Relevant bibliographies by topics / Peace – Yugoslav

Academic literature on the topic 'Peace – Yugoslav'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Peace – Yugoslav"

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Memišević, Hamza, and Ermin Kuka. "Jugoslavenski komunisti između mira i razdora." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.189.

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The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation.
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Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Third Yugoslavia." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 1 (1998): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis1998101/28.

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This essay offers hope that beyond the specter and tragedy of the Yugoslav civil war lie the prospects for peace, democratization, economic and political reconstruction, and the evolution of a democratic Third Yugoslavia. But, to realize this hope, there is a need for the development of a genuine civic culture and civil society in the Yugoslav successor states based on democratic values, pluralism, and tolerance, rooted in the conception of universal human rights, constitutionalism, and equality before the law. The South Slavs may have to retrieve their historical memory which predates the fateful divisions along ethnic, cultural, and religious lines. The Swiss model of autonomous cantons, four major languages, neutrality, but a pronounced common national identity is also instructive for democratic prospects of a possible future South Slav (con-) federation and peace in the Balkans, A proposed Illyrian Constitution would bind the South Slavs together, reconnecting individual human rights to community. Above all, moral and spiritual renewal are the necessary precondition for peace and reconciliation, as well as economic and political reconstruction and the genesis of a democratic Third Yugoslavia.
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Walgrave, Spyros A. "Mass Communication and the 'Nationalisation' of the Public Sphere in Former Yugoslavia." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18591.

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Although the quasi-confederal character of Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of its 1974 constitution did not encourage the development of a genuine Yugoslavian public sphere wherepublic debate could transcend ethnic and republic divisions, it nevertheless allowed the formation of what could be called Yugoslav cultural space, a space within which social and political actors (feminist, peace movements) forged their identities regardless of the ethnic or national diversity that characterised their membership. However, the existence of this 'space' had a limited impact in Yugoslav politics partly due to the breakdown of inter-republic communication and the fragmentation of the Yugoslavian mass media. This paper traces the process of disintegration of the Yugoslav cultural space and the emergence of national 'public spheres' in the republics and provinces of former Yugoslavia and attempts to assess the role of the mass media and cultural institutions in these developments by identifying the key strategies of representation employed in the process of the fragmentation and 'nationalisation' of the public sphere of former Yugoslavia.
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Turajlić, Mila. "Filmske Novosti: Filmed Diplomacy." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (January 25, 2021): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.89.

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AbstractThis article maps out a network of cinematic collaboration established between Yugoslavia and the non-aligned countries in Africa, primarily via the institution of the Yugoslav Newsreels (Filmske novosti). Yugoslav newsreel activities developed to accompany the performative diplomacy of President Tito’s “Voyages of Peace,” playing a role both in cementing his image internationally and his political status at home. By the late 1950s, cinema would become one of the central instruments of Yugoslav information activities abroad, capitalizing on an expanding diplomatic network. In this context, Filmske novosti became the bearers of Yugoslav technical aid in the domain of cinema. Building on a trope of shared revolutionary struggles, they boosted Yugoslavia’s international reputation through the filming of the Algerian Liberation Movement. The unique nature of the cinematic aid provided by Filmske novosti to liberation movements such as the ALN and FRELIMO was continued, with assistance in setting up of national film centers in countries such as Mali and Tanzania. Throughout, Yugoslavia maintained a praxis of non-conditional and non-credited transnational ciné-kinship, which is one of the reasons this remains an unknown chapter in the history of Third Cinema and militant ciné-geographies.
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Simmons, Cynthia. "Women's Work and the Growth of Civil Society in Post-War Bosnia." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601129446.

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Civil society, to the extent that it exists today in Bosnia, has developed alongside the recasting of women's roles in public life. Researchers equate civil society in Bosnia today almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The early post-war NGOs grew out of the peace movement that took shape before and during the open conflict of 1992–1995. Peace organizations evolved to a large extent from feminist organizing and organizations in the Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia. Thus, to study the origins of Bosnian civil society, we must begin with the struggle for equal rights for women in modern Yugoslavia.
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Monzali, Luciano. "A difficult and silent return Italian exiles from Dalmatia and Yugoslav Zadar/Zara after the Second World War." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647317m.

