Journal articles on the topic 'Peace-making processes'
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Crouch, Melissa. "Peace processes and constitution-making: An introduction." International Journal of Constitutional Law 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 1283–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moaa091.
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Wolff, Stefan. "The Making of Peace: Processes and Agreements." Armed Conflict Survey 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23740973.2018.1482065.
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Tas, Latif. "Peace Making or State Breaking? The Turkish-Kurdish Peace Processes and the Role of Diasporas." Review of Social Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 25–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21586/ross0000028.
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Ben-Porat, Guy. "Between power and hegemony; business communities in peace processes." Review of International Studies 31, no. 2 (April 2005): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006479.
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The support that businessmen and business organisations displayed for the peace processes in Israel and Northern Ireland was open and vocal, underscoring the supposed linkage between globalisation, peace and economic growth, and the supposed leadership role of business. The purpose of this study is to examine the motivations of the business communities in Israel and Northern Ireland in becoming involved in the peace processes, their organisation to promote peace, decision-making processes at critical junctures, and their actual impact on the political outcomes. Study of the business communities demonstrates that their empowerment enabled them to exert political influence but fell short of hegemony that would enable them to set the wider political agenda. The impact of both business communities, for different reasons, was therefore limited.
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Levine, Daniel H. "Peacekeeper Impartiality: Standards, Processes, and Operations." Journal of International Peacekeeping 15, no. 3-4 (March 25, 2011): 422–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541111x572746.
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Though UN peacekeeping has changed dramatically since its inception, peacekeepers are still ostensibly committed to the “holy trinity” of consent, impartiality, and minimum use of force. Impartiality has come under special pressure, as peacekeepers are increasingly expected not only to observe the situation, but to take forceful action against “spoiler” groups that threaten the peace or human rights. This essay draws on official statements, outside analysis, and a number of interviews with peacekeepers conducted by the author and his research assistant, to demonstrate that a wide variety of understandings of “impartiality” currently exist, potentially undermining peacekeeping operations. The author attempts to systematize these variations according to how they understand the standard of impartiality, the process for making impartial decisions, and the scope of operations that fall under the concept. Ultimately, the author argues for an understanding of impartiality that is practically focused on achieving peace and includes structured consultations with all parties as a conceptual necessity, not just a helpful technique.
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Himmer, Michael. "Alpaslan Özerdem – Roger Mac Ginty (eds.)." Czech Journal of International Relations 57, no. 2 (October 5, 2022): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.7.
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This book offers a comparative survey of 18 contemporary peace processes conducted by leading international scholars.
There is no standard model of peace processes and all will vary according to the context, type of conflict, timing, national and global economic climate, and factors like natural disasters. Therefore, making comparisons between peace processes is difficult, but it is beneficial – indeed, imperative – and is the principal motivation behind this volume. What works in one context may not work in another, but it can be modified and adapted to fit another context.
The book is structured to maximise comparison between processes, and the case studies chosen are topical and span the major regions of the world. The concluding chapter systematically compares the case studies around 11 variables that cover the conflict context, peace process procedures, the responsiveness of the peace process to demands, and levels of participation and inclusion. Each peace process is then given a numeric score according to each of these variables, and the book thereby reaches judgements on whether each case can be termed a ‘success’ or a ‘failure’.
This book will be essential reading for students of peace studies, conflict resolution, war and conflict studies, security studies, and IR.
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Oando, Samwel Odhiambo, and Shirley Gabriella Achieng’. "Peacemaking in Africa and Nobel Peace Prize 2019: The Role of Ahmed Abiy Ali in resolving the Ethiopia–Eritrea Cross-Border Conflict." African Review 48, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 22–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-12340031.
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Abstract Conflicts globally have reportedly declined even though the number of African countries plagued by internal cross border strife has increased. Given this trend, the African peace and security architecture has evolved considerably over the past decade, culminating in the award of the Nobel Peace Prize – to one of the key actors in peace-making process, Ahmed Abiy Ali. Hence, this paper explores how the inter-state conflicts in Africa, such as the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, reflect some colonial continuities of violence. We, therefore, stipulate the justification for the Nobel Peace Prize to illustrate how norms evolve, and further, how identities are constituted in peace-making. This, we argue, is parallel to other situations in African countries as manifested through identity, legitimacy, and authority in shaping political decisions, within the mutually constitutive relationships between agents and political structures. The paper, therefore, situates the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea into the African context using a model of the decisive action by Abiy, with limited Western influence towards peace, hence providing rationale for subaltern voices and indigenous peace processes in Africa.
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Calléja, Lucie. "Building Peace from the Bottom Up: The Case of Liberia." International Journal of Non-Profit Sector Empowerment 1, no. 1 (September 27, 2022): e31253. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/npse.31253.
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Over the last two decades, national and international peacebuilding initiatives have increasingly emphasised the need to include a wider range of actors in post-conflict and peace processes. The importance of developing women’s skills and full participation in the peacebuilding sphere has been recognised and promoted by legal norms such as the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), adopted in 2000. Even though the progress made on women’s participation in peacebuilding processes cannot be ignored, the effective implementation of policy frameworks remains limited, especially in conflict and post-conflict countries. In this context, this paper analyses the role of community-based initiatives in empowering local women in peace-making and peacebuilding processes, using the case study of the Second Liberian Civil War (1999-2003) and the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET). This article emphasizes the importance of inclusive peacemaking through a review of Liberian women’s peace activism throughout the official talks.
