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Journal articles on the topic 'Peacebuilding operations'
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1
Gippert, Birte J. "The sum of its parts? Sources of local legitimacy." Cooperation and Conflict 51, no. 4 (July 7, 2016): 522–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716652426.
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The article analyses the sources of local actors’ legitimacy perceptions towards international peacebuilding operations. Local legitimacy perceptions are increasingly recognised as shaping local behaviour towards international peacebuilding, which influences the effective functioning of the operation. Legitimacy debates in peacebuilding are either absent or imported from the literature on domestic legitimacy, without respect to the specific temporal and spatial situation of international operations. The article first explores which legitimacy sources influence local legitimacy perceptions of international peacebuilding operations. It finds that two sources are relevant: output and procedure. Second, it investigates how exactly legitimacy arises from them. In doing so, it demonstrates that output and procedure are umbrella terms comprising several sub-elements which influence legitimacy in different, sometimes contradictory, ways. Finally, the article empirically explores which of the sources are important to local actors’ legitimacy perceptions using field data from the EU peacebuilding operations EULEX in Kosovo and EUPM Bosnia-Herzegovina.
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Wade, Lila. "Can You Pay for Peace?" Journal of International Peacekeeping 21, no. 1-2 (June 7, 2017): 152–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-02101005.
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Financing mechanisms are central to the operational efficacy of peace operations, yet current analysis of peacebuilding finance is atomistic, focusing on one domain, such as coordination or financing. To address the need for deeper understanding of how financing modalities affect peacebuilding outcomes, this paper identifies the trade-offs and opportunities of different financing schema across the lifespan of a peace operation. In order to parse the linkages between financing and outcomes, this paper examines: (1) control of donor funds within a transitional state; (2) budgeting for coordination and alignment; (3) promoting partnerships and participation through funding modalities; and (4) funding ‘quick impact’ projects to bridge the periods of immediate relief and long-term development. With reference to peacebuilding operations in Liberia after the 2003 Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement, this analysis highlights numerous innovations and experiments in the financing of peace operations, examining the advantages and disadvantages inherent in different approaches.
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Curran, David, and Charles T. Hunt. "Stabilization at the Expense of Peacebuilding in UN Peacekeeping Operations." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 26, no. 1 (April 9, 2020): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02601001.
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Abstract The “uploading” of stabilization to UN peacekeeping presents conceptual, political, and practical challenges to the UN’s role in global governance and international conflict management. While scholarly research on stabilization has generally focused on militarization, its relationship to peacebuilding in the context of UN peacekeeping is underexplored. This article examines that relationship. A survey of UN policy frameworks highlights the simultaneous emergence of stabilization and clear expressions of peacebuilding. The article then draws on fieldwork in Mali and the Democratic Republic of Congo to illustrate how stabilization is displacing peacebuilding in the practices of UN peacekeeping. The article argues that the politics of stabilization impede local forms of peacebuilding, at odds with the “Sustaining Peace” agenda, and risks jeopardizing the lauded conflict resolution potential of UN peacekeeping.
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Kuo, Steven C. Y. "Chinese Peace? An Emergent Norm in African Peace Operations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 01 (April 2015): 155–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500086.
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The steady rise in Chinese participation in peace operations in Africa is a significant development in the post-Cold War collective security architecture. An aspect of China's rise and its challenge to the liberal global order is its contribution to post-conflict peacekeeping, peacebuilding, and peace-making in Africa, areas that have been dominated by the West. The purpose of this article is to bring together literatures that do not usually speak to one another: Chinese discourses on peacebuilding and the debate on the liberal peace in Africa. The subject of this article is the emerging "Chinese peace" discourse. By examining the "Chinese peace" — both its normative content and its on-the-ground participation in a comprehensive liberal peace project — as a part of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) — this article begins to highlight differences, identify tensions, and recognize complementarities between the dominant liberal and the emergent Chinese approach to peacebuilding.
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de Coning, Cedric. "Civil-Military Coordination and UN Peacebuilding Operations." Journal of International Peacekeeping 11, no. 1 (2007): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541107x00042.
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Brynen, Rex. "(Ending) Civil War in the Classroom: A Peacebuilding Simulation." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 01 (January 2010): 145–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510990719.
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AbstractThere often exists a problematic gap between more theoretical works on war-to-peace transitions, and the practical challenges that peacebuilding operations face in the field. This article describes the use of classroom simulation to highlight the complexity of contemporary multilateral peace operations. It describes the content and mechanics of the simulation, the issues that can arise in its operation, and strategies for most effectively integrating such a simulation into overall course objectives.
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Fleck, Dieter. "The Interplay Between ‘Peacetime’ Law and the Law of Armed Conflict: Consequences for Post-Conflict Peacebuilding." Journal of Conflict and Security Law 26, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krab007.
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Abstract Focussing on the interplay between rules of international law applicable in peacetime and rules applicable during armed conflicts, this contribution examines the impact on the jus post bellum. In this context certain specific legal obligations are discussed to answer the question whether and if so, how their application post-conflict may be affected by the peacebuilding process after the (former) armed conflict. Essential norms of the protection of victims during armed conflicts continue to be relevant for peace operations and post-conflict peacebuilding. This includes guiding principles and effective measures of control for operational detentions; law enforcement operations to secure the security and safety of peacekeepers; the protection of the environment and efforts to strengthen the role of States and international organizations as well as their accountability in post-conflict reconstruction. The author demonstrates that jus post bellum requires due diligence during military operations, responsible planning and precautions. He submits that post-conflict peacebuilding should be characterized by pragmatic limitation, conciliation and participation of the parties. This suggests certain deviations from peacetime principles and rules, deviations that may include certain limits of protection which will, however, be balanced out by the temporary nature of peacebuilding measures. While such interplay between the different branches of international law remains subject to changing situations, a few general principles are considered to be relevant for the jus post bellum. Even if codification remains difficult, further case-oriented research is encouraged to confirm general principles and rules of this important branch of international law.
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Kenkel, Kai Michael. "Brazil’s Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding Policies in Africa." Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, no. 3-4 (2013): 272–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1704006.
