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1
Memišević, Hamza, and Ermin Kuka. "Jugoslavenski komunisti između mira i razdora." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.189.
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The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation.
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Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Third Yugoslavia." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 1 (1998): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis1998101/28.
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This essay offers hope that beyond the specter and tragedy of the Yugoslav civil war lie the prospects for peace, democratization, economic and political reconstruction, and the evolution of a democratic Third Yugoslavia. But, to realize this hope, there is a need for the development of a genuine civic culture and civil society in the Yugoslav successor states based on democratic values, pluralism, and tolerance, rooted in the conception of universal human rights, constitutionalism, and equality before the law. The South Slavs may have to retrieve their historical memory which predates the fateful divisions along ethnic, cultural, and religious lines. The Swiss model of autonomous cantons, four major languages, neutrality, but a pronounced common national identity is also instructive for democratic prospects of a possible future South Slav (con-) federation and peace in the Balkans, A proposed Illyrian Constitution would bind the South Slavs together, reconnecting individual human rights to community. Above all, moral and spiritual renewal are the necessary precondition for peace and reconciliation, as well as economic and political reconstruction and the genesis of a democratic Third Yugoslavia.
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Walgrave, Spyros A. "Mass Communication and the 'Nationalisation' of the Public Sphere in Former Yugoslavia." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18591.
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Although the quasi-confederal character of Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of its 1974 constitution did not encourage the development of a genuine Yugoslavian public sphere wherepublic debate could transcend ethnic and republic divisions, it nevertheless allowed the formation of what could be called Yugoslav cultural space, a space within which social and political actors (feminist, peace movements) forged their identities regardless of the ethnic or national diversity that characterised their membership. However, the existence of this 'space' had a limited impact in Yugoslav politics partly due to the breakdown of inter-republic communication and the fragmentation of the Yugoslavian mass media. This paper traces the process of disintegration of the Yugoslav cultural space and the emergence of national 'public spheres' in the republics and provinces of former Yugoslavia and attempts to assess the role of the mass media and cultural institutions in these developments by identifying the key strategies of representation employed in the process of the fragmentation and 'nationalisation' of the public sphere of former Yugoslavia.
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Turajlić, Mila. "Filmske Novosti: Filmed Diplomacy." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (January 25, 2021): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.89.
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AbstractThis article maps out a network of cinematic collaboration established between Yugoslavia and the non-aligned countries in Africa, primarily via the institution of the Yugoslav Newsreels (Filmske novosti). Yugoslav newsreel activities developed to accompany the performative diplomacy of President Tito’s “Voyages of Peace,” playing a role both in cementing his image internationally and his political status at home. By the late 1950s, cinema would become one of the central instruments of Yugoslav information activities abroad, capitalizing on an expanding diplomatic network. In this context, Filmske novosti became the bearers of Yugoslav technical aid in the domain of cinema. Building on a trope of shared revolutionary struggles, they boosted Yugoslavia’s international reputation through the filming of the Algerian Liberation Movement. The unique nature of the cinematic aid provided by Filmske novosti to liberation movements such as the ALN and FRELIMO was continued, with assistance in setting up of national film centers in countries such as Mali and Tanzania. Throughout, Yugoslavia maintained a praxis of non-conditional and non-credited transnational ciné-kinship, which is one of the reasons this remains an unknown chapter in the history of Third Cinema and militant ciné-geographies.
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Simmons, Cynthia. "Women's Work and the Growth of Civil Society in Post-War Bosnia." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601129446.
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Civil society, to the extent that it exists today in Bosnia, has developed alongside the recasting of women's roles in public life. Researchers equate civil society in Bosnia today almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The early post-war NGOs grew out of the peace movement that took shape before and during the open conflict of 1992–1995. Peace organizations evolved to a large extent from feminist organizing and organizations in the Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia. Thus, to study the origins of Bosnian civil society, we must begin with the struggle for equal rights for women in modern Yugoslavia.
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Monzali, Luciano. "A difficult and silent return Italian exiles from Dalmatia and Yugoslav Zadar/Zara after the Second World War." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647317m.
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The aim of this essay is to offer a brief analysis of the political activity of the Italian exiles from Dalmatia after the Second World War and their relations with their mother?land and their hometown of Zadar/Zara. Their activities failed to bring about a change of the Italian-Yugoslav border established by the 1947 Treaty of Peace with Italy, but they displayed great activism and a strong determination to keep their cultural traditions alive not only in Italy but also in Yugoslav Zadar. After much effort the Italian exiles eventually succeeded in setting up a public Italian club in Zadar in 1991, after the end of communist Yugoslavia and the creation of independent Croatia.
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Sunga, Lyal. "Noam Chomsky, Yugoslavia: Peace, war and dissolution, Davor Dzalto (ed.), PM press, Oakland, 2018." Filozofija i drustvo 30, no. 3 (2019): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1903433s.
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In this essay, the author reviews and critically assesses the book Yugoslavia: Peace, War, and Dissolution, authored by Noam Chomsky and edited by Davor Dzalto. The author also points to the importance and value of the book for the field of political theory, international relations and Yugoslav studies, examining at the same time particular concepts (such as ?genocide?) within the broader context of legal theory and international law.
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DRAGOSTINOVA, THEODORA. "On ‘Strategic Frontiers’: Debating the Borders of the Post-Second World War Balkans." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2018): 387–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000243.
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This article examines debates between Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia concerning the post-Second World War Balkan borders in preparation for the Paris Peace Conference of 1946. While for most of the twentieth century Greece and Yugoslavia were close allies united in their position against revisionist Bulgaria, after 1944 the communist affiliations of the new Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments determined the rapprochement between the latter two states. As various proposals for border revisions and the possibility of a Balkan Federation were discussed, the Balkans became a prime battlefield in the emerging Cold War split between the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States. By examining a period of extreme political fluidity between 1944 and 1947, this article explores how the legacy of long-standing national tensions combined with the new political realities after the Second World War created the current borders of Bulgaria, Greece and the (former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia.
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Fournier, Julie. "La crise yougoslave : la genèse du conflit et ses perspectives de paix dans l'après-Dayton." Études internationales 28, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 461–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703772ar.
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The present article compares the conditions that sparked the Yugoslav conflict and the prospects for peace following the signing of the Dayton Accords. Analysis suggests that the outbreak of nationalist hostilities in Yugoslavia should he explained through a combination of underlying and proximate factors. Just as the circumstances accompanying the collapse of communism were chiefly responsible for the eruption of violence, the immediate factors associated with the Dayton Accords and, more specifically, the attitude of the political elites will determine the likelihood of a lasting peace. Although the new context arising from Dayton seems to have had peace-promoting effects, the socio historical factors that helped to spark the hostilities are still active and are keeping alive the conflict-oriented motives of the local leaders. A resurgence of violence is thus possible.
10
Wisler, Andria K. "A Peace Research Perspective on the Yugoslav Conflicts." Peace Review 21, no. 2 (June 2009): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650902877476.
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Thumann, Michael. "Between Ambition and Paralysis—Germany's Policy toward Yugoslavia 1991–1993." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 575–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408525.