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Kuus, Merje. ""Love, Peace and Nato": Imperial Subject-Making in Central Europe." Antipode 39, no. 2 (March 2007): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.2007.00521.x.
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Grizelj, Irena. "Engaging the Next Generation: A Field Perspective of Youth Inclusion in Myanmar’s Peace Negotiations." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 164–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011148.
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Abstract Literature examining the participation of youth during peace processes is limited. Previous work has often focused on youth as “peacebuilders” and agents of change or threats to peace in the post-accord period, with little emphasis on how young people participate during the negotiation phase. This article seeks to fill this gap by assessing youth inclusion and participation in Myanmar’s ongoing peace negotiations. The study finds that, while youth have not had formal inclusion avenues in the peace negotiations, there are cohorts of young people who perceive themselves to be legitimate stakeholders in the peace process, who have attempted to gain access to decision-making in the peace negotiations, and have played active roles in supporting the process. It is argued that recognizing youth as key stakeholders in the peace accord will play a vital role in building sustainable peace within Myanmar’s nascent democracy.
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Abdul Hamid, Nor’Adha, Mohamad Hafifi Hassim, Norazla Ab Wahab, Tuan Nurhafiza Raja Abdul Aziz, Roslinda Ramli, and Siti Noor Ahmad. "ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION (ADR) VIA SULH PROCESSES." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 4, no. 17 (December 15, 2019): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.417003.
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Islam is sent by Allah S.W.T through His messenger, our beloved prophet Muhammad S.A.W and is seen as a complete and perfect religion to answer all of the problems faced by humankind on this earth. Its integrated and natural system can be implemented anywhere, anytime and in all situations. All of its rules and regulations are not against the natural norms and dispositions of humans. It is sent solely for the assurance in forming a harmonious life, free of quarrels and arguments that can cause chaos in the lives of humans. In our daily lives, we cannot help but face various difficulties, problems, misunderstandings, and disputes. Therefore, Islam cannot let its followers find the solution for such matters without providing a way out as well as instilling the spirit of Islam in it. When solving a dispute, Islam promotes a method based on the principle of ‘al-Sulh’ which simply means peace. Islam truly encourages the practice of sulh as it highlights efforts of peace-making through acceptance. Prophet Muhammad S.A.W very much encouraged his followers to seek peace and avoid having disputes with one another. There is an event involving Prophet Muhammad S.A.W. solving a dispute among the Quraisy dignitaries regarding the right to place the Hajar al-Aswad that proves the practice of sulh is very much promoted in Islam. This research uses the qualitative method and document analysis, literary research and scientific journals. The research is hoped to provide insights on the Alternative Dispute Resolution via sulh processes and its kind in the perspective of Islam.
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Rodman, Kenneth A. "Why the ICC Should Operate Within Peace Processes." Ethics & International Affairs 26, no. 1 (2012): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000020.
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Is it ethical for the prosecutor at the International Criminal Court (ICC) to consider political factors, such as peace processes, in selecting situations to investigate or cases to prosecute? During the early years of the court, a number of documents and statements from the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) suggested that there were occasions when it was. Two OTP policy papers issued in 2003 recommended that the prosecutor assess “all circumstances prevailing in the country or region concerned, including the nature and stage of the conflict and any intervention by the international community,” and whether prosecution might “exacerbate or otherwise destabilize a conflict situation.” In the same spirit, the ICC's chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, referred to his decision-making as a “dialogue between many actors” with a “strategic dimension . . . [that] involves all stakeholders.” This language suggested a process of consultation and coordination with local and international actors involved in conflict resolution to adapt international criminal justice to on-the-ground political realities.
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Ateş Burç, Safiye. "The reconstruction of symbolic space at Colombian-FARC peace process." Revista Latinoamericana Estudios de la Paz y el Conflicto 2, no. 3 (November 9, 2020): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/rlpc.v2i3.10338.
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Although long-armed conflicts between the Colombian government and the FARC organization have witnessed the occasional peace talks, it could evolve in peace after 2012. The peace process, which was announced to the public in 2016 with an official agreement, was a process consisting of many strategic steps, thus making it mandatory to regulate many areas. One of these areas is the symbolic area. In this study, which discusses the argument that the symbolic space must be regulated and renewed in peace processes, it is discussed how the peace of Colombia is read through symbolism and how the conflictual sides transform and reframe the symbolic space. As a result, it has been observed that the efforts of the parties (in this peace process) in transforming the symbolic area have a very important place for the lasting peace, so the symbols are not only superficial units put into the secondary plan, but on the contrary, they have been used actively and effectively from the beginning of the process.
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Lukianchenko, E. V. "GENDER-RESPONSIVE GOVERNMENT TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE POLICIES – A PATH TO SUSTAINABLE PEACE AND POST‑CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION." Constitutional State, no. 43 (October 26, 2021): 202–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.43.241003.