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This article analyses the peacekeeping efforts of Brazil, an emerging power for which peacebuilding is a key element of its international presence, and which has been strongly critical of the dominant liberal paradigm. Peacebuilding is key to Brazil’s approach, as the country by tradition participates (with the contested exception of MINUSTAH) only in Chapter VI peace operations, abjuring the robust use of force. An activity such as peacebuilding which marries development and security concerns is an ideal setting for Brazil’s foreign policy aims; in order to gain a seat in global decisionmaking bodies, in the absence of hard power and the will to use it Brazil turns to peacebuilding to transform its domestic development successes into action in the security arena. The South American giant has also placed significant emphasis on Africa in part as a means to the end of underscoring – as a voice for the global South – its claim to greater international influence. This article will examine the motivations that underpin Brazil’s commitment to peacebuilding operations, as well as its commitment to that practice in Africa, which has taken place largely on a bilateral basis.
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Kühn, Florian P., and Mandy Turner. "Introduction: Peacebuilding, Peace Operations and Regime Change Wars." International Peacekeeping 19, no. 4 (August 2012): 393–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2012.709745.
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Farrall, Jeremy. "Recurring Dilemmas in a Recurring Conflict: Evaluating the UN Mission in Liberia (2003–2006)." Journal of International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3-4 (2012): 306–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1604006.
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This article applies Diehl & Druckman’s peace operation evaluation framework to the activities of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) during the Liberian transitional peace process (2003-2006). It finds that in general UNMIL performed strongly during the transitional period, particularly in relation to the core mission goals of violence abatement, conflict containment, conflict settlement and organizational effectiveness. UNMIL’s achievements were less clear and less pronounced in relation to the more complex areas of non-traditional and peacebuilding mission goals. The article also provides critical reflections on the framework for evaluating peace operations, arguing that it is difficult to escape the politics that influence the activities of peacekeeping and peacebuilding.
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Barnett, Michael. "Building a Republican Peace: Stabilizing States after War." International Security 30, no. 4 (April 2006): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2006.30.4.87.
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Although peacebuilders do not operate from a common template, liberal values so define their activities that their efforts can be called “liberal peacebuilding.” Many postconflict operations aspire to create a state that contains the rule of law, markets, and democracy. Growing evidence suggests, however, that liberal peacebuilding is re-creating the conditions of conflict; states emerging from war do not have the necessary institutions or civic culture to absorb the pressures associated with political and market competition. In recognition of these problems and dangers, there is an emerging call for greater attention to the state and institutionalization before liberalization. These critiques, and lessons learned from recent operations, point to an alternative—republican peacebuilding. Drawing from republican political theory, this article argues that the republican principles of deliberation, constitutionalism, and representation can help states after war address the threats to stability that derive from arbitrary power and factional conflict and, in the process, develop some legitimacy. Republican peacebuilding is not only good for postconflict states; it also is appropriate for international peacebuilders, who also can exercise arbitrary power.
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Eckhard, Steffen. "Comparing how peace operations enable or restrict the influence of national staff: Contestation from within?" Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 488–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836718815528.
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A large share of civilian staff working in international peace operations are nationals of the host state. Academic research has not yet investigated the effect of these locally recruited bureaucrats on peacebuilding. Theoretically, it is argued that to accomplish their missions in complex environments, peace operations require crucial knowledge about local perceptions, politics, and customs. Local staff can have a positive performance impact by soliciting such knowledge. But information advantages create new principal-agent problems. Peace operations have a hard time scrutinizing their employees’ allegiances, and they risk sabotage from within. Empirically, it is shown that peace operations conducted by the United Nations (UN), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), and the European Union (EU) differ significantly in how they navigate the ensuing tension by enabling or restricting the influence of their local staff. A new data set on the staffing of 52 peace operations as well as analysis of internal staff policies yields significant variance in the potential of local staff to influence peacebuilding policy implementation, which is most extensive in the OSCE, followed by the UN and the EU. This finding warrants more attention on the role of local staff as information gatekeepers who could be at the center of potential frictions between international and local norms and knowledge.
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CUBITT, CHRISTINE. "Responsible reconstruction after war: meeting local needs for building peace." Review of International Studies 39, no. 1 (April 11, 2012): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000046.
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AbstractContemporary peacebuilding operations are often mandated to rebuild ‘collapsed’ or weak states and provide unique opportunities for internationals to exert far reaching influence in their reconstruction. The responsibility to help secure peaceful transformations and longer term stability is profound. This article explores the issue of efficacy and propriety in reconstruction programming and draws from field work in Sierra Leone – a rare example of ‘success’ for international partners in peacebuilding missions. The assertion is made that, despite the euphoria over the mission in Sierra Leone, the peacebuilding operations were more about the mechanics of statebuilding than the local politics of building peace, and that there was a distinct disconnect between the policy rhetoric and the policy practice. The argument is put that the pressing local concern of giving citizens a stake in government was not best served in the reconstruction project because the wider and more influential objectives of the peacebuilding mission were about meeting international goals not local aspirations. This reality has come at the cost of exploiting a unique opportunity for creative thinking about the kind of state structures which can better address the main challenges for sustainable peace facing post-war states like Sierra Leone.
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Doyle, Michael W., and Nicholas Sambanis. "International Peacebuilding: A Theoretical and Quantitative Analysis." American Political Science Review 94, no. 4 (December 2000): 779–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586208.
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International peacebuilding can improve the prospects that a civil war will be resolved. Although peacebuilding strategies must be designed to address particular conflicts, broad parameters that fit most conflicts can be identified. Strategies should address the local roots of hostility, the local capacities for change, and the (net) specific degree of international commitment available to assist sustainable peace. One can conceive of these as the three dimensions of a triangle whose area is the “political space”—or effective capacity—for building peace. We test these propositions with an extensive data set of 124 post–World War II civil wars and find that multilateral, United Nations peace operations make a positive difference. UN peacekeeping is positively correlated with democratization processes after civil war, and multilateral enforcement operations are usually successful in ending the violence. Our study provides broad guidelines for designing the appropriate peacebuilding strategy, given the mix of hostility, local capacities, and international capacities.
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Berdal, Mats. "Chapter Two: Peacebuilding Operations and the Struggle for Legitimacy." Adelphi Papers 49, no. 407 (July 2009): 95–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19445570903356652.