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The aim of this essay is to offer a brief analysis of the political activity of the Italian exiles from Dalmatia after the Second World War and their relations with their mother?land and their hometown of Zadar/Zara. Their activities failed to bring about a change of the Italian-Yugoslav border established by the 1947 Treaty of Peace with Italy, but they displayed great activism and a strong determination to keep their cultural traditions alive not only in Italy but also in Yugoslav Zadar. After much effort the Italian exiles eventually succeeded in setting up a public Italian club in Zadar in 1991, after the end of communist Yugoslavia and the creation of independent Croatia.
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Sunga, Lyal. "Noam Chomsky, Yugoslavia: Peace, war and dissolution, Davor Dzalto (ed.), PM press, Oakland, 2018." Filozofija i drustvo 30, no. 3 (2019): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1903433s.

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In this essay, the author reviews and critically assesses the book Yugoslavia: Peace, War, and Dissolution, authored by Noam Chomsky and edited by Davor Dzalto. The author also points to the importance and value of the book for the field of political theory, international relations and Yugoslav studies, examining at the same time particular concepts (such as ?genocide?) within the broader context of legal theory and international law.
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DRAGOSTINOVA, THEODORA. "On ‘Strategic Frontiers’: Debating the Borders of the Post-Second World War Balkans." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2018): 387–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000243.

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This article examines debates between Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia concerning the post-Second World War Balkan borders in preparation for the Paris Peace Conference of 1946. While for most of the twentieth century Greece and Yugoslavia were close allies united in their position against revisionist Bulgaria, after 1944 the communist affiliations of the new Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments determined the rapprochement between the latter two states. As various proposals for border revisions and the possibility of a Balkan Federation were discussed, the Balkans became a prime battlefield in the emerging Cold War split between the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States. By examining a period of extreme political fluidity between 1944 and 1947, this article explores how the legacy of long-standing national tensions combined with the new political realities after the Second World War created the current borders of Bulgaria, Greece and the (former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia.
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Fournier, Julie. "La crise yougoslave : la genèse du conflit et ses perspectives de paix dans l'après-Dayton." Études internationales 28, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 461–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703772ar.

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The present article compares the conditions that sparked the Yugoslav conflict and the prospects for peace following the signing of the Dayton Accords. Analysis suggests that the outbreak of nationalist hostilities in Yugoslavia should he explained through a combination of underlying and proximate factors. Just as the circumstances accompanying the collapse of communism were chiefly responsible for the eruption of violence, the immediate factors associated with the Dayton Accords and, more specifically, the attitude of the political elites will determine the likelihood of a lasting peace. Although the new context arising from Dayton seems to have had peace-promoting effects, the socio historical factors that helped to spark the hostilities are still active and are keeping alive the conflict-oriented motives of the local leaders. A resurgence of violence is thus possible.
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Wisler, Andria K. "A Peace Research Perspective on the Yugoslav Conflicts." Peace Review 21, no. 2 (June 2009): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650902877476.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Peace – Yugoslav"

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Grgic, Gorana. "Regional cultures of war and peace: dynamics of ethnonationalist mobilization and the spread of conflicts in post-Soviet and post-Yugoslav regions." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/11629.

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In their last years of existence the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) experienced a similar state of affairs. Yet, in the years after the break-up of each, the occurrence and spillover of ethnopolitical conflicts was comparatively higher on the territory of former Yugoslavia. In addressing this puzzle, the thesis seeks to argue that the difference can be accounted for by looking at the distinctive dynamics of ethnonationalist mobilization in the core and peripheral republics. The central hypothesis is that the timing of mobilization with respect to political liberalization matters for the likelihood of conflict occurrence. Moreover, it is not only important to consider when mobilization takes place, but also where. In that respect, the distinction between the core and periphery is critical. Combining these two hypotheses, the dissertation expects that conflict is most likely to occur in regions where both core and peripheral republics mobilize prior to political liberalization. Furthermore, such dyads are more likely to result in conflict spillover. The explanation for the difference in regional conflict formations in the Western Balkans and the former Soviet territory hinges on these spatio-temporal assumptions. It identifies the most precarious dyads in the former Yugoslavia, as early mobilization was present within both core and some peripheral republics. On the other hand, in the former Soviet Union, the core underwent late mobilization, while the experiences of peripheral states varied. The contributions of the thesis are three-fold: 1) it explores the links between identity politics and international relations; 2) it contributes to the literature on the democratization-conflict nexus; and finally, 3) it offers a non-institutional explanation for the difference in state collapses and ensuing conflicts in the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia.
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Keskin, Recep. "The dispute between Bosnian Muslims and Serbs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2315.