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The article is devoted to the legal basis and direction of the Government of Ukraine in the development of gender-responsive state policy of the transition period. The international principles and commitments of Ukraine in the framework of transitional justice, taking into account the gender aspect, are revealed, as well as the international and national commitments of Ukraine in the framework of involving women in peacebuilding and participation. The article presents international experience of taking into account international standards and norms in order to protect women’s rights and build peace. Global evidence indicates that women’s meaningful participation in peace negotiations increases the duration of peace. Peace agreements with female signatories are more durable and have a significantly higher number of provisions aimed at political reform and higher implementation rates. The recent study investigating 352 peace agreements in 64 countries between 1990 and 2019 also found that there was a significant increase in the share of peace agreements with gender provisions, from below 10% in the 1990s to 45% in 2013. Yet, this practice appears to have been halted. In 2019, the share of agreements with gender provisions was only at 29%. Despite an increasing evidence about the important role of women, their expertise and meaningful participation in preventing and addressing conflict and sustaining peace, women are still under- represented in the peace processes. Between 1992 and 2019, women constituted, on average, only 13% of negotiators, 6% of mediators, and 6% of signatories in major peace processes worldwide. Present peacebuilding experiences also indicate that peace is likely to be lasting only if the security needs of the population are addressed in parallel with the political and socioeconomic aspects of conflict resolution and post-conflict recovery. Women’s exposure to conflict may result in their new roles and responsibilities and may open new opportunities for their greater involvement in public life, including peace and security decision-making. Likewise, gender equality positively influences the cohesion and effectiveness of the security sector in increasingly multidimensional peace processes.
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Strasheim, Julia. "No ‘end of the peace process’: Federalism and ethnic violence in Nepal." Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 1 (January 22, 2018): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717750199.
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How does the reform of territorial state structures shape prospects for peace after war? Existing research on the institutional causes of peace often focuses on how institutional designs, as the outcomes of reform processes, reduce post-war violence and promote peace. The literature does less frequently address how the politics that characterise reform processes affect the legitimacy of institutions and whether or not violent protest ultimately takes place: this risks omitting key explanations of how institutional reforms contribute to peace and the mechanisms by which this occurs. By examining the case of Nepal, where clashes between protesters and security forces over constitutional provisions for federalism have killed more than 60 people since August 2015, this study shows that three factors of the territorial reform process contributed to the onset of post-war ethnic violence. These included: (1) elite control of decision-making; (2) tight deadlines that promoted backtracking on previous commitments; and (3) the embedding of single territorial reforms in a ‘concert’ of institutional reforms that, as a whole, sparked fear of discrimination among ethnic minorities.
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Stepanova, E. "Peace Process: on Substantive Definition." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 9 (2022): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-5-18.
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Prevailing formal, technical definition of the “peace process” reduces it to a more or less linear sequence of peace agreements. Such definitions lack substance and do not fully account for realities of contemporary conflicts and conflict management. Nor does empirical evidence support inherently positive interpretations of the notion of the “peace process” that are still widespread and create heightened expectations about such processes’ outcomes. During past four decades, two thirds of armed conflicts lacked any peace process. In the first two decades of the 21st century, negotiated outcomes accounted for just a quarter of all conflict outcomes. Nor do peace processes, launched due to war and mostly during war, require or quickly lead to sustained secession of fire that is more likely to take place at the later stages of the process. Realities of contemporary peace processes hardly match any “ideal model” of a linear process that leads to a comprehensive peace agreement. Full and final peace agreements are becoming less frequent, while on-and-off, nonlinear, parallel, fragmented negotiations, ceasefires, partial and local agreements proliferate. The very notion of a peace process as a mere sequence of formal written agreements is inadequate, even as individual agreements are easier to identify, code and count in respective datasets. The article argues that the way to define a peace process, identify and distinguish it from other conflict-related negotiations and contacts requires qualitative analysis of its substance. It inspects and revises two basic substantive criteria of the “peace process” definition that deal with what the parties are talking about and who the negotiating parties are. Unlike technical contacts or ceasefires, peace processes are not mainly about discussing forms and methods of warfare or its humanitarian symptoms, but are primarily centered on dialogue between conflict parties on key underlying incompatibilities over which the conflict has been fought. Such incompatibilities always have a political dimension (socio-political, ideological, related to ethnic/religious/socio-cultural identity, political economy, and international (geo)politics). The article suggests to place the main focus on the peace process rather than on individual agreements as its (interim) products. It also argues for making the need to address key incompatibilities at dispute a sine qua non criterion for any negotiations to qualify for a peace process. This allows to distinguish peace processes from more technical talks and most ceasefires, to account for a broader range of substantive negotiation formats (including initiatives that did not lead to an agreement), and to identify when a peace process starts (whenever talks on key contested incompatibilities begin). Decline in sustained, comprehensive, final peace agreements coupled with the rise in ceasefires, temporary partial agreements and locally negotiated deals do not necessarily imply decline in, or marginalization of, peace processes. On the contrary, this only underscores the imperative of handling a focused, substantive negotiation process over feverish “race for agreements” that are often premature or externally imposed upon the conflict parties. The second mandatory definitional criterion pertains to which armed actors’ involvement is principal or decisive for settling key incompatibilities and which ones could be sidelined and further marginalized with no major detriment to the peace process. The former include main military actors, with major presence on the ground and a degree of social support. These actors cannot be substituted for by international stakeholders/mediators or civil society groups. A negotiation format that ignores the principle “one does not choose one’s enemy/negotiation protagonist” and fails to directly involve representatives of the main protagonists on the ground hardly qualifies for a peace process. Fragmentation of violence and proliferation of non-state actors in modern conflicts further actualize the need to set certain limits for the peace process’s inclusiveness and distinguish key parties from smaller, more local or ultra-radical, irreconcilable actors. While a degree of armed actor’s social support is important, a decisive parameter is often an armed actor’s overall, especially military, potential sufficient to destabilize any peace process that it is not part of. At the same time, the range of potential participants in peace processes could also be reasonably broadened, especially with regard to non-state actors, to better reflect evolving conflict patterns. This could be done by extending the notion of peace processes to include substantive talks not only with, but also between major non-state actors. Local agreements and ceasefires could also sometimes be seen as part of a peace process, but only provided they are to some degree related to the conflict’s key political incompatibilities. Overall, a peace process should neither be seen as an end in itself to be achieved at any price, nor downgraded to a category secondary to a peace agreement. Of key relevance for defining and identifying a peace process is its substance, inclusiveness, and pertinence to central issues contested by military means. The article postulates and attests the primacy of (a) qualitative criteria and analysis for adequate definition of a peace process and (b) a category of “peace process” over peace/ceasefire agreements.