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Smith, Sarah. "The Production of Legitimacy: Race and Gender in Peacebuilding Praxis." International Studies Review 21, no. 4 (October 10, 2019): 705–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz054.
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Abstract Peace operations have increasingly sought to demonstrate their legitimacy in the face of critiques that characterize them as top-down impositions with limited impact and which entail a host of unintended consequences. Each book under review explores in depth the institutional consignment and attribution of legitimacy to certain spaces, actors, and bodies, which can serve to confirm and embed hierarchical relations of power. Von Billerbeck delineates the ambivalence with which “local ownership” is deployed in peace operations, closing down knowledge exchange rather than presenting opportunity. Shepherd builds on similar insights and argues that gendered logics and power inform the conceptualization and deployment of “local” and “civil society” and thus the (relative) lack of legitimacy afforded to these spaces. This essay seeks to develop from these insights further, drawing especially on postcolonial and critical race theory to demonstrate how race and racism structure the production and use of such categories, in both peace operation practice and international relations more broadly.
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Labonté, Nathalie. "Contradictions of Counter-Insurgency and Peacebuilding." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 5 (October 1, 2014): 104–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v5i0.4409.
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The Canadian intervention in Kandahar from 2005 to 2011 has mainly been based on the concept of stabilization. This is particularly true from 2009 to 2011. Stabilization had some successes in Kandahar. It also had important challenges. Contradictions remain to ensure best implementation on the ground. This article is based on firsthand experience in the Kandahar Provincial Reconstruction Team (KPRT) and the Dand District Forward Operating Base (FOB). Using Kandahar as a case example, the author aims to provide policy recommendations to the Canadian Government to increase the effectiveness of future stabilization operations.
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Richmond, Oliver P. "UN peace operations and the dilemmas of the peacebuilding consensus." International Peacekeeping 11, no. 1 (March 2004): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353331042000228403.
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Melnychenko, N. "International legal support of post-conflict settlement (on the example of the UN practice)." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 69 (April 15, 2022): 451–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.69.74.
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The article considers the legitimate possibilities of involving the UN in a post-conflict settlement. The history of formation of the institute of peacebuilding in the system of bodies of this organization is analyzed. Institutional and regulatory mechanisms for the application of peacekeeping operations have been identified. The peculiarities of the creation of the UN police force with the functions of monitoring the observance of the ceasefire regime in conflict zones are revealed. The definition of peacekeeping operations is described and the mechanism of their establishment by the adoption of UN Security Council resolutions is described. The article states that it was the UN that helped end the war in the Congo (1964), Iran and Iraq (1988), El Salvador (1992) and Guatemala (1996). The United Nations has made significant contributions to peace in Mozambique (1994), Sierra Leone (2005), and the declaration of independence of East Timor (2002). If the parties to the conflict do not comply, "all necessary measures" may be taken, including military action as carried out to restore Kuwait's sovereignty (1991), to deliver humanitarian aid to Somalia (1992), to restore the democratically elected Government of Haiti (1994) or to restore peace and security in East Timor in 1999.
It is determined that in the practice of the UN such means of peacekeeping as preventive diplomacy, peace-making, peace-keeping, peace-keeping, peace-enforcement and peacebuilding in the post-conflict period have been formed. -building). The article focuses on the Peacebuilding Commission, which serves as an intermediate link between peacekeeping and post-conflict operations. The main tasks of the Commission are to establish links between all parties to coordinate actions and ensure genuine post-conflict activities. Currently, several countries are on the agenda of the Peacebuilding Commission: Burundi, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Central African Republic.
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Campbell, Susanna P. "UN Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding: Progress and Paradox in Local Ownership." Ethics & International Affairs 34, no. 3 (2020): 319–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679420000362.
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AbstractUN peace operations have increasingly focused on the importance of “local ownership.” The logic is simple. For peace operations to succeed in helping war-torn states to create accountable, democratic institutions grounded in the rule of law, peace operations need to internalize democratic principles by making UN missions accountable to different domestic constituencies—crossing ethnic, religious, racial, social, and gender lines—within the war-torn country. As part of a special issue on “The United Nations at Seventy-Five: Looking Back to Look Forward,” this essay argues that while there is widespread consensus among UN member states and UN bureaucrats that local ownership is necessary, UN peace operations have faced significant obstacles to creating true local ownership. These obstacles include the UN's focus on host-government ownership; the challenge of creating trust with different domestic constituencies that represent diverse perspectives; the supply-driven nature of UN intervention; and the mismatch between the UN's ideal post-conflict state and the preferences of post-conflict societies. To make UN peace operations more responsive to post-conflict societies, UN staff often have to bend or break rules established only to hold them accountable to their member states.
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Paris, Roland. "International peacebuilding and the ‘mission civilisatrice’." Review of International Studies 28, no. 4 (October 2002): 637–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050200637x.
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International peacebuilding operations seek to stabilise countries that have recently experienced civil wars. In pursuing this goal, however, international peacebuilders have promulgated a particular vision of how states should organise themselves internally, based on the principles of liberal democracy and market-oriented economics. By reconstructing war-shattered states in accordance with this vision, peacebuilders have effectively ‘transmitted’ standards of appropriate behaviour from the Western-liberal core of the international system to the failed states of the periphery. From this perspective, peacebuilding resembles an updated (and more benign) version of the mission civilisatrice, or the colonial-era belief that the European imperial powers had a duty to ‘civilise’ dependent populations and territories.