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The decay of Yugoslavia since 1990 has put an end to the experiment of a state of Southern Slavs. At the same time it has destroyed the myth of a peaceful and strong Western Europe. The continent that had displayed an impressive performance of cooperation and skillful diplomatic maneuvering during the last years of the Cold War proved to be incapable of coping with the problems in its southeastern backyard. In the beginning of the conflict, the European Community assumed responsibility for negotiating cease-fires and a peace settlement for the embattled Yugoslav states. But all efforts were fruitless. In 1995, it was primarily the interference of the United States that brought about the peace treaty of Dayton for Bosnia-Hercegovina.
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Tudorache, Florin. "EUROPEAN COMMON DEFENCE A NEW CHALLENGE FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION." STRATEGIES XXI - Security and Defense Faculty 17, no. 1 (November 9, 2021): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2001-21-19.
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The efforts for peace at the end of the Second World War were based on the belief that only through "European unification" was there hope for an end to a chapter in Europe's recent history of war, bloodshed and destruction. The supreme objectives of safeguarding peace, but also of economic unification, contained in the Constitutive Treaties of the European Communities were impregnated with the fundamental intention of ensuring peace. The Treaties that gave birth to the European Communities and the Union confirm that the goal of peace has succeeded, and that a violent confrontation between Member States is currently unlikely. On the other hand, the conflicts that have affected the former Yugoslavia have shown that peace and democracy in Europe are not as obvious as they seemed. The Yugoslav crisis has also shown that it is vital to act in support of peace beyond the borders of the conflict-free zone within the European Union. The paper aims to analyze the evolution of the concept of common European defence, in order to identify features and trends of the European security environment that can provide an image of the future options of the European Union in the field of defence.
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Savelli, Mat. "‘Peace and happiness await us’: Psychotherapy in Yugoslavia, 1945–85." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118773951.
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Previous accounts of psychiatry within Communist Europe have emphasized the dominance of biological approaches to mental health treatment. Psychotherapy was thus framed as a taboo or marginal component of East European psychiatric care. In more recent years, this interpretation has been re-examined as historians are beginning to delve deeper into the diversity of mental healthcare within the Communist world, noting many instances in which psychotherapeutic techniques and theory entered into clinical practice. Despite their excellent work uncovering these hitherto neglected histories, however, historians of the psy-disciplines in Eastern Europe (and indeed other parts of the world) have neglected to fully consider the ways that post-World War II psychotherapeutic developments were not simply continuations of pre-war psychoanalytic traditions, but rather products of emerging transnational networks and knowledge exchanges in the post-war period. This article highlights how psychotherapy became a leading form of treatment within Communist Yugoslavia. Inspired by theorists in France and the United Kingdom, among other places, Yugoslav practitioners became well versed in a number of psychotherapeutic techniques, especially ‘brief psychotherapy’ and group-based treatment. These developments were not accidents of ideology, whereby group psychotherapy might be accepted by authorities as a nod to some idea of ‘the collective’, but were rather products of economic limitations and strong links with international networks of practitioners, especially in the domains of social psychiatry and group analysis. The Yugoslav example underscores the need for more historical attention to transnational connections among psychotherapists and within the psy-disciplines more broadly.
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Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Bridge to Eternity." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/28.
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This essay considers Medjugorje, a small mountain village in Bosma-Hercegovina, as an icon or a bridge between God and man. The contemporary quest for national roots in the Balkans has led to cultural policies in the Yugoslav successor states which deny all common bonds among the South Slavs, resulting in a Kafkaesque civil war. Drawing on the crisis of liberal democracy and community in the West, the essay explores the prospects for peace in the former Yugoslavia, as reflected in Our Lady of Medjugorje's call for moral and spiritual renewal. It concludes that the quintessential, universal. Christian, and ecumenical Medjugorje message of peace represents a bridge to eternity, just as the historic Old Bridge in Mostar and the Višegrad Bridge over the Drina River are symbolic of a common South Slav history and destiny.
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Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Bridge to Eternity." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/28.
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This essay considers Medjugorje, a small mountain village in Bosma-Hercegovina, as an icon or a bridge between God and man. The contemporary quest for national roots in the Balkans has led to cultural policies in the Yugoslav successor states which deny all common bonds among the South Slavs, resulting in a Kafkaesque civil war. Drawing on the crisis of liberal democracy and community in the West, the essay explores the prospects for peace in the former Yugoslavia, as reflected in Our Lady of Medjugorje's call for moral and spiritual renewal. It concludes that the quintessential, universal. Christian, and ecumenical Medjugorje message of peace represents a bridge to eternity, just as the historic Old Bridge in Mostar and the Višegrad Bridge over the Drina River are symbolic of a common South Slav history and destiny.
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Wisler, Andria K. "Portraits of peace knowledge in post‐Yugoslav higher education." Journal of Peace Education 7, no. 1 (March 2010): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400200903370886.
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Grcic, Mirko, and Rajko Gnjato. "The role of Michael Pupin in solving of Serbian national question." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 84, no. 2 (2004): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0402071g.
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Michael I. Pupin was a professor at the University of Columbia, member and the president of Academy of Science in New York; one of the esteemed members of USA National Academy of Science; member and president of many experts and scientific institutions and societies in the USA; member of State Council for Scientific Research by president of the USA during the World War I. Of the great importance for political geography and geopolitics was his activity in Paris during the Peace Conference after the World War I in 1919 also as his great contribution to establishment of state borders of Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (later Yugoslavia), which helped those nations to establish their national borders at maximum level. Pupin claimed that he was Yugoslav patriot and American citizen. Role of M. Pupin in battle for national interests and Yugoslav borders after the World War I is shown in this article.
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Zhou, Yuguang. "Shared Victimhood: The Reporting by the Chinese Newspaper the People’s Daily on the 1999 NATO Bombing of Yugoslavia." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 202–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0027.
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Abstract This article examines the reporting by China’s most important newspaper, People’s Daily, on the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. The 1999 intervention was significant in China, as its embassy in Belgrade was bombed. The author looks at the newspaper’s bombardment-related reports of and commentaries on Yugoslavia, NATO, Russia, and China, as well as other countries, and its reporting on the embassy bombing itself. The author shows that there was clear sympathy for Yugoslavia and “the Yugoslav people”, a term used synonymously with Serbs. The 1999 conflict was portrayed as a struggle between good (peace and independence) and evil (hegemonism and power politics). Contrary to most Western societies, the image of Yugoslavia/Serbia in China was largely positive. This image informed the build-up of a narrative of a shared victimhood between China and Yugoslavia/Serbia, which has remained a topos in their bilateral relations until today.
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Kapor, Predrag. "German war reparations in wider context." Drustveni horizonti 2, no. 4 (2022): 167–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/drushor2204167k.