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Dorn, A. Walter, and Robin Collins. "Peacekeeping works: The UN can help end civil wars." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 1 (March 2020): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020917167.
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Despite some harsh criticisms of United Nations (UN) peace operations, research demonstrates that many UN missions are successful, though evaluations depend on how success is defined. Even UN missions that fail in one or more aspects provide a net benefit to peace processes and help to save lives and alleviate human suffering. While an understanding of the flaws and limitations of peace operations can help improve the operations, some unfair criticism must be directly challenged. For instance, contrary to critiques in a recent paper by Séverine Autesserre, the UN has helped end civil wars, and it does not have a fixation on elections nor does it ignore the bottom-up approach. Most UN multidimensional missions pursue multiple levels of engagement, from local to national leaders. Elections are a key way to engage locals. With decades of experience, the UN has many positive lessons to offer in making, keeping, and building peace.
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Cárdenas, Juan Camilo, Andrés Casas-Casas, and Nathalie Méndez Méndez. "The Hidden Face of Justice: Fairness, Discrimination and Distribution in Transitional Justice Processes." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2013-0052.
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AbstractThis article contributes to the literature on the impact of transitional justice measures using behavioral evidence from experiments. We argue that there is a distributional dilemma at the heart of transitional justice programs, given that the State must allocate goods and services both to victims and excombatants. Individual and social preferences over these processes matter, given that they are likely to scale up to undermine or increase public support for transitional justice programs. We offer evidence from the Colombian case, to show what we call the hidden face of justice effect, which occurs when in the transition from war to peace distributional dilemmas arise and generate a social sanction function that creates negative incentives that can affect the achievement of reintegration of ex-combatants and jeopardizes the maintenance of peace. In order to explore the microfoundations that underlie the differences between allocations to victims and ex-combatants, we use data from field experiments and find that ex-combatants expect lower transfers from public officers and citizens and indeed receive lower transfers, if compared to the victims and the control groups included in the study, despite the fact that third-party observers have the power to punish senders when making offers seen by the third-party as unfair.
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Schiff, Amira. "On Success and Failure: Readiness Theory and the Aceh and Sri Lanka Peace Processes." International Negotiation 19, no. 1 (March 13, 2014): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341271.
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AbstractThis study presents a comparative analysis of two case studies in which attempts were made to resolve intractable ethno-national conflicts: the peace process undertaken in Aceh between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement, which led to the signing of the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (mou) ending the conflict in Aceh; and the process conducted in the Sri Lanka conflict from 2001 through 2004 between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Tamil Tigers, which failed to yield an agreement. The two peace processes will be examined using readiness theory, which focuses on the factors influencing the decision to enter into negotiations. This article also attempts to extend the hypotheses of readiness theory to explore the process of concession-making during the negotiations that took place in the two case studies. The findings indicate that the theory does contribute to understanding the dynamics of the pre-negotiation in both case studies and that applying its hypotheses may contribute to the understanding of the dynamics of the process of reaching an agreement in the Aceh process and of the factors leading to the failure of the negotiations in the Sri Lanka conflict. The analysis also gives rise to some questions that challenge readiness theory and its hypotheses – empirically and methodologically.
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Muma, Eric Che. "Corruption and Combating Corruption: A Framework for Peace, Human Rights and Sustainable Development in Post-Independent Africa." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 5 (September 1, 2018): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0134.
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Abstract Since the introduction of democratic reforms in post-independent Africa, most states have been battling corruption to guarantee sustainable peace, human rights and development. Because of the devastating effects of corruption on the realisation of peace, human rights and sustainable development, the world at large and Africa in particular, has strived to fight against corruption with several states adopting national anti-corruption legislation and specialised bodies. Despite international and national efforts to combat corruption, the practice still remains visible in most African states without any effective accountability or transparency in decision-making processes by the various institutions charged with corruption issues. This has further hindered global peace, the effective enjoyment of human rights and sustainable development in the continent. This paper aims to examine the concept of corruption and combating corruption and its impact on peace, human rights and sustainable development in post-independent Africa with a particular focus on Cameroon. It reveals that despite international and national efforts, corruption still remains an obstacle to global peace in Africa requiring a more proactive means among states to achieve economic development. The paper takes into consideration specific socio-economic challenges posed by corruption and the way forward for a united Africa to combat corruption to pull the continent out of poverty, hunger and instability, and to transform it into a better continent for peace, human rights and sustainable development.
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Kalyadin, A. "Underestimated Resource of Global Governance." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2014): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-1-21-31.