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Oetzel, Jennifer, and Jason Miklian. "Multinational enterprises, risk management, and the business and economics of peace." Multinational Business Review 25, no. 4 (December 11, 2017): 270–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mbr-09-2017-0064.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reconceptualize how managers of multinational enterprises (MNEs) manage risk, particularly in fragile and/or conflict-affected areas of operation. The authors suggest that MNEs consider reducing risk at its source rather than trying to avoid or react to risks as they occur. By incorporating peacebuilding strategies, managers may not only reduce investment risk but also contribute to stability and prosperity in the communities where they operate, and gain a competitive advantage in doing so. Design/methodology/approach The authors show how firms can take a more holistic approach to working in conflict-affected areas. They do so by overlaying conceptualizations of risk with those of peacebuilding and then use case examples to illustrate how such actions work in practice. Findings Using a series of examples, the authors find that MNEs that incorporate peacebuilding frameworks in their risk calculations in complex settings tend to have a better understanding of local environments and how they affect firm operations and profitability. These same MNEs may hold a long-term advantage over international competitors that do not share the same understanding. Originality/value The authors argue that the study of relationships between international businesses and society in conflict-affected or fragile areas of operation is under-developed and tends to focus on negative (risk-aversion) aspects as opposed to positive (value-added) opportunities. This paper offers new ways in which these relationships can be reconceptualized. The authors’ main takeaway is that a peacebuilding approach does not require corporations to be arbitrators of peace at the expense of profit. Rather, it is instead a broader way to conceptualize and weigh risk when working in the world’s most challenging regions. This approach is more likely to be in the long-term interest of both the firm and the local society where the firm operates.
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Al-Dabagh, Zyad Samir. "Peacebuilding requirements in post-conflict societies." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 19 (May 24, 2020): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i19.219.
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The process of building peace and laying its foundations within the societies of the world, especially those newly emerging from the stage of conflict, are among the important and indispensable matters. Without peace, opportunities diminish in obtaining the essentials of a safe and normal life, and without peace, societies cannot It works and advances towards a better future.
However, peacebuilding operations in many societies emerging from conflict or those in which they live may face a set of challenges and obstacles that constitute a major obstacle to them, which necessitates searching for the best ways and means by which these obstacles can be addressed in order to build a real and effective peace that is reflected Positively on the people of those societies.
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Gheciu, Alexandra. "Divided Partners: The Challenges of NATO-NGO Cooperation in Peacebuilding Operations." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 17, no. 1 (August 12, 2011): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01701007.
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Diehl, Paul F., and Daniel Druckman. "Peace Operation Success: The Evaluation Framework." Journal of International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3-4 (2012): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1604002.
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This article outlines and summarizes the Diehl and Druckman evaluation framework that is used in the case studies that follow. An overview of the decision template is given and the three sets of goals (core, beyond traditional peacekeeping, and peacebuilding) are introduced. Two sample framework entries (violence abatement, and restoration, reconciliation and transformation respectively) are provided as illustrations. Application to peace operations in Bosnia is also used for illustrative purposes.
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Thakur, Ramesh. "Peacebuilding and the Responsibility to Rebuild." International Studies Review 19, no. 2 (October 19, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01902001.
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The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle, encompassing the three symbiotically linked responsibilities to prevent, respond and rebuild, was unanimously adopted at the United Nations World Summit in 2005. The responsibility to rebuild needs to be re-elevated to prominence as an integral component of R2P: conceptually, normatively and operationally; and its institutional homes in the UN system and the Secretary-General’s role clarified. The 2009 three pillar formulation of R2P works well in most contexts, but is problematic in that it buries and loses sight of the critical importance of the original ICISS third ‘responsibility to rebuild’ and reconstruct war-raved societies to the point of being viable and self-sustaining once again. Because R2P was adopted at a world summit, I begin by highlighting the distinctive attributes of summit diplomacy. Next, I derive some key lessons from the major international interventions of the twenty-first century and recall the context in which R2P was originally formulated in order to highlight the distinctive features of its contribution to international policy. I then describe three dimensions of the responsibility to rebuild – recovery, reconstruction and reconciliation – and the strategies and steps needed for the rebuilding agenda. Recalling that Security Council authorization of R2P coercive operations is a non-negotiable prerequisite, I suggest that the responsibility to rebuild can be reintroduced and implemented through the administrative and political leadership roles of the Secretary-General.
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Poopuu, Birgit. "Telling and acting identity." Discourse analysis, policy analysis, and the borders of EU identity 14, no. 1 (May 26, 2015): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.1.07poo.
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This article proposes a theoretical approach to investigate the European Union’s identity as a provider of peace operations, i.e. its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) identity. Analysing the discursive construction of the EU’s CSDP identity enables to understand (i) what kind of actor the EU is in terms of conducting peace operations vis-à-vis other actors in the field; and (ii) how the EU affects and is affected by the character of the global “enterprise” of peacebuilding. The EU’s CSDP identity is seen as a process of becoming that is continuously told and acted. Taking cue from a pluralist approach to discourse analysis I explore how through the twin-processes of telling and acting identity it is possible to unravel the EU’s role identity in conducting peace operations. The purpose of this paper is to lay the theoretical groundwork for studying the EU’s CSDP identity, utilising operation Artemis as a case study.
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Gilder, Alexander. "The Local Turn and the Framing of unoci’s Mandated Activities by the UN." Journal of International Peacekeeping 23, no. 3-4 (December 18, 2020): 226–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20200007.
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Abstract This article engages specifically with the local turn in UN peace operations by looking at local engagement and empowerment in the UN Operation in Côte d’Ivoire. After the closure of a long-serving UN peace operation it is important to take stock of the activities pursued under the mandate and reflect on how the mission has contributed to peacekeeping practice. UN peace operations have increasingly undertaken peacebuilding activities at the local level with current literature emphasising the need to involve local actors in decision-making and reconciliation activities. In seeking to uncover how the UN understands the need to involve local actors, the mission activities of unoci are broken down into a number of themes looking at how the local are engaged, given agency and empowered, and also where the UN recognises specific vulnerabilities of persons. The article shows how the UN portrays its activities and where it has either expressly or impliedly sought to demonstrate a concern for the local in Côte d’Ivoire.
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Sosin, Artur. "Europenian union’s concept of peace and peacebuilding." Moldoscopie, no. 3(94) (February 2022): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.3(94).03.