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In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.
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Gershman, Boris M. "Peace operations in the former Yugoslavia a re-evaluation." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4992.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
It has been nearly two decades since the outbreak of the Yugoslav wars of secession and subsequent deployment of peace operations into the region, and over that time numerous attempts have been made to assess the success of these missions. This thesis evaluates elements of these peace operations, which, although generally considered critical to their success, have been largely overlooked in these assessments. These include efforts to promote social well-being and combat organized crime in Bosnia, and the United Nations' preventive deployment to Macedonia. This study concludes that the peace mission in Bosnia promoted some aspects of social well-being, reduced the level of violent organized crime, and prevented a recurrence of violent conflict. However, its long-term success has been undermined by its inability to establish a truly unified, sovereign nation with an effective central government. In comparison, the preventive deployment to Macedonia has had a more positive long-term effect, promoting security and stable governance without undermining the state's independence.
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Schweitzer, C. "Strategies of intervention in protracted violent conflicts by civil society actors : the example of interventions in the violent conflicts in the area of former Yugoslavia." Thesis, Coventry University, 2009. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/f10df296-dcc0-062b-8ba7-85d3f28687e7/1.

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This thesis seeks to contribute to the understanding of conflict intervention in protracted violent conflicts by studying the activities of civil society actors in regard to the conflicts in what was Yugoslavia until 1991. A very broad understanding of ‘intervention’ is used for this purpose that includes all kinds of activities that relate to the conflicts. Based on a survey of activities in the period between 1990 and 2002, a framework for categorising and describing these interventions is applied according to basic functions in four ‘grand strategies’ of ‘peace-making’, ‘peace-keeping’, ‘peacebuilding’, and ‘information, support, protest and advocacy’, with a total list of about 230 instruments of conflict intervention identified. The study concludes that civil society actors played three different basic roles: They complemented the work of state actors, they were the avant-garde for approaches, strategies and methods that later became ‘mainstream’ in conflict intervention, and in some cases, they were able to control or correct actions by governments through advocacy or direct action. The development of instruments of civil conflict transformation received a massive boost through this engagement in the 1990s. The study supports the position taken recently by some researchers making comparative studies of cases of conflict intervention regarding the limited role played by dialogue and reconciliation work in regard to dealing with the overall conflicts: In spite of ‘reconciliation’ and inter-ethnic cooperation being at the core of the vast majority of all projects and programmes undertaken in the area, indicators of real impact regarding an overall positive change in society and prevention of future violence seem to be rather weak. The study further observes that there was a social movement developed relating to former Yugoslavia in many Western countries that in a hitherto unknown way combined traditional methods of protest and advocacy with concrete work in the field.
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Pupavac, Mladen. "The international criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia : analysis of its contribution to the peace and security in the former Yugoslavia and the rule of law in international relations." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2003. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11533/.

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The aim of this study has been to explore the political and legal significance of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, both within the territory of the former Yugoslavia and beyond. Within these parameters, the overall purpose of the study has been to examine, firstly, whether the ICTY has contributed to the restoration of peace and security in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and secondly, whether, using the experience of the ICTY, it is reasonable to expect that the newly established International Criminal Court (ICC) will make a similar contribution to international peace and security and the rule of law in international relations more generally. Therefore, the academic aim of the thesis is to use the results of the empirical research on the ICTY as a basis for reasoned speculation about the ICC. In seeking to answer whether the ICTY has contributed to peace and security in the former Yugoslavia, the thesis analyses the cooperation of the actors within and outside the former Yugoslavia, both state and non-state, arguing that the ICTY has not achieved its main objective. Using the lessons of the ICTY, the thesis seeks to modify expectations about the potential of the ICC to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security by helping to manage similar conflicts in the future. In answering whether the ICTY has contributed to the rule of law in international relations, the thesis has contextualised the ICTY within the history of similar attempts to use international law and international institutions to prohibit and/or regulate the use of force in international relations. The overall conclusion is that the ICTY has not achieved this goal either.
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Haluzik, R. "How war was hatched from peace : political aesthetics, mass performance and ecstasy at the beginning of the post-communist ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and in the Caucasus." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1318082/.