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Recently, the issue of war reparations from Germany, which was raised first by Greece (2011), then by Poland (2022), as well as compensation by Germany to the victims of its genocidal colonial rule in Africa (Namibia), has become topical. At the same time, possible requests for war damage compensation from Serbia/ FR Yugoslavia due to the events in the Yugoslav territories in the nineties of the last century, as well as our request for compensation for our damage from NATO aggression in 1999, are also mentioned. From this aspect, it is good to familiarize with the practice of the area of war reparations, which is the richest when it comes to war reparations from Germany after two world wars. After both wars, Germany settled its reparations obligations only to a lesser extent, taking advantage of the favorable attitude of the main victorious western powers (USA, Great Britain and France) who wanted to recover and stabilize it as soon as possible in order to be their ally against the "Bolshevik danger". and the USSR, which even provided it with significant financial support. Because of this, the interests of small countries were sacrificed, and Serbia (Yugoslavia) was among them. After reunification in 1990, Germany managed to take advantage of the favorable political climate and avoid concluding a peace treaty that would definitively regulate the issue of reparations after the Second World War. At the same time, the post-war bilateral Yugoslav-German negotiations, for insufficiently clear reasons, were very poorly conducted on the Yugoslav side, so that Germany "closed" this issue, at least formally, by approving loans (capital aid) to the Yugoslav state, but not by giving compensation to individuals and legal entities, except for a symbolic amount in certain cases. The issue of German war reparations was seen in our country mostly one-sidedly, without considering the wider context, so this paper points out some additional aspects, which should contribute to the creation of a more comprehensive presentation.
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Gow, James, and Ivan Zveržhanovski. "The Milošević Trial: Purpose and Performance." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296159.
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The trial of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague is a vehicle both for achieving justice and for pursuing historical truth. At this first-ever trial of a former head of state before an international tribunal, the same evidence serves two purposes: the quests for “truth” by those involved in the judicial process, on one side, and those engaged in academic historical interpretation, on the other. In each sphere, there are expectations to be satisfied. Those of the peoples of Serbia and the other former Yugoslav lands, international governmental and non-governmental actors, and observers are all different from each other; and they are all distinct from the viewpoint of future students of history. The two frameworks for truth are neither necessarily competitive nor complementary, and the tests of their validity may differ. But the raw material they use may be identical and the outcome of each may be parallel and consistent. And the two varieties of truth may reinforce one another in the quest to restore peace and security, to establish justice, and to compile a broadly accepted account of contentious, awful events.
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Potiekhin, Oleksandr. "The International Context of Wars in the Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1991–1995)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-9.
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The article attempts to explain the reasons of the Yugoslav tragedy, which claimed about 300,000 lives and led to the displacement of more than 2 million people. The author boils the answer down to the simplified and biased Western interpretation of the in-fluence of Balkan history on the situation after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), systemic uncertain-ty in European and transatlantic relations after the end of the Cold War, adventurous and irresponsible behaviour of the leaders of several independent countries established on the ruins of the former SFRY, inadequate reaction of the United States of America (US) and NATO to the crisis, Europeans’ false initial belief that they will be able to address security challenges in the ‘new’ Europe by their own efforts. The author emphasizes that the settlement of the Yugoslav crisis should have immediately become NATO’s priority. In such a case, Americans and Europeans could have started working together as mediators among different conflicting parties to ensure a peaceful ‘divorce’ of the republics. However, Washington did not want to see this. The US attitude to the Yugoslav crisis in 1990–1992 undermined the foundations of the declared policy of NATO’s central role in Europe after the Cold War, which envisaged the responsibility of the Alliance for resolving the Balkan conflict. The author argues that if the deployment of an international peacekeeping contingent in the Russian-occupied parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions takes an expressive form, Kyiv will need to carefully examine the factual background of the events in the former SFRY. This should help avoid many of the complications that arose during the peace enforcement operation in the Balkans in the first half of the 1990s. Keywords: NATO, Balkans, SFRY, Yugoslav tragedy, USA.
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Nika, Lulzim. "The Democratic Values of the Student Movement in Kosovo 1997/1999 and Their Echoes in Western Diplomacy." Review of European Studies 10, no. 2 (May 15, 2018): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v10n2p167.
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After the fall of east orientated political system and coming of the pluralistic system in the Yugoslav federation, the nationalisms that claimed to dominate Yugoslavia, such as Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian nationalism came to the surface, which also led to the overthrow of Yugoslavia. Following the abolition of Kosovo's limited autonomy of 1974, in March 1989, the Milosevic Serb regime during the 1990s imposed violent measures in all Kosovo institutions by removing Albanian workers from their jobs. Thus, Kosovo, Albanians were expelled collectively from the education process in the Albanian language, and left school and university facilities. Efforts to reach an agreement between Albanians and Serbian representatives for education during 1992 were unsuccessful. In these difficult contexts, the parallel education system of Kosovo Albanians was organized. In these difficult circumstances, students and Albanian students continued learning outside school facilities. After ignoring the Kosovo problem in the peace agreement reached in Dayton for Bosnia, the dissatisfaction with the peace policy led by Dr. Ibrahim Rugova grew all over Kosovo. In these circumstances, professors and students with vision began to talk about the organization of peaceful protests against the Serbian regime. After a long process, a new student movement took place at the University of Prishtina, which marks the beginning of the great protest on 1 October 1997. In this paper, we analyse the attitudes of international diplomacy with a special emphasis on the West in relation to this movement following the 1 October 1997 peace protests in Kosovo.
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Antonić, Slobodan. "Could a Confederation have Saved Yugoslavia?" Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 469–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408519.
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Today, after the signing of the peace agreement in Paris, when the end of the Yugoslav war is in sight, one frequently hears the questions: Could the war have been avoided and could a confederation have saved Yugoslavia? Namely, in late 1990 and early 1991, the republics now outside Yugoslavia (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia) proposed that Yugoslavia be reorganised as a confederation which would, as they claimed, have fulfilled their main political aspirations. The Serbian side refused resolutely, and, soon afterwards, war started in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, which was actually their war of liberation. Now, when the republics in the territory of ex-Yugoslavia are internationally recognised, when they have largely recognised each other and when we are witnessing the restoration of economic and other relations between the peoples who shared a common state for seventy-three years, we may justifiably ask: Would it not have been better if the Serbian side had accepted a confederation and, thus, preserved some kind of Yugoslavia, than, by its persistent refusal, have lead the secessionist republics to take up arms?
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Jaugaitė, Rimantė. "(Not) Dealing with War Crimes on Film." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 3 (December 21, 2021): 314–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030003.
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Abstract This article argues that contemporary post-Yugoslav cinema contributes to a better understanding of the deeply divided societies in the aftermath the Yugoslav Wars (1991–2001), in terms of stimulating empathy for the Other, and, more specifically, raising awareness of the loss of human lives, thus memorializing and commemorating these experiences. It also explores how film directors deal with social issues, including war crimes, and how they appear as activist citizens while their governments struggle to take relevant action. The research aims to bridge the gap between the more theoretical literature that focuses on the role of the media in dealing with the past and more practical analysis providing examples from contemporary post-Yugoslav cinema, and to illuminate the link between film, peace-building and active citizenship. Finally, the article stresses how the idea of post-war reconciliation may be communicated through films and pertains to the notion that a positive film effect exists.
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Bilic, Bojan. "Bourdieu and social movements theories: Some preliminary remarks on a possible conceptual cross-fertilization in the context of (post-)Yugoslav anti-war and peace activism." Sociologija 52, no. 4 (2010): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1004377b.