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This article describes the importance of the peacekeeping missions and the role of the European Union in maintaining international peace and security. International peace and security has become a difficult task for the whole world to achieve. The entire world is now in a period of transition that has changed the contemporary international system approach. These new types of conflicts require a comprehensive approach from international organizations. The European Union is playing an important role in the international system, by promoting the security policies which have the aim to consolidate the international peace, promote democratic values and the rule of law. The complexity of the conflicts in the immediate vicinity of the EU, made the European Union to consolidate its efforts in the field of peace and security in order to be ready to respond to the new types of risks. Furthermore, the comprehensive approach utilized by EU in peacekeeping operations has demonstrated that only by a collective approach and unity of effort within the international organizations can bring durable peace and stability in the conflict zones
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Mueller, Grace, Paul F. Diehl, and Daniel Druckman. "Juggling Several Balls at Once." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 27, no. 4 (December 13, 2021): 493–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02704003.
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Abstract Peacekeeping during the Cold War was primarily, and in some cases exclusively, charged with monitoring cease-fires. This changed significantly, as peace operations evolved to include other missions (e.g., rule of law, election supervision), many under the rubric of peacebuilding. What is lacking is consideration of how the different missions affect one another, simultaneously and in sequences. This study addresses that gap by looking at the interconnectedness of missions and their success in the UN Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), which was mandated to perform eight different missions over a decade. The article examines success or failure in each of those missions and how they relate to one another guided by theoretical logics based on the “security first” hypothesis and mission compatibility expectations. Early failure to stem the violence had negative downstream consequences for later peacebuilding missions. Nevertheless, MONUC’s election supervision mission was successful.
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Dizdarević, Emsad. "Civil capacities for peace support operations: The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Journal of Regional Security 9, no. 2 (2014): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x142ppd46.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has gone from being a receiver to providing assistance to post-conflict countries. Through its experience with rebuilding the country after conflict, BiH can make relevant and useful contributions to further peacebuilding and sustainable development in other countries. This article details current contributions BiH is making to international peace operations, maps the civilian capacities BiH could contribute in the future, and provides recommendations on how this could be implemented with regards to training, rostering and deployment of civilian capacities. Successful training, rostering and deployment of civilian capacities from BiH could be replicated at the Western Balkans level and bear witness to the development of security communities in BiH and the region.
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Werther-Pietsch, Ursula. "Measuring the Impact of SDGs on International Law - A Nucleus of a Right to Peace?" Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 47, no. 1 (March 31, 2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/ozp.1895.vol47iss1.
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The thesis of this article is to unpack potential impact of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development of the United Nations on international law in the field of peacebuilding, and a right to peace in particular. It is argued that the issues of fragility, human security and resilience as stipulated in the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 of the Agenda created a valid entry point for steering transition from war to peace in a normative way. In fostering a comprehensive ius post bellum for societal change, this makes crystal-clear that the principle of self-determination functions as a meta-goal of the international order. The 2015 review of UN peacekeeping operations and the UN Security Council’s resolution 2282/2016 regarding sustained peace sharpen this finding in contrast to new geopolitical trends. It can be summarized that peacebuilding and statebuilding strategies are serviced by insights of the new consensus preparing for a rare momentum to move forward a universal right to peace.
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Konečná, Lucie. "Participation of the Czech Republic in NATO Peace Support Operations: Analysis of Necessary and Sufficient Conditions." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 297–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0013.
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Abstract NATO, as one of the most important security organisations, has been involved in a large number of operations of all kinds since its establishment. Peace Support Operations are the most common type, as they include conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacebuilding, peacekeeping, peace enforcement and humanitarian operations. Some states participate in these operations very often, others only rarely. This study aims to examine the participation of the Czech Republic, a small state that has a small but well-trained and specialised army. The research aims to determine the most common reasons for Czech participation in NATO’s Peace Support Operations. The work uses qualitative comparative analysis to determine the necessary reasons or sufficient conditions for the participation of this state. Five types of reasons – political reasons, security reasons, economic reasons, institutional reasons and normative reasons are tested. The analysis points to the fact that security reasons are the most important reasons.
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John Peter, OKORO,. "TRANSFORMING HIGHER EDUCATION FOR SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND PEACEBUILDING IN AFRICA." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 6 (July 30, 2020): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.2.6.3.
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Education is unarguably the bedrock of sustainable national development. As a major role player in the socio-economic development of nations, education has the potentials of infusing a culture of peace in the minds of the recipients. Education that fosters positive socio-economic development can help in pre- and post-conflict peacebuilding and of course prevent or solve armed conflicts. Higher education as a very important level of education, however, plays a dominant role in this direction. Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) have the mandate to build the human capital required to drive socio-economic growth in nations. This mandate is carried out in the form of training, research, and innovation for development. In Africa, tertiary education is still developing in terms of socio-economic development and peacebuilding mindedness. HEIs in Africa are constantly accused of producing graduates that do not match the needs of the industry. These graduates receive less or no training in the area of entrepreneurship, ICT, and peacebuilding, making them completely dependent on governments after graduation which in turn actuates conflict. Poor educational reforms, indiscipline, corruption, poor governance, shortage of resources, and political instability are seen as the major problems. To solve these problems, universities are urged to orchestrate their training towards ensuring access to quality and relevant education that could divorce the minds of the receivers from being job seekers to job creators. African nations should transform higher education by including entrepreneurial, ICT, and peace-building courses in national education curriculums as such could empower youths for socio-economic development and peaceful living. Adopting peace education in all the facets of operations of tertiary institutions in Africa should be encouraged. Therefore, this study presents how transforming higher education can lead to socio-economic development and peacebuilding in Africa.
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Giuliani, Céline. "Advancing Peace through Human Rights in UN Peace Operations." Journal of International Peacekeeping 24, no. 1-2 (May 24, 2021): 252–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20210006.
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Abstract The integration of human rights in United Nations peace operations has witnessed remarkable progress during the past fifteen years. This article analyzes the evolution of human rights integration in the peace and security architecture in relation to peace operations, focusing on the achievements and shortcomings of Headquarters-led policies and reforms of the last decade, as well as the impact of recent Security Council dynamics. The article reviews the significant realizations on both the substantive and structural fronts and argues that ownership of the human rights agenda and policies, as well as accountability and leadership for their implementation, warrants a greater commitment of the organization. Such commitment should translate into institutionalizing Headquarters’ cooperation mechanisms, creating further space for human rights in decision-making, allocating adequate resources, and strengthening accountability for risk-mitigation policies, inter alia. A stronger political will is equally required to better articulate human rights issues in relation to conflict analysis, prevention and peacebuilding, in support of political objectives of peace operations.
