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Peak Unions in Australia: Origins, Purpose, Power, Agency. Federation Press, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Peak union council"
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Levy, Sharon. "Tides of Change." In The Marsh Builders. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190246402.003.0006.
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When Dan Hauser and his friend Wesley Chesbro won the Arcata city council race, their opponents did not concede gracefully. “I’m not a poor loser,” claimed Clyde Johnson, just before he called Hauser and Chesbro “rangatangs.” Then Johnson and the other disappointed candidates accused the winners of using dirty campaign tricks—just like President Nixon. Arcata’s weekly paper, the Union, ran the details of the post-election flap on its front page. That March of 1974, the national obsession with the Watergate scandal reached its peak. The president’s closest aides were on trial for burglary, wiretapping, and obstruction of justice. Nixon had become an international symbol of corruption, and the polls showed his public approval rating plummeting to an all-time low. So while Hauser and Chesbro could laugh off the comparison to an ape, when they were likened to the president the insult cut deep. It was a rough time to start a political career, especially in Arcata, an old logging town on the shores of Humboldt Bay in California’s damp northwest corner. The community was splitting in two like a redwood slat struck with an ax. On one side stood ranchers and timber workers, many of them descendants of the first pioneers to settle here in the 1850s. On the other were outsiders like Hauser and Chesbro, people who’d recently migrated to town to study or teach at Humboldt State University (HSU), and who’d decided to stay in this foggy enclave, 250 miles north of San Francisco. Now, for the first time, the outsiders controlled the city council. The old-time Arcatans felt like victims of an alien invasion. That feeling intensified when the national fad for high-speed nudity reached HSU. A few days after the election, four young guys ran naked through the University quad. Behind them, the crowns of the redwood trees at the edge of campus vanished into the fog. A cold rain fell as the earnest exhibitionists moved across the lawn, and goosebumps rose all over their bodies.
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Öhrström, Lars. "Mr Khama is Coming to Dinner." In The Last Alchemist in Paris. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199661091.003.0004.
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The temperature is approaching +38°C, and the highway between Botswana’s capital Gaborone and Francistown stretches out ahead in a straight line, heading north-east. It is the peak of the hot season, and here on the verge of the Kalahari Desert a dusty yellowish hue should colour the landscape, but instead rains have made everything a vibrant green. We stop and see hundreds of identical butterflies assembled in a small mud pool, and back on the well-paved and smooth road we are constantly vigilant to avoid the occasional cow, goat, or donkey feasting on the green grass beside the highway. At the big coal mine and power station in Palapye we turn left from the main road, and after another hour we pass a big modern shopping centre and then, without really noticing, we have entered Serowe, considered by some to be the largest traditional village in Africa—a settlement with a population of 90,000 or so spread out in mostly one- or two-storey houses in a very distinctive un-city-like manner. We see signs directing us to the museum, that we don’t find, and the kgotla, that we do. This large, very tidy, open space, surrounded by majestic trees and a wall at hip-height, is still the meeting place of the Bamangwato tribal councils (the word kgotla means ‘court’ in Setswana), but today it is completely deserted. But let’s now move back to 23 June 1949, when the situation was very different. Serowe, then the largest urban centre in the British Bechuanaland Protectorate, had just seen a massive invasion of South African and British journalists, in addition to the hundreds of tribesmen gathered in the kgotla. It was not as hot, as it was winter, but at that time this really was a remote place. There was not a metre of paved road in the Protectorate, the country was poor and austere, and the British preferred to conduct their fairly relaxed administration from the more comfortable Mafeking in the Union of South Africa.