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This paper puts forth and calls for further unpacking of a potentially fruitful conceptual cross-fertilization between various social movements theories and Bourdieu?s sociology of practice. Following some of my most important predecessors, I argue that this theoretical hybridization could accommodate many threads of social movements research that otherwise would not cohere into a rounded theory. Bourdieu?s powerful conceptual armoury is both parsimonious and flexible and seems particularly well-suited to address the problematic issues pertaining to agency and structure in the field of social movements. In the second section of the paper, I call for an exploration of Yugoslav anti-war and pacifist activism immediately before and during the wars of Yugoslav succession. I perceive a number of politically and organizationally heterogeneous initiatives, taking place throughout the demised country, as a case that can be used to empirically test the proposed theoretical considerations. Yugoslav anti-war and pacifist activism has yet to receive the sociological attention that it deserves. It is a complex social phenomenon calling for a sophisticated and systematic examination which should position it between its antecedents - the embryonic forms of extra-institutional engagement during Yugoslav communism - and its divergent posterity, mostly circumscribed within the national fields of non-governmental organizations.
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Jovanović, Vladislav. "The destruction of SFRY and Serbia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34635.
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The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999. Previously, Serbia's legitimate opposition to terrorist acts by the KLA on its territory, as an internal issue par excellence, was declared a threat to "peace and security in the world", and the UN Security Council took it as a permanent topic of its sessions. There had been secessionist uprisings and armed conflicts in UN member states before, as there are today, but the Security Council never before dared to violate the article of the UN Charter that states that these questions are the exclusive competence of the member state concerned. An exception was made only in the case of Serbia, although the defense against KLA terrorism was legal and limited to the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, i.e., the Yugoslav state border was never crossed. The false claim of William Walker, the head of the OSCE mission in Kosovo and Metohija, concerning the massacre in Racak, was the cause of the war of aggression against the FRY. By illegally naming the protectorate of Kosovo as the so-called state of the Albanian national minority, the West took this as the final stroke in the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and Serbia, thus ignoring the story of the phoenix rising from its ashes.
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Akhavan, Payam. "The Yugoslav Tribunal at a Crossroads: The Dayton Peace Agreement and Beyond." Human Rights Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1996): 259–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.1996.0015.
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Buja, Dr Sc Ramë. "Kosovo – from Dayton to Rambouillet." ILIRIA International Review 1, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v1i1.196.
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A mature, wise, successful and concluding diplomatic action would be recorded if the international community would not have ignored the Yugoslav crisis in its beginning, and if it would conference less for the same matter without finding a solution, but it would hold a single international conference for the serious crisis in Yugoslavia, with serious partners and allies, lead by the USA.Why did this not happen, at least in Dayton, when such a crisis had already passed four years since its inception? The answer is rather flagellant for the international community, because unfortunately, in relevant circles of political and diplomatic force, the determination and courage for a consolidated and decisive action for a solution was not created yet.In this conference, a third one in the series (after the ones in the Hague and London) addressing the crisis in former Yugoslavia, determination, courage and bravehood was only on the side of one single international factor, the USA. It had all that, after all failing efforts of the EU in resolving this piece of the crisis, which was now being dealt with by the USA and the Dayton Conference, without having the potential or the pretence to put a halt to the wholesome crisis which had already metastasized throughout the former SFRY area.The Dayton Conference had delegated the Kosovo problem to the Contact Group, together with other matters disputable with the political order in the former Yugoslavia, until a final settlement of peace. For a long time, it was said that the Kosovo issue would have to be tackled by a future diplomatic cycle.The Dayton Peace was considered to be the concluding act of the former Yugoslav dissolution and reconstruction crisis. Disputable matters, left to the competency of the Contact Group, were more related to crisis management, preservation of provisional balances, ensuring mediation and presence of international institutions for the purpose of monitoring. The Contact Group had no power to reach decisions on political and geo-political matters. It would only operate within the framework of the Dayton Peace.[1]The Dayton Conference ruined all hopes of Albanians that something could be done to solve the Kosovo issue, with the same way Kosovo continued to trace, peaceful, subordinating and humiliating. It was ultimately recognized that other paths should be pursued to achieve the everlasting goal of freedom and independence.If what happened, or better said, if what was necessarily to happen for the future of Kosovo, the Liberation War, lead and commanded by the Kosovo Liberation Army, did not happen, Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro, the whole region, would still be living in the suffocating stink of blood and gunpowder, in the nightmare of war and genocide, which was rising to an unprecedented tragedy. The Liberation War of Kosovo, with its extent, sobered and cleared, provoked and appealed to the international community to act, as it acted, breaking the taboos established by rules of a past time, and by setting a more solid and serious cornerstone of consolidation of a new political and diplomatic system, which would be more active and more fruitful. With a view of creating a different world, a world of emancipation, hope, courage and progress, this war (KLA war, author note) ultimately detached the international community from the illusion that it had been saved from the Balkan with the Dayton Agreement. The Contact Group – was the most concrete body which could be imagined under a shadow “international community” – was in favour of a compromise, a type of a conflict regulation, which was rightfully unfavoured in the Balkan. (the Contact Group, a group of “great powers” – United States, Russia, Germany, Great Britain and France – was created in 1994, with a view of revitalizing the former International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia ( ICFY ).[2]The EU was rather complex and deeply divided in terms of the Yugoslav crisis. The three most powerful countries, Germany, France and Great Britain, had very different political approaches to the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. By such approaches, each of the states persisted to use the crisis in ensuring their individual positions inside the EU, starting from political influences and up to the future concepts of European security.[3]Setting from these discrepancies and detractions of policies and interests of greater powers of Europe, and the impossibility of approximating and unifying these extremes, to make Europe a Union in its essence and full meaning of the word, the actions of the USA in resolving the crisis are comprehensible and justifiable. Being the leader and decisive in partial attacks of the Northern Atlantic Alliance, to come to a peace conference by coercion, similar to the Dayton, it was not possible to tackle the whole Yugoslav crisis at one go, in a single conference. In fact, a prior well-studied concept had been missing, because knowing the circumstances and other factors, there would be no one to deal with the matter in terms of coming to a solution. This had another reason, the scepticism of the US in being able to cope with such a large chaos, in terms of tackling the whole Yugoslav problem, which had grown for almost a full century.[1] ALBANIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCE (Centre of Albanian Encyclopedia): Kosovo in an encyclopedic view, Toena, Tirana, 1999, pg. 139.[2] Reymond DETREZ: KOSOVO. DE UITGESTELDE OORLOG, translated from Dutch by: Mirela Shuteriqi, Tirana, 2004, pg. 143.[3] Visnja STARESINA: VJEZBE U LABORATORIJU BALLKAN, Neklada Ljevak d.o.o., Zagreb, 2004, pg.49.
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Šadinlija, Mesud. "The participation of the Yugoslav Army in the attacks on Sarajevo in december 1993 and january 1994 – Operation “Pancir-2”." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.287.