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Napoleão, Thomaz Alexandre Mayer, and Mariana Alves da Cunha Kalil. "Stabilization as the securitization of Peacebuilding? The experience of Brazil and MINUSTAH in Haiti." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 3, no. 2 (March 24, 2015): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v3i2.19998.
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The acknowledgement that many vulnerable societies relapse into violence in the aftermath of the withdrawal of peacekeeping operations has underscored the imperative of developing sustainable exit strategies. Stabilization has hence emerged as a possible means to promote short-term security while avoiding direct political responsibility over complex crises, but the meaning of the term and its consequences remain disputed. The aim of this contribution is to examine the conceptual, academic and diplomatic debate over the concept of stabilization in peace operations by addressing the case of the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH), and Brazil’s multidimensional role in it.
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Hatto, Ronald. "From peacekeeping to peacebuilding: the evolution of the role of the United Nations in peace operations." International Review of the Red Cross 95, no. 891-892 (December 2013): 495–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383114000277.
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AbstractMultifunctional peace operations have become an integral part of international society to the extent that they are now one of the major regulating institutions of international relations. The United Nations (UN) is the main player in setting up such operations. The UN has seen a major but gradual evolution of its role in maintaining and establishing peace. Having developed peacekeeping as a form of impartial interposition between belligerents during the Suez Crisis in 1956, the UN has continually broadened its sphere of action. These cumbersome and complex operations are demanding and present the UN with a number of challenges.
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Quénivet, Noëlle. "The United Nations' Legal Obligations in Terms of Rule of Law in Peacebuilding Operations." Journal of International Peacekeeping 11, no. 1 (2007): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541107x00105.
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Seatzu, Francesco. "Speculating on the World Bank’s Involvement in Post-Conflict Reconstruction Operations and Activities." International Organizations Law Review 16, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 192–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-20181126.
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Over the last few decades, the World Bank (‘WB’) has gained wide experience in post-conflict peacebuilding by experimenting new approaches to peace-and state-building in a wide range of difficult, fragile and conflict-affected countries such as Burundi, Liberia, and Nepal, all of which were undergoing significant political processes in the area of post-conflict reconstruction and democratic consolidation. The WB is the principal organization of the UN system providing low-interest loans for improvements in countries in difficulties. This paper explores the extent to which the WB can assert a role in the operational management of post-conflict reconstruction and argues that the WB’s increasing engagement with post-reconstruction issues is proper and permissible according both to its Establishing Agreement and its Relationship Agreement with the UN. But this is only provided it is balanced against a recognition of its intrinsic and operational limitations: namely and in particular the limitations that arise, respectively, from the UN Security Council’s competing competence in the same sector and the enduring existence of political prohibition clauses in the WB’s and IDA’s Establishing Agreements. If the WB’s post-conflict activities continue, it will turn out to be a player of great significance and actuality in developing and applying international post-conflict reconstruction norms and principles. Ultimately, given the inextricable link between development and conflict, the WB’s competence over post-conflict reconstruction issues is functional to its legitimacy. Support for the WB’s evolving role in post-conflict reconstruction scenarios will be highest if the WB enacts measures to promote its substantive and procedural legitimacy among member countries. This paper therefore collocates its analysis within the framework of democratic decision-making and argues for a clearer definition of responsibilities among the WB financial institutions and other organizations and organs belonging to the same UN family, such the UN Security Council, ECOSOC and the UN Peacebuilding Commission.
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Karlsrud, John, and Marko Milošević. "Mapping western Balkans civilian capacities for peace operations." Journal of Regional Security 9, no. 2 (2014): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x142ppk41.
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Over the past several years the United Nations has increasingly emphasized the role that civilian capacities can play in post-conflict peacebuilding and called for member states to provide expertise. This special issue of the Journal of Regional Security will explore the civilian capacities of the Western Balkans countries and whether there is political will to respond to the call to deploy civilian capacities to UN peace operations and other international organizations. Looking at how Western Balkan countries train, roster and deploy civilian capacities, it will also explore whether increased cooperation in this area could be considered as a security community practice, nurturing bilateral relations and building cooperation in the Western Balkan region. The article finds that there is still a great gap between the expressed policy intent of providing civilian capacities to peace support operations, and putting it into practice. There is also lack of a strategic consideration of how the training and deployment of civilian capacities to peace operations could build legitimacy in international organizations and enhance regional cooperation among the states in the Western Balkans. The article recommends the initiation of a regional dialogue on training and rostering of civilian capacities, realizing synergies and furthering regional cooperation.
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Mwanasali, Musifiky. "The African Union, the United Nations, and the Responsibility to Protect: Towards an African Intervention Doctrine." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 388–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519552.
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AbstractThis essay considers the R2P principle as expressed by the African Union's (AU) Constitutive Act of 2000, the United Nations (UN) World Summit's outcome document of 2005, and recent civilian protection mandates issued for peacekeeping operations by the UN Security Council. Examining how these three international mechanisms have sought to establish and operationalise the norm, the author argues that the AU should make greater efforts to bring R2P implementation into line with the UN Charter in order to secure the legitimacy of regional interventions in Africa. Reflecting on the experience of the AU Mission in Sudan between 2004 and 2007, the importance of clear mandates and sufficient capacity to the success of R2P interventions is emphasised. The use of force by peacekeepers—its feasibility and potential extent—is analysed and placed within the context of peacebuilding in the R2P continuum. The essay also argues for better coordination between the UN Security Council and the world body's Economic and Social Council, as well as with the AU's Peace and Security Council, to ensure a reliable supply of adequate peacebuilding resources to Africa and proper consideration of security and reconstruction matters.
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Pereira, Mariana Morena. "The liberal peace and its contesting universal values: a theoretical approach to the development of hybrid forms of political order in post conflict societies." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 8, no. 2 (August 28, 2019): 427–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2019.v8n2.10.p427.