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The article analyses the UN Security Council‘s leverage to influence military-political processes related to arms control and counter-terrorism, highlighting the need to make fuller use of the UNSC enforcement potential. The author puts forward specific proposals for a more thorough involvement of the UNSC in the global activities to counter WMD proliferation and terrorism in order to improve global governance of international security and to guarantee progress of humanity on the path of sustainable peace and arms reduction. It is argued that Russia, with its traditions in defence of peace and disarmament, is in a position to assume leadership in working out arrangements aimed at efficient functioning of this principal decision-making authority of the international community for managing international security.
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Kold, Claus. "New Operations - New Attitudes? Are Soldiers’ Attitudes Influenced by the Objectives of Peace Operations?" Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, no. 1-2 (2013): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1702002.
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This article first presents central theories of military sociology about soldiers’ developing of certain military values, attitudes and identities in war operations This question and the factors related to it are then used to ask if soldiers deployed in peace operations develop different military attitudes. The question is then confronted by observations of the practices in a Danish Battalion in KFOR. The field observations found that the Danish soldiers were struggling with competing attitudes originating from both the military training and the objective of the peace operation. It is observed that new concepts and attitudes are in the making such as a new ‘mediator identity’, but that the warrior identity still dominates due to the varied intertwined processes of the daily practices of the military organization.
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Tavares, Rodrigo. "The Participation of SADC and ECOWAS in Military Operations: The Weight of National Interests in Decision-Making." African Studies Review 54, no. 2 (September 2011): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0037.
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Abstract:Over the last decade, African regional organizations have gained considerable scope in peacekeeping and peace enforcement. Two subregional organizations in particular, ECOWAS and SADC, have gathered significant experience in military interventions in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau, Ivory Coast, Lesotho, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. This article assesses the decision-making processes of both organizations ahead of the interventions and concludes that African states participate in military interventions for reasons of national and personal interests rather than humanitarian reasons or out of a primary interest in preserving regional stability. The article draws from extensive fieldwork in four African countries.
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Rodríguez Vargas, Hernán. "La paz difícil. El reconocimiento de la historia y los actores de paz." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 211 (December 1, 2018): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi211.1138.
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A la pregunta por recorrer, ¿para quién es la paz?, una respuesta, diríamos, desalentadora: para los vencidos. Más que desalentadora, realista, en un sentido radical, es decir, negativa y positivamente. Este trabajo busca examinar quiénes son los vencidos y cómo son las múltiples formas en las que hacen, construyen y elaboran procesos de paz —incluso, es posible examinar contra quiénes—. No solo la guerra tiene antagonismos, hacer la paz también los tiene. De estos reconocimientos podremos hacer el tránsito de “vencidos” a actores de paz, que, a su vez, han de asumirse, y se asumen, en lo que aquí denominamos la paz difícil, concepto a desarrollar a lo largo del trabajo, y desde el cual se evidencian de forma crítica algunos retos y desafíos que implican aproximarnos a nuevas formas de comprendernos socialmente, una vez se dejan atrás las opciones violentas para tramitar conflictos.
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A discouraging answer, we would say, to the question “for whom is peace?” would be: for the vanquished. More than discouraging, realistic in a radical sense, that is, negatively and positively. This work seeks to examine who are the losers and how are the multiple ways in which they make, build and elaborate peace processes; it is even possible to examine against whom. Not only does war have antagonisms, making peace has them too. From these acknowledgments we can make the transition from “losers” to actors of peace, which, in turn, have to be assumed, as they assume themselves, as what we here call the difficult peace; a concept to develop throughout the work, and from which are critically evidenced some challenges that involve approaching new ways of social self-understanding once we have left behind the violent options to process a multiplicity of conflicts, in present, past and future.
Keywords: Difficult peace, vanquished, peace actors, conflict.
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d’Estrée, Tamra Pearson, and Benjamin B. Fox. "Incorporating Best Practices into Design and Facilitation of Track Two Initiatives." International Negotiation 26, no. 1 (October 28, 2020): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10028.
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Abstract Track Two processes were developed to facilitate movement in difficult international conflicts. Since Montville first coined the term, Track Two processes have considered deliberate and strategic ways to bring together adversaries in unofficial, private face-to-face interactions that allow for joint analysis and mutual learning. Such processes create the conditions for more nuanced problem definition and solution exploration. Ideally, these insights are then transferred into official peace processes, policymaking and decision-making. Transfer acknowledges a strategic dimension to planning for change; Track Two approaches abridge and accelerate the long-term accumulation approach by the strategic choice of participants, agenda and goals. This article reviews and summarizes our knowledge to date about how best to encourage Track Two inputs into negotiation and other Track One diplomatic efforts. It then offers a checklist for designing initiatives to best promote both intergroup learning and timely transfer to generate effective change.
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Bozicevic, Goran. "Positive steps turning into a process." Temida 7, no. 4 (2004): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0404009b.
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The conclusion of the research conducted in Croatia for QPSW in 2003 is there is no systematic, accountable and structural confrontation with the past in Croatia, but there is growing concern within the civil society about the problems incurred by the lack of such a confrontation. Two different approaches can be discerned: individual work with particular persons or target groups and advocacy that could influence the alteration of the public opinion and decision-making. Both levels are necessary and they should unfold simultaneously. The systematization and regional cooperation of documentation centers, cooperation between victim organizations and peace initiatives, the inclusion of former warriors into peace building processes the cooperation of artists and activists - represent some of the new and promising steps on the civilian scene in Croatia. The constant strengthening of the independent media and the judiciary, coupled with constant efforts on both levels - the personal and the public - raises hopes that the confrontation with the past in Croatia is a process and not a trend.