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Before the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Yugoslavia had created, organized and armed a powerful military structure within the 2nd military area of the Yugoslav People’s Army, which was renamed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in May of 1992. It had also never ceased to fill the ranks, arm, supply, train, equip and finance the Serb army which it had created in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from that, abundant undeniable evidence exists which confirms the direct involvement of the Yugoslav Army as well as the special detachments of the Ministry of internal affairs of Serbia in the acts aimed against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the whole duration of the war and in different parts of the country. In this work we shall present the motives, intentions, chronology and consequences of the participation of special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and the State Security Agency of Serbia in the attacks on Sarajevo during December 1993 and January 1994. On the eve of the conclusion of the Geneva peace talks on the basis of the Owen-Stoltenberg plan, the Serb political and military leadership, expecting further pressure directed towards the signing of the peace treaty and withdrawal from the territory that the Serb forces had taken, reached a decision to strenghen their positions during December 1993. As for the whole duration of the war, Sarajevo was considered to be the strategically most important area, so a military operation “PANCIR-2” was devised, prepared and executed with the aim of taking the key objects of Sarajevo’s defence, which would force the opposition to accept a partition of the city. The forces of the Sarajevo-Romanija corps, and a brigade each from the Hercegovački and 1st Krajiški corps of the Army of the Republic of Srpska were engaged in this operation. From the composition of the Yugoslav Army, parts of the Special detachment corps were involved, with the support of charge and transport helicopters. The operation was planned in two stages, whereby the first had the aim to establish control over the following objects: Žuč, Orlić, Hum and Mojmilo, while the second stage had to result with established control over Hrasnica and Butmir. Units from the composition of the Special detachment corps of the Yugoslav Army initiated the execution of their task from Belgrade on 16 December 1993. The striking part was made up from members of the 72nd Special Brigade, with parts of other special detachments: Guards Motorized Brigade, Armoured Brigade and 63. Paratroops Brigade from Niš. The combined composition of the special detachments of the Yugoslav Army of 320 men represented the core of the fighting group from the composition of the Sarajevo-Romanija Corps, numbering a total of 3,000 fighters, and representing the main part of the Serb forces within the “PANCIR-2” operation. Colonel Milorad Stupar, the commander of the 72nd Special Brigade of the Yugoslav Army, was named as commander of the fighting group. The attacks of Serb forces, with the participation of Special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and State Security Agency of Serbia, in their first phase lasted from 21 to 27 December 1993, when the 72nd Special Brigade suffered a heavy defeat in the battles on Betanija and Orahov Brijeg. Due to the suffered losses, this detachment was incapable of further military action and it was ordered to retreat to Belgrade. Instead of it, parts of the Guards Motorized Brigade were directed into Vogošća. During January, these units were engaged in battle activities of somewhat diminished intensity on the lines of Sarajevo’s defence, because in the meantime the focus of the fighting was again shifted towards the Olovo-Vareš battlefield. Active participation of the units of the Yugoslav Army in the “PANCIR-2” operation was discontinued by the end of January 1994. Their return to Belgrade was executed on 28 and 29 January in three marching columns with 45 vehicles, 3 tanks, 2 armoured vehicles, 2 self-propelled anti-aircraft guns PRAGA and one engineering machine.
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Ebaye, Sunday Esoso Nsed, and Aimimi Paul Bassey. "The Utility of Collective Security in the Context of Human Security: The Yugoslav and Somali Experiences." Journal of Advance Research in Social Science and Humanities (ISSN: 2208-2387) 6, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): 01–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/nnssh.v6i12.931.
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When one examines closely the record of performance/non-performance of the UNSC at the crucial moments of the post-Cold War era, where major issues of peace and security are involved, including cases of human security crises, one finds that there is almost always tragic dilatoriness and/or lamentable inactions. While the UN was formed to ‘save succeeding generations from the scourge of war’ the list of scourges is growing. The real threats to international peace and security are no longer confined to violations of state sovereignty. Rather, new assertions of nationalism and sovereignty have sprung up, and the cohesion of States has been threatened by interstate conflict, poverty, infectious disease and environmental degradation, internal violence; including civil wars, genocide, ethnic-cleansing and state-failures, weapons-of-mass-destruction; including chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear-weapons, terrorism, and transnational-organized-crime, discrimination, and massive violations of human rights. All representing international security threats beyond the scope of any one state to solve. While the concept of peace may be easy to grasp, that of international security is more complex, for a pattern of contradictions has arisen. What is more worrisome is that each of these challenges is in a complex relationship of inter-linkage with each other. This paper intends to look at the changing scope of security, in the new environment of growing inter-linkage between peace-security-and-development, and to take a critical look at the new concept of human security and its implications to the treatment of the issue of collective-security in the UN. Data collection was through content analysis and analysed using the quantitative chi-square scientific method.
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Lukic, Reneo, and Allen Lynch. "La paix américaine pour les Balkans." Études internationales 27, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 553–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703629ar.
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Yugoslavia's loss of strategic value since the end of the cold war has determined the scope of us engagement in the War s of Yugoslav Succession. In June 1991, therefore, the us allowed the EC and the UN to preserve Yugoslav unity and then contain the effects of the several wars launched by Serbia in the region. Bill Clinton, after rejecting George Bush's policy of "Realpolitik" during the 1992 election campaign in favor of defending the victims of aggression, quickly confirmed the essential continuity of us policy in the Balkans. Throughout the Clinton Presidency, the us has sought to contain the effects of the Yugoslav wars rather than reverse the consequences of aggression, and has relatedly sought to exclude the possibility of a significant combat role for us ground forces. Rhetoric aside, us policy has sought to encourage a settlement that reflects the military facts on the ground. The Dayton accords of November 1995 reflect these considerations in detail. Whatever the long-term effects of the Dayton "peace", one consequence is certain : the marginalization of Western Europe as a foreign policy actor within Europe itself
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Životić, Aleksandar, and Jovan Čavoški. "On the Road to Belgrade: Yugoslavia, Third World Neutrals, and the Evolution of Global Non-Alignment, 1954–1961." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 4 (October 2016): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00681.
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Attempts by Yugoslav leaders to redirect their country's foreign policy orientation and redefine their priorities came to the fore in 1954. Yugoslav officials explicitly affirmed a long-term foreign policy goal of strengthening and developing relations with Arab countries, India, and other Asian and African countries that had no ties to existing political blocs. The idea of creating a wide movement deprived of hierarchical relations and centers of decision-making was much more acceptable for the Third World. The movement promoted peace and stability, opposed tensions and conflicts, and sought mutual cooperation and development. All these efforts demanded putting together a much broader international coalition than in just Asia and Africa. This is how the Non-Aligned Movement arose and took a more definitive shape after the Cairo Conference in 1964 and the Lusaka Summit in 1970.
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Dabižinović, Ervina. "Between Resistance and Repatriarchalization. Women’s Activism in the Bay of Kotor in the 1990s." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 1 (April 16, 2021): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-2002.