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When the whole wave of "ethnic conflicts" exploded, as if out of the blue, in Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 1990s, I spent a total of more than 24 months as a social anthropologist and reporter in the war areas of Bosnia, Kosovo, Croatia, Chechnya, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. It surprised me that despite the considerable cultural differences between these areas, the post-communist nationalist conflicts were in many respects very similar. In this work I focus on their common features from the point of view of the agency of the participants as actors -the activists, soldiers and wider groups of those who agreed with or even supported them. What interests me is "why the boys go to war and why those who ought to have had some sense applaud them for it". This question is all the more urgent because these conflicts were often dominated by paramilitary volunteer units, even the regular armies were often formed at the beginning on a strikingly activist principle and initially the conflicts had unbelievably broad mass nationwide support. Using the extensive material of my own observations, and studies of nationalist political aesthetics, pre-war urban legends and popular metaphors I show how the conflicts developed from a political aesthetic of post-modern nationalisms (cultivated in a similar way in all cases), with its source deep in the contradiction between the universalism of radical modernisation and the nationally orientated cultural politics both cultivated by communist regimes. I try to show that war did not come out of the blue, or result from some politician pressing a button. I show how its political aesthetic first emerged very inconspicuously in the cultural sphere of the imagination of works of art, dreams and later manifestos, and then "exploded" on the squares in the form of great national spectacles (carefully followed by the media), to be followed by the performance of smaller already armed street-dramas, prewar parades, exercises and provocations from which the real armed conflict was eventually born. I seek to show the steps along the way from the ethos of war "on paper" and "in the marble of statues" to war in the field. I stress that for any real understanding of these movements of mass mobilisation it is essential not to consider the phenomena of nationalist (pre)war aesthetics, their embodiment through ritualisation and a certain mass ecstasy in isolation from each other, but to study them all as parts of one process. Particular emphasis is placed on work with temporality and the typical liminally ecstatic feeling, so typical for post-communist societies in the time of discontinuity, that an "explosion" is simply inevitable, that (in this time of the crisis of modernity and universalism), we must now finally "wake up", "be reborn" and "return to roots". To the expectation that everything is about to "hatch out".
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García, García Ángel. "Otra mirada sobre Yugoslavia. Memoria e historia de la participación de las fuerzas armadas españolas en Bosnia - Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10889.

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El estudio de la intervención española en la ex - Yugoslavia se organiza a partir de dos temáticas centrales: el análisis de los mecanismos jurídicos e institucionales de las organizaciones internacionales y la experiencia vivida de los protagonistas de estas misiones de paz. Por lo tanto, la tesis se articula a tres bandas: historia jurídica, historia social del pensamiento y la experiencia vivida. Las fuentes originales aúnan declaraciones internacionales, testimonios personales, y análisis pormenorizado de los medios de comunicación social.
The study of the spanish intervention in the former Yugoslavian Republic is based in two main subjects: The analysis of legal and institucional mechanism of international organizations and the lived experience of the main figures of these peace missions. Therefore, the thesis is articulated in a trilateral way: Legal history, Social History of thought and the lived experience. The original sources join international declarations, personal evidence and the detailed analysis of the social media
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Ripiloski, Sasho, and sash1982@optusnet com au. "Macedonia 1991-2001: a case-study of conflict prevention - lessons learned and broader theoretical implications." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20090507.141532.

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Notwithstanding a broad range of internal and external stresses, Macedonia was the only republic to attain its independence peacefully from the otherwise violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Subject of a timely and sustained international response, it was feted as a rare preventive success for the international community. Whilst not necessarily decisive, this mobilisation helped ensure a non-violent transition to independence. Yet, much to the surprise of outside observers, Macedonia would fall into conflict a decade after independence, when self-styled freedom fighters purporting to represent the local Albanian community launched an eight-month insurgency in the name of political and cultural equality. Triggered by a coalescence of political, nationalist, ideological and criminal interests, the insurgency had complex roots, as much an intra-Albanian putsch as a struggle for greater group rights. Regardless of their precise genesis, from the perspective of conflict prevention, the events of 2001 challenge popular assumptions of Macedonia as an international success story. Above all, they reinforce the need for external actors to incorporate short-term strategies of prevention targeting immediate sources of instability within a more comprehensive, long-term framework that addresses structural, underlying conflict causes. Indeed, whilst proximate threats to Macedonian stability were addressed, fundamental risk factors remained, namely social polarisation, a large ethnic minority disenfranchised with the state, economic under-development, high levels of organised crime and corruption, a weak rule-of-law and continuing regional uncertainty. These were partly aggravated by the mistakes of a complacent international community, whose engagement in the country, accordingly, receded over time. In particular, the dissertation is critical of the European Union for its initial failure to articulate a genuine pathway to membership for Macedonia and the broader western Balkans, as well as the handling of NATO's military intervention in neighbouring Kosovo. Of course, in any preventive endeavour, the international community can only do so much; in the first instance, responsibility lay with unresponsive Macedonian institutions, who failed to adequately address legitime Albanian demands dating from independence. Be that as it may, the international community was culpable for its failure to sufficiently apply the formidable soft-power leverage it wields over a weak Macedonian state to implement reforms that, conceivably, could have precluded the outbreak of armed conflict. As a case-study of prevention, Macedonia holds instructive lessons for scholars and policymakers. Yet it remains under-researched. Examining the period 1991-2001, this investigation analyses precisely why and how Macedonia avoided violence during the process of Yugoslav dissolution yet ultimately fell into conflict, and extrapolates broader lessons that may be applied to other at-risk societies. Its purpose is to advance understanding of a poorly understood country, and contribute knowledge to key on-going international security debates. Highlighting the inter-connectedness and trans-national character of contemporary security threats, it posits that the major powers have a practical interest in addressing emerging intra-state crises, even when the putative national interest appears marginal. To facilitate more timely multilateral responses, it calls for the de-nationalisation of security, and its conceptualisation in international - as opposed to strictly national - terms.
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Sadic, Adin. "History and Development of the Communication Regulatory Agency in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1998-2005." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1142281304.