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The Liberal Peace can be understood as a discourse and a framework which is constantly used by western countries in order to promote political stability in post-conflict societies. Embedded in the peacebuilding/peacekeeping operations, some liberal values are assumed to be the “only deal in town” to assist war-torn societies reaching political order. The present essay aims to analyze what are the theoretical principles embedded in the Liberal Peace assumptions and bring a critical approach which contests these universal values of implementing peace in transitioning societies. That being said, we can affirm that many values regarded as “universal” do not have much meaning to local societies in post-conflict states. The essay hence tries to look to an alternative perspective to build the peace in post-conflict societies: the hybrid peace. The Hybrid Peace assumption is an important approach which assumes that the local agency is a relevant actor on the promotion of peace in their respective communities, mainly in post-colonial states. Thus, the local actors have legitimacy and recognition of the society and can, therefore, promote and build peace along international interveners. The main objective of the present essay is to present a new approach to understand the peacebuilding projects and also recognize that different contexts need distinct approaches.
Recebido em: agosto/2018.
Aprovado em: abril/2019.
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Tishkov, S. A., and D. K. Labin. "Institutionalization of the UN Police Peacekeeping." MGIMO Review of International Relations 64, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-1-64-107--128.
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Article studies the strategic frame, organizational and operational aspects of UN peacekeeping missions police components activities to ensure sustaining peace.It is noted that at present the UN Police actively participates in UN peace operations acting as an integrated solution of issues of peace and security. Consideration is also given to the growing importance of the UN Police to international peace and security and the increased attention given to policing by the Security Council and the Secretary General.The UN police now engage in United Nations peace operations across the entire peace and security spectrum, from conflict prevention to peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Serving in the frame of UN interim administrations the UN Police acquired a unique experience of law enforcement and international cooperation on combating crime.It underscores the most recent global developments, including advances made in the Strategic Guidance Framework for International Police Peacekeeping, to ensure coherence of effort and refine strategic police generation platforms.From the viewpoint of the structural and functional approach, the UN Police as a peacekeeping actor has not only specific functions and tasks, but also the potential, organizational structure, trained personnel needed to perform a wide range of tasks both at the stage of conflict prevention and post-conflict peacebuilding.The legal and organizational issues of UN Police involvement in peacekeeping activities are almost resolved. At present the UN Police component as an institutional subsystem represents an organizational structure that unites international policemen from various member states, which acts as a collective actor in UN peacekeeping.
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Cunliffe, Philip. "From peacekeepers to praetorians – how participating in peacekeeping operations may subvert democracy." International Relations 32, no. 2 (December 8, 2017): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817740728.
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This article provides a heuristic study of three cases where participation in peacekeeping operations prompted military rule in the peacekeeper-contributing state. These three atypical cases contradict the theory of diversionary peace, which claims that contributing to peacekeeping operations abroad should stimulate democracy at home. The experience of these three countries also calls into question the conventional wisdom that strongly associates peacekeeping with liberal democratic institutions, outcomes and practices. Via triangulation across literature, reports, elite interviews and WikiLeaks cables, these cases are examined in order to identify more generalisable observations regarding how participation in peacekeeping may enhance the role of the military at the expense of democratic order and civilian rule in the contributing state. The theory of diversionary peace is shown to suffer from serious conceptual flaws. Some preliminary efforts are made to generalise the findings, with Ghana and Uruguay identified as warranting further investigation. A number of variables are identified as offering scope for generalisation, namely, revenue, leadership and military size. Several promising areas for further research are also identified: how military dependence on peacekeeping may make political systems more permeable to outside influence, how far the United Nations (UN) can politically influence its contributor states and how peacebuilding may affect peacekeepers’ understanding of their role in their own countries. By examining the feedback effects of peacekeeping on peacekeeper-contributing states, the article reverses the conventional focus of peacekeeping scholarship and contributes to the growing literature examining the wider ramifications and unintended consequences of liberal conflict management.
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Tardy, Thierry. "The Dangerous Liaisons of the Responsibility to Protect and the Protection of Civilians in Peacekeeping Operations." Global Responsibility to Protect 4, no. 4 (2012): 424–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00404003.
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The parallel conceptual development and shared normative basis of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) and civilian protection in peacekeeping operations have led to a rapprochement between the two emerging norms. In 2009, in his efforts to operationalize RtoP, the UN Secretary-General explicitly called for the mainstreaming of the goals relating to RtoP in the areas of peacekeeping and peacebuilding. This article argues that the interdependence between RtoP and protection of civilians in peacekeeping operations should not be interpreted as being necessarily conducive to their parallel promotion or mutual strengthening. On the contrary, issue-linkage between them is likely to be counterproductive for three sets of reasons. First, RtoP is characterized by its exceptional nature and narrow agenda – in relation to the four threshold crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing – while the civilian protection in peacekeeping agenda is broad-ranging. Second, there are differences in the degrees of coercion that the two concepts can produce that make them sufficiently distinct not to be amalgamated in the conflict management toolbox. Third, the contentious nature of the two concepts, and in particular the coercive dimension of pillar three of RtoP, is such that a two obvious issue-linkage would be counterproductive as it would exacerbate the norm localisation challenge of two already resisted emerging norms.
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Oksamytna, Kseniya, and Magnus Lundgren. "Decorating the “Christmas Tree”." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 27, no. 2 (June 9, 2021): 226–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02702006.
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Abstract Contemporary peacekeeping operations carry out many disparate tasks, which has triggered a debate about “Christmas Tree mandates.” Did the UN Secretariat or the UN Security Council drive this expansion? Using original data on nineteen UN peacekeeping missions, 1998–2014, this article compares peacekeeping tasks recommended by the Secretariat to those mandated by the Council. It finds that the two bodies expressed different preferences regarding the nature, number, and novelty of peacekeeping tasks. First, the Council dropped Secretariat-recommended tasks as often as it added new ones on its own initiative. Second, the two bodies disagreed more over peacebuilding and peacemaking tasks than over peacekeeping tasks. Third, the Council preferred to be the one to introduce novel tasks that had not appeared in previous mandates. Finally, among the countries that “held the pen” on peacekeeping resolutions, the United States was the most prone to dropping Secretariat-proposed tasks and the least willing to add tasks itself.
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Abdenur, Adriana Erthal. "What Can South-South Development Cooperation Do for International Peace? Brazil’s Role in Haiti and Guinea-Bissau." International Negotiation 22, no. 3 (October 5, 2017): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-22031062.