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Abstract The author offers an account of women’s activism in the Bay of Kotor in the 1990s, thereby filling a gap in the academic literature on antiwar and peace activism in Montenegro during the Yugoslav wars. Although the Bay of Kotor saw regular antiwar and peace initiatives organized and led by women, these were unregistered grassroots activities. They went largely unnoticed by the media, which effectively erased them from the view of Montenegrin citizens and hid them from domestic and international historians and social scientists. The author compares the work of two non-governmental organizations, the ANIMA Centre for Women’s and Peace Education in Kotor, and RIZA–Bijela. She explores how the two organizations understood the place and role of women in the processes that took place in Montenegro in the 1990s. She assesses the similarities and differences of their respective approaches, and the effects of their work.
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Lukić, Jasmina. "Protected by Friendship and Caring: Women and Peace in the Former Yugoslav Countries." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 36, no. 3 (March 2011): 532–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/657486.
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Zivojinovic, Dragoljub. "Douglas Wilson Johnson a forgotten member of the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748219z.
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The paper presents a little-known foreign member of the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences, the American geomorphologist Douglas Wilson Johnson (1876-1944), his role as an expert on border delimitation issues in support of the claims of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919, his collaboration with Yugoslav experts, notably Jovan Cvijic, and his election to the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences shortly after the First World War.
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Loupas, Athanasios. "From Paris to Lausanne: Aspects of Greek-Yugoslav relations during the first interwar years (1919-1923)." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647263l.
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This paper looks at the course of Greek-Yugoslav relations from the Paris Peace Conference to the Treaty of Lausanne. Following the end of the First World War Greece and the newly-created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes formed a common front on an anti-Bulgarian basis, putting aside unresolved bilateral issues. Belgrade remained neutral during the Greek-Turkish war despite the return of King Constantine. But after the Greek catastrophe in Asia Minor the relations between Athens and Belgrade were lopsided.
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Belloni, Roberto, and Roberto Morozzo della Rocca. "Italy and the Balkans: The rise of a reluctant middle power." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962108.
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Since the early 1990s Italy has been engaged in promoting peace and stability in the Balkans with a growing amount of political, economic and military resources. At the beginning of the process of Yugoslav dissolution, the Italian polity was torn apart by a set of political and financial scandals that prevented the development of an assertive foreign policy. Over time, however, Italy was able to play a more relevant and constructive role. This article traces Italy's policy towards the Balkans from its modest beginnings to the present day, focusing on four key political/economic events: the war in Bosnia, the Telekom Serbia affair, the war in Kosovo and the support given to the nascent Albanian democracy. Generally speaking, Italy has provided a positive, although modest, contribution to bringing peace and stability to the region.
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Kennedy, Thomas. "Using Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to predict the outcome of the dissolution of states: factors that lead to internal conflict and civil war." Open Political Science 3, no. 1 (March 9, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2020-0001.
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AbstractDuring the process of the dissolution of countries, there exist multiple critical junctures that lead to the partition of the territory, where the different groups cannot find a consensus on who rules and how to organize the government. The outcome of these crossroad decisions and political dynamics, who are often set-up centuries ago, either lead to conflict or relative peace between the nations and peoples who express opprobrium towards each other. The most recent cases of the divorce of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia have many similitudes and are therefore appropriate to attempt to theoretically analyze the essential difference between these two types of partitions. The Yugoslav situation led to War between the nations of Croatia, Bosnia, Slovenia and Serbia, with an estimated 140,000 citizens of the former Yugoslav Republics killed, while the Czechoslovak case led to an innocuous settlement of differences and the creation of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, who joined the European Union ten years later and saw zero casualties.It is worthwhile to study the relationship between the dissolution of states and conflict using the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav cases for three main reasons. First, the similitude of the two instances enables one to identify variables that bring the outcome of having either peaceful relations or conflict between divorcing nations. Second, it is possible to compare the opposing disposition of variables with other countries that faced dissolution at one moment in history. Third, the sources and research for the two events are extensive, but very seldom put into conflict, since the causes for dissolution in both instances seem patent and explicit, contrasting significantly in scope and depth. This paper may be an occasion to disprove the notion that unworkable forces were at play here and demonstrate that the situation could have skewed in either direction, even though those structural forces are what lay the groundwork of the situation devolving into conflict.
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Vajagić, Predrag. "Yugoslav-Romanian alliance between the two world wars (Little Entente and Balkan Pact)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 2 (2022): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-30988.
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With the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes after the First World War, the new state got the Kingdom of Romania as a neighbour. Disagreements that existed between the two countries regarding the demarcation in Banat were resolved by the marriage of the King Alexander I Karađorđević and the Romanian Princess Maria Hohenzollern. The royal marriage was the basis for further development of allied relations between the states in the period between the two world wars. The partnership was strengthened by military-political pacts within the framework of the Little Entente and the Balkan Pact. The peace treaties concluded during the Versailles Conference did not guarantee the security of minor European countries such as the Kingdom of SHS and Romania. The revisionist aspirations of the joint neighbours of Hungary and Bulgaria developed friendly relations that Belgrade and Bucharest needed to deter the enemy from taking any action. The Yugoslav public viewed Romania as a friendly country, so diplomatic activities within the two alliances were closely monitored by the press. In addition, many public workers were concerned with analysing perspectives that could benefit the two countries in the future. The fact that Romania was a significant ally was evidenced by the fact that in December 1938 the mission was promoted to the rank of embassy, which was the first embassy in the diplomatic history of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In this paper, we intend to present the development of allied relations between the two countries, based on the historical reach of the historiography, as well as the analysis of the writing of the Yugoslav press. Particular attention will be paid to the challenges that the alliances faced during the Third Reich's penetration into Southeast Europe. Although the allies of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Romania would find themselves on opposite sides in World War II, there was no mutual war between the two countries, which was a consequence of the built relations in the interwar period.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919-1940)." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 261–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950261m.
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The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY?s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic?s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.
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Ljubojević, Ana. "(S)he Walks: Gendered Audiences, Memory and Representation in Post-Yugoslav Space." Politička misao 59, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.07.
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Based on ethnographic studies carried out during commemorations in Vukovar and Srebrenica, this paper analyses gendered representations of said mnemonic events. Specific practices that incorporate both military and civilian components, as well as discourse on heroism and victimhood, lay at the focus of this research: the Column of Remembrance in Vukovar and the Nezuk to Potočari Peace March. Following the theoretical findings on the nexus between memory and gender, the main actors and their agency are studied from the gender perspective. The symbolic capital of the two sites of memory and transformations of memorial practices impact the representation of gender on both state and grassroots levels and give an insight into the questions this paper asks: Why are women present in such large numbers in both Vukovar and in Srebrenica? How is gender represented in the course of these commemorations?What are the political implications of such choices? What kind of strategies are used in official and grassroots initiatives? Finally, how is it connected to gender?
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Djeric, Gordana. "Others in post-conflict contexts." Filozofija i drustvo 19, no. 3 (2008): 259–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0803259d.