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Wei, Ling. "Developmental peace in east Asia and its implications for the Indo-Pacific." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz230.
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Abstract This article adopts a constructive approach to examining the problem of the Indo-Pacific construct. Through reflection on the east Asian experience, it proposes an analytical framework of developmental peace as a constellation of international practices, which means that the more economic development is prioritized by states in regional processes, the more likely it is that a sustainable peace will be achieved. States participating in regional integration comprise a community of practice. On the basis of a shared understanding that development is of overriding importance and underpins security and state legitimacy, the community takes economic development as the anchoring practice; this practice embodies and enacts constitutive rules and fundamental norms for a broader set of practices in regional processes, such as peaceful coexistence and non-interference. The more economic development is prioritized on domestic and regional agendas, the more likely it is that conflicts in the security realm will be relaxed or even resolved to protect security interests. The author draws some useful implications from the developmental peace in east Asia for the Indo-Pacific construct, among which the most important include building shared understandings on the prioritization of economic development, taking advantage of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and using the code of conduct process as a vehicle and best practice to facilitate rule-making for the maritime order. Finally, the author briefly discusses the contributions of the study and limitations of the model.
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Power, Séamus A., and Gabriel Velez. "The MOVE Framework: Meanings, Observations, Viewpoints, and Experiences in processes of Social Change." Review of General Psychology 24, no. 4 (May 10, 2020): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1089268020915841.
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Social psychologists are often criticized for failing to capture the dynamic nature of psychological processes. We present a novel framework to address this problem. The MOVE framework contends that to comprehend complex, contradictory, and divergent patterns of thought, affect, and behavior within changing, real-world contexts, it is necessary to undertake ecologically valid research that is attentive to the lived experiences and meaning-making processes of culturally embedded individuals over time. A focus on meanings, observations, viewpoints, and experiences is essential for social psychological research that holistically captures how people construct, understand, respond, position, and act over time within changing social, economic, and political contexts. To illustrate the utility of our proposition, we draw on classic social psychological studies and multimethod fieldwork during a period of rapid social and political change in Colombia during the peace process (2012–2017). We argue the MOVE framework has the potential to advance psychological understandings of, and contributions to, individuals embedded in real, dynamic social and political contexts. We discuss the implications of this extended social psychological paradigm for advancing psychological science.
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RODRIGUES, CHARMAINE. "Letting off steam: Interim constitutions as a safety valve to the pressure-cooker of transitions in conflict-affected states?" Global Constitutionalism 6, no. 1 (March 2017): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381716000241.
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Abstract:Recent years have seen considerably more attention being given to constitution-making as a field of deliberate study and practice, particularly with regard to the challenges and opportunities posed by constitution-making in conflict-affected states. A consequence of this work has been a more explicit recognition of the interconnectedness of peace processes and constitutional processes as mechanisms of political settlement. Within this context, this article argues for the more deliberate use of interim constitutions as a peacebuilding mechanism with potential to be effective in highly divided contexts in grounding a more inclusive and sustainable political settlement. This article argues that while interim constitutions are indeed commonly found in conflict-affected contexts, their use appears ad hoc and their design poorly conceived. The article reflects upon the potential strengths and weaknesses offered by interim constitutions in fragile and conflict-affected states. Reflecting on both the existing scholarship and the author’s own practical field experience, the article concludes that if a more modest and realistic approach to what constitution-making can achieve in fragile and conflict-affected states is coupled with more attention to design, interim constitutions can provide space and time to undertake more comprehensive discussions regarding the longer-term settlements.
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Waldman, Devra, and Brian Wilson. "Behind the scenes of sport for development: Perspectives of executives of multinational sport organizations." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 52, no. 6 (December 17, 2015): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690215620766.
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This article reports findings from a study designed to examine cricket’s role as an international development tool – with a particular focus on how decisions are made at the highest institutional levels to support cricket-related development initiatives. Data for the study are drawn from interviews with executives in the International Cricket Council and the Marylebone Cricket Club who were asked about how and why decision-makers in their organizations chose to engage in development-related work. The study is informed by literature on postcolonialism, sport for development and peace, global politics and the sociology of cricket. The results illustrate that: (a) a select group of executives in the International Cricket Council and the Marylebone Cricket Club make decisions hierarchically, and that decisions reflect organizational mandates; (b) decision-makers tend to be dismissive of critiques of sport for development and peace, with notable exceptions; and (c) the goals and implications of development-related programmes are portrayed differently to different audiences. This article concludes with commentary on the ways that cricket continues to be implicated in postcolonial relationships and on the processes of decision-making in organizations governed by neoliberal policies.
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Monir, Rifah R. "War on Terror and Its Implications for Global Peace and Security." Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (August 15, 2020): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.02.3064.
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The study starts with an attempt to outline terrorism conceptually. It then discusses the policy and operational background of the War on Terror. The study progresses with a brief review of the major processes of political decision-making and military atrocities resulting from the war. The main argument of this study suggests that the scale of global terrorism cannot be successfully combated through the sole application of military power that produces more terrorism. The study contributes to the critical academic literature that claims that by overstating the terrorist activities and adopting brutal military strategies, the War on Terror is actually inducing terrorism. As is evidenced, terrorist attacks are on the rise both in number and magnitude after the war. The study concludes that the War on Terror is leaving the world more at risk with adverse consequences on global peace and security by creating inefficient governments, malfunctioning institutions, cultural intrusion of the west, and degrading misconceptions like Islamophobia.