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Nováková, Michaela. "Bělehrad - Dunaj - Sáva." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta architektury, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-215810.

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Diploma project_ Belgrade_ Danube_ Sava As the theme of my thesis I chose the city of Belgrade in the magic we see everyday. An interesting feature is its strategic location at the confluence of the rivers Danube and Sava. The project first deals with research in a broader context. It focuses not only on Belgrade,but also the whole Serbia and its ethnic and religious diversity, the Balkan temper of the population. Survey maps on one side of the city, its beauty and challenges, on the other hand, thesociological context, which examines the main problems of the population of the former Yugoslavia, their mutual coexistence and conflict.. Stigma of the City The work sets in five most problematic points that directly affect the river basins. These problems selecting a continuous strip length of 10 kilometers. Urban areas have a water factor and the city, which is reflected in the grid of streets. Cross streets are straight line to the city, continuing today boulevards that leads to the Danube. Longitudinal its streets and roads follow the river undulation. Based on the original idea of creating islands of the other two islands which make their way onto the side of the Danube three cities waterfront. We get water in the city, which is not only artificial reservoirs, but water in its nature and dynamics. Most exposed parts of the scarred area, the left bank of the Marina Luka which leads to the Francouzská boulevard linking the main square to the Danube. In this area has focused more specifically in connection with the sociological survey. Stigma of the Nation Due to the fact that Belgrade was the capital of Yugoslavia, I focused on interpersonal and economic problems of the population of the former Yugoslavia and its dissolution. On the outside Yugoslavia was united in its time in terms of a strong state economy. After the disintegration of countries to stop cooperating and their economy has significantly dropped. Interpersonal ethnic hatred grew in mutual exploitation of minorities, whether ethnic, and religious. The hatred and conflict in humans are deep and mutual grievances will be difficult to erase. Stigma of the City + Stigma of the Nation = Peace Center Thus we come to the junction of scar and the scars of a nation and a way to deal with both. In a significant proportion of exposed and Belgrade should be the function that has a deeper meaning, overlap, and the importance for the nation, the whole Balkan peninsula. Shaping a platform for peaceful dialogue and mutual cooperation of the former states of Yugoslavia at all levels. Building project will be a peace organization, which will fill this space understanding, cooperation and reconciliation, heal the stigma of a nation and city. The Centre is engaged in projects in the economic, social, medical, religious and cultural. A strong element is the continued ramp-boulevard of the Danube, which shows that the path to the goal may have obstacles and the goal is far off, but worth it to continue. Torn heart_ Peace Center building_ Culture_ media_ Arts As Yugoslavia disintegrated in the Yugonostalgi a back to each other, and the design of the building is torn heart of Yugoslavia, which on itself can not completely back, so at least communicate through the atrium, but are otherwise separate entities.
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Books on the topic "Peace – Yugoslav"

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Gow, James. Peace-making, peace-keeping: European security and the Yugoslav wars. London: Brassey's for the Centre for Defence Studies, 1992.

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Gow, James. Peace-making, peace-keeping: European security and the Yugoslav wars. London: Brassey's for the Centre for Defence Studies, 1992.

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Gow, James. Peace-making, peace-keeping: European security and the Yugoslav wars. London: Brassey's for the Centre for Defence Studies, 1992.

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Peace journey: The struggle for peace in Bosnia. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1998.

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Staša, Zajović, and Aleksov Bojan, eds. Women for peace. Beograd: Women in black, 1997.