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Researches conducted so far within the project Spinning out of control: rhetoric and violent conflict. Representations of 'self' - 'other' in the Yugoslav successor states focused on exploring the relations towards the Other in a state of conflict. Moreover: most of the author's and coauthors' contributions were oriented towards discourse analysis in the context of violence. Except for the peaceful dismemberment of Montenegro and Serbia, proclamation of independence of other Yugoslav states did not go without violence, to a greater or lesser extent. The Other in these situations was predominantly the ethnic Other, and usually treated as enemy. For that reason, the greater part of our past work was oriented towards analysing media reports of the most stiking war events. Also, some of the contributions intentionally targeted media reportings of tense situations and those bearing the unpredictable outcomes, such as referenda or meetings discussing war and peace matters; or, we focused our inquiries on radical standpoints expressed by certain media or political parties - all that in order to explore the essencial forms of constructing and manifesting the Otherness on a rhetoric level. From a broader perspective, the analysed period, marked by the wars of ex - Yugoslavia in the last decade of 20th century, could be comprehended as the preiod of a state of emergency, where the old order had been brutally and radically destroyed and the new one was installed. In such a process, as it was shown, the relation towards the Other was also usually extreme and ethnically motivated. Now, after the constitution of seven new states where once former Yugoslavia was, new questions emerge. We are interested, as we were before, in the identity constructions, especially in the relations toward the Other, and Otherness in general, now in the period of transition and normalization of mutual relationships that these societies are undergoing. Along with the theories of ethnicity and identity construction, the key perspective remains discursive analysis. Our main question is What is happening with the phenomenon of Otherness in public discourse, in the peaceful times, or in the post conflict state? Do the ways of representing Others from the conflict times disappear, or do they 'freeze', that is to say, remain the same, or get manifested on some other levels and by different rhetorical tools? In short, what is happening with the Others in discourses that do not 'spin out of control'? Are the Others stable, mutable or flexible category and where are the imagological boundaries of Otherness? Who are the Others now? Are there any Others among us in ethnical sense? What is the nature of relation towards the common Yugoslav past, in other words, has the common past also become the Otherness for the people of former Yugoslavia? Are the 'refugees', 'cast-outs', 'displaced persons', 'returnees'... only the new names for the old display of Otherness? .
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Kuljic, Todor. "Grave and power: A thanato-sociological analysis of the funerals of Tito, F. Tudjman and S. Milosevic." Sociologija 54, no. 4 (2012): 595–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1204595k.
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The paper offers a thanato-sociological analysis of the funerals of Tito, F. Tudjman and S. Milosevic, documenting various ideological contents and various political roles of the funerals of heads of state. Tito?s charisma was class-based, supranational and Yugoslav, while the other two were national authorities. Tito?s funeral was a symbol of peace, Tudjman?s of national liberation, and Milosevic?s a symbol resistance to imperialism. In the paper group symbols at the funerals are analyzed, along with the content of laudatio funebris, dimensions of authority of the deceased, key rhetorical figures, the structure of the funeral accompaniment and the appearance of the grave.
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TAMÁS, ÁGNES. "OLD-NEW ENEMIES IN HUNGARIAN AND YUGOSLAV CARICATURES AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1945–1947)." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 28 (December 27, 2017): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2017.28.171-188.
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In this paper I analyse caricatures of Hungarian and Yugoslav comic papers (Jež, Ludas Matyi, Új Szó, and Pesti Izé) between 1945 and 1947. I chose this source since the analysis of caricatures can demonstrate the functioning of communist propaganda. After the presentation of sources and goals of the paper, I analyse the depiction of war criminals, the perception of democracy and the Western states, and the representation of democrats and German enemies within the country in Hungary. Then I analyse the depiction of the self of the communists and finally, before the conclusions, the Peace Treaty of Paris in caricatures. The analysed propaganda caricatures documented well the views and propaganda methods of the Communist Parties regarding the above-mentioned topics.
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Šadinlija, Mesud. "Some aspects of activity of the Army of Yugoslavia in the aggresion against Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina on the territory of Central Podrinje in the beginning of 1993." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.217.
Full textAbstract:
The presence of regular Yugoslav military forces in central Podrinje and their participation in the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina have been evident from the very beginnings. As there were no significant forces of the Yugoslav People’s Army in Bosnian Podrinje, in the beginning of April 1992 the 336th Motorized brigade was dislocated from the area of Tuzla and it established its command post in Šekovići, thus becoming the bearer of battle activities and organization of the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in this region, including in its organic composition all Serb armed formations from Zvornik, Kalesija, Šekovići, Vlasenica, Milići, Bratunac and Skelani. In the attacks during which the Serb forces gained control over a broader area of Central Podrinje, and the Bosniak population, which constituted a pronounced majority of the overall population, was suppressed and reduced to three isolated enclaves on the territory of Cerska, Konjević Polje and Srebrenica, the function of leading and commanding these forces, as well as other regular and irregular units which were directed or acted from the territory of Serbia, was conducted by the Operative group “Drina”, a formation under the command of the Belgrade military zone, later the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army. In the attacks on the remaining enclaves of Podrinje during the summer and autumn of 1992 the aviation of the Yugoslav Army was employed along with lighter jets of agricultural aviation, as well as artillery from the firing positions of the Yugoslav Army on the territory of Serbia. The contents of the Wance-Owen peace plan, according to which the greater part of the Bosnian Podrinje was supposed to be included into one of the provinces with a Bosniak ethnic majority, which would have spelt the end of the Serb national policy in Podrinje, represented an announcement of a large winter offensive of the Serbian forces. With a directive issued on 19 November 1992 the Drina corps of the Army of Republika Srpska was ordered to defend Višegrad, Zvornik and the corridor towards Serbia with its main forces, to deblock the communication on the line Milići – Konjević Polje – Zvornik, and to exhaust the enemy on the broader area of Podrinje, inflict upon him as much loss as possible, and force him to “leave the areas of Birač, Žepa and Goražde together with the Muslim population”. On the basis of this directive act, the planned offensive military activities of the Serb forces in Central Podrinje, initiated during November and finished with the agreement on the demilitarization of Srebrenica in April 1993, according to the documents of the Army of Republika Srpska, had three successive phases codenamed: “PROBOJ” (Breakthrough), “PESNICA” (Fist) and “UDAR” (Assault). Despite the significant engaged forces, the offensive “PROBOJ” did not go according to plan, and in the counterattacks during December the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina liberated a large number of settled places, and until 9 January 1993 gained control over Serb strongholds in the communication region of Bratunac – Kravica, and thus physically connected all parts of the liberated territory. Then a new offensive was launched, codenamed “PESNICA”, which, aside from the stabilization of the Serb defence of Bratunac, did not achieve its stated goals, while on the other side the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina arrived to the part of the state border with Serbia in the region of Skelani. In the final phase of the offensive, that bore the code name of “UDAR”, the Army of Yugoslavia directly joined the fighting in Central Podrinje on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the direction of Bratunac towards Srebrenica the forces from the composition of OG “Drina” and parts of other units from the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army were active, which established a command outpost in Ljubovija. In central Podrinje parts of the Special units corps of the Yugoslav Army also operated, and during the offensive they were stationed in the region of Skelani. From that side, from the direction of Skelani towards Srebrenica, the forces from the composition of the Užice corps of the 2nd Army of the Yugoslav Army were also active. When the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were suppressed from the larger part of the territory and together with the masses of Bosniak civilians restricted to the broader town area of Srebrenica, the units of the Yugoslav Army could retreat to the territory of their state. The offensive was concluded with the signing of the agreement about the demilitarization of Srebrenica.