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WANG, YUE, and MIKE NOLAN. "Older people and decision-making following acute stroke in China: ‘hiding’ as a barrier to active involvement." Ageing and Society 36, no. 7 (June 19, 2015): 1526–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x15000549.
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ABSTRACTDecision-making among older patients with stroke, their families and professionals has been extensively studied in a Western context, but there has been little prior work in China. The study reported here explored how decision-making took place between older people with stroke, their family carers and professionals in an acute care context in mainland China using a constructivist grounded theory approach. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, participant observation and documentary analysis. Constant comparative analysis of the data was carried out. This paper focuses on the key social process of ‘hiding’ and its dynamic relationship with the core category ‘keeping the peace’. In order to meet the traditional Chinese cultural value of ‘maintaining harmony’, both family carers and professionals hid essential information from older stroke survivors who, as a consequence, were effectively precluded from playing an active role in major decisions. In understanding ‘hiding’, the paper draws upon both Chinese cultural values and ‘awareness context theory’ and in so doing questions the relevance to the Chinese context of key Western notions such as involvement in health-care decision-making. A better understanding of the experiences of decision-making processes between older people with stroke, their family carers and professionals in China will help professionals to provide the best possible support and care whilst promoting informed decision-making amongst all concerned.
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Ahmad, Sairan Taha. "Civil society organizations and their role in promoting good governance." Journal of University of Human Development 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v3n1y2017.pp119-158.
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The good governance means having an integrated system of accounting and political and administrative accountability for officials in their public jobs, at the same time the ability of accountability for institutions of civil society and the private sector, so the good governance leads to sustainable human development and their application requires the rule of law, transparency and accountability, participation and decentralization. The Civil society organizations play a significant role in achieving comprehensive development and achieve democratic transition by working to instill values and promote appropriate democratic practices in the community and create an environment for the establishment of good governance and development. The development of good governance requires the participation of women in all levels of decision-making, and the equal opportunities should be available for them to participation in all peace processes and support the protection of women's rights in armed conflicts, as well as to enhance their participation in political life and to ensure their rights as citizens and participants in the decision-making process at the local level.
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H. Daly, Richard. "War, peace and Northwest Coast complex hunter-gatherers." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 6, no. 4 (October 7, 2014): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-03-2014-0113.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to question the assumptions behind the aggressive competitive image of Northwest Coast (NWC) forager societies, given that their most reflective descendants emphasize sharing and paying back as constant peacemaking actions through history. Also to seek data that help ascertain whether this contemporary view might predate today's sensibilities colored by life as post-foragers encapsulated in nation states. Design/methodology/approach – Historical, ethnographic and ethnohistorical documentary sources are studied, together with regional archeological findings. These are considered against the author's own ethnographic work among various foragers on the edge of, but integrated with higher profile coastal peoples. Some historical context for regional war and peace is provided. Findings – The archeology indicates that evidence for violent warlike activity appears clearly about three times in 10,000 years, the most extensive being contiguous with Europe's economic and political influence on the continent in the past half millennium. Even in this latter period, extended family foragers managed and sought to control aggression/competition by social sharing and cooperation between like units and by upholding established peacemaking processes and protocols. Research limitations/implications – Since the region and its literature are vast, this theme requires extensive long-term investigation. Findings given here from a limited number of locations are tentative and require detail from other parts of the region; however, they do suggest an existing ethic of sharing and peacemaking reflected back in time through oral history and archeology. Practical implications – The literature of the NWC's bellicosity, its slavery, war-making and agonistic giving is based on events reported from a very short span of contact history. If these conditions had been endemic over time, there would have been insufficient peace to allow these foragers to hunt, gather, fish, barter and prepare foods and goods with which to survive between annual growing and spawning seasons. Social implications – Instead of finding ways to cooperate with each other to seek better living conditions, some NWC post-foragers now assume competition and aggression to be endemic features of their relations with each other. Such persons, perhaps from a sense of inferiority engendered by history, cite the bellicose literature and the glories of the fur trade period as more typical of their heritage than the wisdom and peaceful teachings of their own elders about the past, the future, human relations and the natural world. Originality/value – The findings from the NWC suggest analogies in the emphasis on sharing as a mechanism for making and maintaining peace in the broader comparative context of hunter-gatherer studies. Sharing remains central whether one examines complex hunter-gathers or their more egalitarian colleagues.
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Sharoni, Simona. "URI BEN-ELIEZER, The Making of Israeli Militarism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1998). Pp. 290. $35 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 300–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002427.
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Israel's May 1999 elections featured three newly retired generals, including Ehud Barak, a former chief of staff who was elected prime minister. There was consensus among most political analysts that Barak was elected primarily because of his military background. Moreover, a wellorchestrated public-relations campaign presented Barak as the most likely candidate to revive the peace process that his military commander, Yitzhak Rabin, had started. Few questioned, however, that military credentials have become almost a prerequisite to holding political office in Israel or that someone who devoted most of his life to war-making is indeed the best person to lead a peacemaking process. It would be quite difficult to understand the centrality of the military in Israeli politics, as in almost any other sphere of life, without paying close attention to the processes and practices that have shaped Israeli militarism over time. By providing readers with both the historical context and the socio-political background, Uri Ben-Eliezer's The Making of Israeli Militarism enables us to come to terms with how the “military way,” as he refers to it, came to dominate Israeli politics in general and its relationships with its neighbors in particular.