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Zajović, Staša. Women for peace. Beograd: Women in black, 2007.

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Ekwall-Uebelhart, Barbara. Managing arms in peace processes. New York: United Nations, 1996.

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Ricchiardi, Sherry. Bosnia: The struggle for peace. Brookfield, Conn: Millbrook Press, 1996.

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David, Flint. Bosnia: Can there ever be peace? Austin, Tex: Raintree Steck-Vaughn, 1996.

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Citizen's Conference for the Peaceful and Democratic Integration of the Balkans into Europe (1992 Valencia, Spain). Ex-Yugoslavia: From war to peace. Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana Pub. Dept., 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Peace – Yugoslav"

1

Wisler, Andria K. "Cosmopolitanism as a Philosophical Foundation of Post-Yugoslav Peace Studies in Higher Education." In Peace Philosophy in Action, 185–203. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112995_9.

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Gorenjak, Ida Ograjšek. "Yugoslav Women's Movement and “The Happiness to the World”." In Gendering Peace in Europe c. 1880–2000, 122–43. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003273899-7.

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Begić, Sandina, and Boriša Mraović. "Forsaken Monuments and Social Change: The Function of Socialist Monuments in the Post-Yugoslav Space." In Peace Psychology Book Series, 13–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-05464-3_2.

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Mulchinock, Niall. "NATO’s Peace Support Interventions in the Balkans Since 1995 (Phase 3 The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia)." In NATO and the Western Balkans, 215–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59724-3_7.

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Summa, Renata. "UN Missions in Ex-Yugoslavia." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 1–10. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_150-1.

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Summa, Renata. "UN Missions in Ex-Yugoslavia." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 1533–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77954-2_150.

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Tolbert, David. "Children and International Criminal Law: The Practice of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY)." In From Peace to Justice Series, 147–54. The Hague: Hague Academic Press, an imprint of T.M.C. Asser Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-425-7_11.

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Vujanič-Varga, Dinka, V. Ognjanov, Jelica Balaž, Ksenija Macet, and Marija Krstič. "Genetic resources in apple, pear and vineyard peach populations in former Yugoslavia." In Developments in Plant Breeding, 433–37. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-0467-8_87.

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"9 The Yugoslav Wars." In Global Challenges: Peace and War, 115–33. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004246935_011.

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"7. Kosovo: Standing up to the Yugoslav Goliath." In Bombs for Peace, 445–504. Amsterdam University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048519675-009.

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Conference papers on the topic "Peace – Yugoslav"

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Dan Paich, Slobodan. "Conciliation: Culture Making Byproduct." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.002.

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Abstract:
Abstract Reclaiming public space at Oakland's Arroyo Public Park, a nexus of crime and illegal activities. A coalition of neighbors invited local performing artists to help animate city agencies, inspire repair of the amphitheater and create daytime performances in the summer, mostly by children. It gave voice to and represented many people. Reclaiming space for community was the impetus, structured curriculum activates were means. Safe public space and learning were two inseparable goals. Conciliation learning through specific responses, example: Crisis Of Perseverance acute among children and youth lacking role models or witnessing success through perseverance. Artists of all types are the embodiment of achievable mastery and completion. Taking place on redefined historic 1940 passenger-cargo/military ship for public peacetime use and as a cultural space. Mixt generations after and outside school programs: Children and Architecture project’s intention was to integrate children’s internal wisdom of playing with learning about the world of architecture (environment and co-habitability) as starting point was an intergenerational setting: 5-12 olds + parents and volunteers, twice weekly from 1989 to 1995 at the Museum of Children’s Art in Oakland, California. Concluding Examples Public celebration and engagements as inadvertent conciliations if prepared for before hand. Biographical sketch: Slobodan Dan Paich native of former Yugoslavia was born 1945. He lived in England from 1967 to 1985. Slobodan taught the History of Art and Ideas, Design and Art Studio from 1969 through 1985 at various institutions in London, including North-East London Polytechnic, Thames Polytechnic and Richmond College-American University in London. Between 1986 to1992, he taught at the University of California at Berkeley. With a number of scholars, artists, and community leaders, he founded the Artship Foundation in 1992, and has been its Executive Director ever since. He also served as a board member of the Society of Founders of the International Peace University in Berlin/Vienna from 1996 to 2002, where he lectured annually and chaired its Committee on Arts and Culture. community@artship.org
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Reports on the topic "Peace – Yugoslav"

1

Olson, Gregory P. Paramilitaries in the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: Effects on the Peace Process. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada614255.

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