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HADZIC, Faruk. "CONTRADICTING HISTORICAL REVISIONIST MEMORY POLITICS, ETHNONATIONAL COLLECTIVISM, AND ANTI-TRANSFORMATION OF CONFLICTS IN FORMER-YUGOSLAVIA." Eurasian Research Journal 4, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.53277/2519-2442-2022.3-03.
Full textAbstract:
The paper analyzes the normative-formative framework that denotes the connection between memory and identity as a crucial origin of conflicts. In addition to concerns about memory politics, historical revisionism and ethnonational identity collectivism, the paper dissolves the connection between phenomena highlighting outcomes of the peace process, transitional justice, and its ethical/moral connotations. The study argues that Western Balkan’s sociopolitical stability depends on declining conflicting and contradictory memory order within radical sociopolitical processes. The revisionist contention memorializes conflicts and wars as the fundamental concept of ethnicity/religion/nation. It overlaps with the neoliberal and neoconservative reduction of all competitive relations, in which only the stronger have the right to existence. Discarding dominant ethnopolitical narratives is essential for conflict transformation and transitional justice for all ethnoreligious communities. The Balkan historical events and conflicting memory (WW2, Yugoslav wars) caused sociopolitical dominion shaping the collective behavior of ethnic groups. The damaging ethnic/religious practice of genocide denial and honoring war crimes within people’s social lives can become a matrix for future conflicts. Placing memory politics with radical populism is a critical condition of collective identity politics in the former Yugoslavia. Scientific rationality can provide a solid path through the anomalies in the form of political ideologies.
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Savić-Bojanić, Maja, and Ilir Kalemaj. "Art and Memory as Reconciliation Tool? Re-Thinking Reconciliation Strategies in the Western Balkans." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 3 (December 21, 2021): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The violent demise of Yugoslavia and the bloody period that marked most of the 1990s in this region have sparked academic interest in the peacebuilding and reconciliation initiatives which emerged after the conflict. Scholarly literature on the subject went in the directions of transitional justice, social psychology and socio-political approaches. However, an unexplored alley of scholarly interest remains in the role of the arts in these processes. By examining the role of arts and memory creation, this introductory article posits these against the background of a problematic reconciliation process in post-conflict areas of the Western Balkans as its core topic. Situated in a post-Yugoslav geographic space, where ethnic conflicts still hinder development, people rest much on the interpretation of the meaning of lived experiences, and the role of images, arts, myths and stories, which are used to either create or dissemble the path to peace between the many ethnic communities that inhabit this area of Europe. The use of several overlapping, yet differently interpreted themes relating to lived experiences and history shows them as symbolic transitional justice policies. They broadly deal with how such knowledges are interpreted through lived moments, such as cinema, museums and public monuments.
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Radojicic, Mirjana. "Globalization, values, interests." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 22-23 (2003): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0323133r.
Full textAbstract:
The nature of the international politics, after the Cold War directed by the U.S. as the only current super-power, are considered in the text. The author?s intention is to stress the main points of divergence between moralistic-valuable rhetoric and the foreign policy practice of the U.S. In that sense, the examples of the American stand, i.e. the active treatment of the Yugoslav crisis, on the one hand, and the crisis in the Persian Gulf, on the other hand, is considered. The author?s conclusion is that the foreign policy of the only current super-power is still directed by interests rather then by values. In the concluding part, the author presents an anthropologic argument in favor of reestablishing "balance of power" as the only guarantee for peace and stability of the world.
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Krstić, Marija. "Tito as a Tourist." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 5, no. 2 (April 12, 2010): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v5i2.7.
Full textAbstract:
Yugoslavia's foreign policy orientation and the country's role in the nonaligned movement made it possible for Josip Broz Tito to behave like a tourist. This paper aims to show what kind of tourist Tito was and what elements of tourism are to be found in his travels. Tito’s travels were to be contextualized into an aristocratic tourism and the creation of his personality cult within the Yugoslav political system. The paper will also highlight the contradictions between the official communist ideology and the undisputed leader’s actions which have the characteristics of a capitalist tourist. Within this contradiction, the vindicating mediating factors, "the policy of peace" and the nonaligned movement as the rationale for most of Tito’s travels as a tourist, were also backed up by the absolute impossibility of publicly drawing attention to the travels of aristocratic luxury unbecoming to the leader of a proletarian movement and of the working class struggle for power.
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R. Copley, Gregory. "THE ROAD TO PEACE IN THE BALKANS IS PAVED WITH BAD INTENTIONS." RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2007): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102143c.
Full textAbstract:
It has been long and widely forecast that the security situation in the Balkans — indeed, in South-Eastern Europe generally — would become delicate, and would fracture, during the final stages of the Albanian quest for independence for the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The Kosovo region is now a lawless area. It has been ethnically-cleansed of Serbs, and re-populated by Albanians who have progressively and illegally, over the past decades, migrated into the area. Years of so-called peacekeeping by the international community count for nothing. Kosovo’s presence as a nominally independent state, without any of the essential foundations to meet the true criteria for sovereignty, can in no way further the stability of the region, or of Europe. Neither can it serve US strategic interests, unless US interests can be defined as a breakdown of viability of Eastern and southern Europe. Not only Kosovo, but all of Albania and other Balkan communities have become captive of the criminal-political movements which owe their power to their alliance with Al-Qaida, Iran, and the Saudi-funded Wahhabist movements. Therefore, new warfare will be supported by many elements of the international Јihadist movements which work closely with Albanian groups such as the KLA along the so-called Green Transversal line (or Zelena Transverzala) — really a clandestine highway or network — which not only carries jihadists but also narcotics and weapons along international supply lines crossing from Turkey and the Adriatic into the Balkans and on into Western Europe. So, the broader battle is now being joined in South-East Europe, in Kosovo, Rashka, the Preshevo Valley, in FYROM, Montenegro, and Epirus being in large part proxy warfare which is symptomatic of the emergence of a new Cold War on a global scale. One can only imagine the negative consequences for Balkan stability if, for example, Turkey’s status changes and Ankara no longer feels obliged to temper its activities, or its use of Islamist surrogate or proxy groups to further pan-Turkish ambitions. On the other hand, we have not yet seen the completion of the break-up of Yugoslavia, and even the wrenching of Kosovo may not complete it. We will then see the dismemberment of some of the Yugoslav parts already independent, perhaps even the dismemberment of FYROM and Bosnia. Perhaps those State Department officials will be surprised, too, to see — a decade or two hence — the claims of autonomy emerging for parts of Arizona, Southern California, or Texas, citing the same pretext of “self-determination” now being claimed by those who moved across the borders to occupy Serbia’s Kosovo province. The Balkans region and the Eastern Mediterranean generally are entering a further period of crisis, insurrection, and possibly open conflict. None of the regional states, but particularly Serbia, are doing enough to address the security ramifications of the coming de facto independence of Kosovo. Finally, conflict issues in the Middle East, and specifically in Iraq, and relating to Iran, will continue to have a profound impact on the stability of the Balkans, and vice-versa