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AbstractUntil it began waning due to economic crisis and political turmoil on the domestic front, in Brazil’s rapidly expanding South-South development, cooperation often has been promoted by government officials as contributing to stability and prosperity in partner states. It is unclear, however, how this development cooperation intersects with the country’s involvement inunpeace operations. This article examines the role of Brazilian South-South technical cooperation across two contexts. In Haiti, Brazil has led the military component of theminustah, whereas in Guinea-Bissau, it has helped to spearhead peacebuilding efforts by the international community. In both cases, Brazil has tried to substantiate its critique of theun’s securitization by providing technical cooperation across a variety of sectors. The analysis shows that this cooperation is too fragmented, subject to interruptions, and disconnected fromun-led efforts to make a considerable contribution to a sustainable peace. However, better internal coordination and stronger ties touninitiatives could boost the contribution of Brazil’s Brazilian South-South development cooperation to a lasting peace.
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Kolås, Åshild. "Naga militancy and violent politics in the shadow of ceasefire." Journal of Peace Research 48, no. 6 (November 2011): 781–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311417972.
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Ceasefires are often seen as a simple measure to end violence and allow more substantive negotiations to begin. Contemporary conflict resolution models thus posit the ceasefire as a basic step in the peacebuilding trajectory. Offering an in-depth analysis of Naga militancy in Northeast India, this article argues that ceasefires should rather be understood as a part of the dynamics of conflict. Northeast India is a site of protracted conflict involving multiple contestants, where Naga militant organizations play a key role. A string of ceasefires since 1997 between the Indian government and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has contained fighting between security forces and militants, while violence has continued unabated between NSCN factions and among an array of other armed groups in the area claimed as ‘Nagalim’, with serious consequences for local communities. This study suggests that ceasefires may impact on conflict dynamics in at least three ways, all interrelated: (1) by affecting the internal cohesion of belligerent groups, (2) by affecting the operational space of armed groups, and (3) by affecting the relations between multiple stakeholders and parties to a conflict, including but not limited to the challenger(s) and the state. The study concludes that the terms of ceasefire agreements, the strategic use of ceasefires by conflict actors, and the opportunities created by a lack of effective monitoring of ceasefire ground rules has facilitated the operations of militants vying for territory, revenues from illegal ‘taxation’ and political stakes. Ceasefires have also paved the way for an escalation of factional and intergroup fighting and violent politics in Northeast India, by empowering signatory groups versus contenders as well as nonviolent actors.
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Barnett, Michael. "PATERNALISM AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE." Social Philosophy and Policy 32, no. 1 (2015): 216–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505251500014x.
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Abstract:Contemporary global governance is organized around an odd pairing: care and control. On the one hand, much of global governance is designed to reduce human suffering and improve human flourishing, with the important caveat that individuals should be allowed to decide for themselves how they want to live their lives. On the other hand, these global practices of care are also entangled with acts of control. Peacebuilding, public health, emergency aid, human rights, and development are expressions of this tension between care and control. There is a concept that captures this tension: paternalism. Drawing on our moral intuitions, I argue that paternalism is the attempt by one actor to substitute his judgment for another actor's on the grounds that such an imposition will improve the welfare of the target actor. After discussing and defending this definition, I note how our unease with paternalism seems to grow as we scale up from the interpersonal to the international, which I argue owes to the evaporation of community and equality. After exploring the implications of this definition and distinguishing it from other forms of intervention, I consider how different elements of paternalism combine to generate different configurations. Specifically, I point to five dimensions that are most relevant for examining the paternalism found in contemporary global and humanitarian governance: the tools used to restrict another actor’s liberty (force versus information); the scope of the interference (wide versus narrow); the purpose of the intervention (prevention of harm versus emancipation); the source of the paternalizer’s confidence (faith versus evidence); and the mechanisms of accountability (internal versus external). These different elements often correlate historically, suggestive of two ideal types of global paternalism: strong and weak. Contemporary global and humanitarian governance is largely the weak variety: force is severely proscribed, interference is relatively restricted, the paternalizer’s confidence has epistemic roots, and accountability to local populations remains a noble but rarely practiced goal. I further speculate that a major reason for this difference is the effects of liberalism and rationalization. I use this taxonomy to suggest how two different global efforts to improve the lives of those peoples living in what were perceived to be unstable and illiberal territories — the civilizing missions of the nineteenth century and the peacebuilding operations of the post-Cold War period — exhibited different kinds of paternalism. I conclude by reflecting on the ethics of international paternalism.
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Mironova, Margarita. "THE EU’S APPROACH TO CONFLICT RESOLUTION: IMPLICATIONS FOR EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.2.
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The article deals with examining the EU main approaches on crisis management and conflict prevention on the example of the Eastern Partnership countries, internal and external factors that affect implementation of the EU activities in Eastern Europe and South Caucasus, implications for the EU and the region. The EU has a unique experience of activities in all crisis phases: early warning, mediation, deployment of EU missions and operations in conflict areas, post-conflict peacebuilding (stabilisation, reconstruction and reconciliation). The EU’s comprehensive and integrated approach towards crisis management includes a package of mixed political-military measures with focus on civilian component of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The strategic autonomy outlined as the guideline in the EU Global Strategy 2016 is an impetus for the EU more active and distinct role as a security actor, for enhancing its institutional and operational capabilities in the area of crisis regulation. Though there is a lack of EU capacity as a security provider in case of protracted conflicts in Eastern partner countries. The EU has sought to avoid direct involvement in conflict settlement: there aren’t any efficient mechanisms of it within the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership initiative. The determining factors of the EU’s approach to conflict resolution in Easter Europe are: absence of direct military threats and less challenges comparing to Southern and Eastern Mediterranean region; lack of political will and unity, multi-vector member-states’ policy; external influence of other actors, mainly Russia, unwillingness of the EU member-states to be engaged in geopolitical tensions with it. The regional security deficit requires more active and efficient EU engagement as a security provider in settling the protracted conflicts. The relevant measures should be: establishment of security compact within the Eastern Partnership initiative, deployment of additional missions in the region, coordination of activities with the OSCE, US and NATO.