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Fombad, Charles Manga. "Constitution-Building in Africa." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 4 (December 10, 2014): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341316.
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Constitution-building is a delicate and intricate process which requires ample reflection and careful choices. African constitution-builders and politicians have since the beginning of the 1990s embarked on a process of constitutional reforms. A careful examination of the developments of the last two decades shows that the process has almost provoked never-ending contagion of making, unmaking and remaking of constitutions. This paper attempts to provide an over-view of the changes that have been taking place. Some of the issues relating to the durability of national constitutions and theoretical foundations for constitutional change are discussed. The paper also considers some of the possible implications of the endless processes of making, unmaking and remaking constitutions. The critical question it tries to grapple with is how this unending process of constitution-building in Africa can be controlled in a manner that will ensure peace, political stability and provide a legitimate foundation for entrenching a firm culture of constitutionalism. In advocating for an entrenched permanent constitutional review commission to check against frequent and arbitrary constitutional changes, the paper argues that this is the best way for constitutional legitimacy to be sustained throughout the life of a constitution.
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Karmanov, M. V., and O. A. Zolotareva. "Statistical Literacy as a Way to Achieve Social Consensus." Vestnik NSUEM, no. 4 (January 2, 2022): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34020/2073-6495-2021-4-135-143.
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The maintenance of civil peace and harmony in the Russian state from time immemorial has been defined as a priority that allows maintaining the integrity of both state and territorial. Global processes taking place in the world, epidemic waves of viruses, incessant local wars, diligent attempts to separate people and peoples bring to the fore the need to consolidate society in order to ensure the national security of the country. In this context, the importance of statistics increases, which significantly affects the perception of the dominant values by society, forms the attitude of people to the state policy being pursued. At the same time, the understanding of statistical information (figures, data) in a number of cases does not correspond to reality, making it difficult to adequately assess the existing situation, which is associated with an insufficient level of statistical literacy of the population, officials and specialists in various fields of activity.
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Jayakody, Nadeshda. "Refining United Nations Security Council Targeted Sanctions." Security and Human Rights 29, no. 1-4 (December 12, 2018): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02901003.
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The United Nations Security Council’s targeted sanctions seek to protect global peace and security. The majority of these sanctions are imposed on individuals deemed to be a terror threat and include measures such as asset freezes and travel bans. These measures can impede, inter alia, the right to private life and freedom of movement of targeted individuals. While it is accepted that certain rights can be restricted for the protection of public security, restrictions must be proportional under international human rights law. Given that UN sanctions regimes have come under scrutiny in recent years for their lack of procedural safeguards and disproportionate restrictions on fundamental rights, this article argues that proportionality based reasoning should be included in sanctions committees’ substantive decision-making processes. Other procedural safeguards should also be incorporated by UN sanctions committees. This would help ensure that sanctions are more measured and minimise impairment of human rights.
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Bell, Jonathan PW, and Aileen Stockdale. "Examining participatory governance in a devolving UK: Insights from national parks policy development in Northern Ireland." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 34, no. 8 (July 26, 2016): 1516–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263774x15625643.
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This paper provides a contemporary examination of policy making and participatory practice in the context of devolving governance in the UK. The paper takes Northern Ireland as its focus and is particularly timely considering the context of devolved governance, the ongoing transition from conflict to relative peace and the potential for rejuvenating democracy through participatory governance. The paper concentrates on one particular policy process, namely the attempted designation of a national park in the Mournes Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty. A thematic analysis of qualitative data is drawn upon to analyse the structural factors that framed the policy-making process, in particular the role of power in determining how consultation processes were initiated, designed and undertaken. Using Lukes’ model as an analytical framework, power is shown to manifest at multiple levels within the policy-making process to influence policy outcomes. The paper reveals how the persistence of a top-down approach to policy development combined with a highly parochial political outlook undermined attempts to designate a Mourne National Park. The paper concludes that, given the immaturity of recently devolved government in Northern Ireland, in this instance, the democratising intentions of devolved governance have not been met. This has implications for Northern Ireland’s recent reform of public administration which devolves certain planning powers to local authority level and the management of the internationally significant Mournes landscape.
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Sierp, Aline. "Drawing Lessons from the Past." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415605890.
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This introductory article to the special section on “Europe’s Changing Lessons from the Past” argues for a close analysis of acts of public remembrance in Central and Eastern European countries in order to uncover the link between the issue of public memory and long-term processes of democratisation. In countries facing a period of transition after the experience of war and dictatorship, the debate over its memory is usually as much a debate about a divisive past as it is about the future. While it is part of a sensitive political scrutiny that is related to different ideas on how to ensure sustainable peace, it also provides the basis for the recreation of a common sense of belonging and identity. The often resulting coexistence of different memory traditions creates two clearly identifiable levels of conflict: one on the national level and one on the supranational one. In mapping change in Central and Eastern Europe, this special section aims at making the connections between the two visible by on the one hand questioning the sociological turn in Memory and EU Studies and on the other, pinpointing the necessity to concentrate on processes and not only on their results.
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NEX, JENNY, and LANCE WHITEHEAD. "MUSICAL INSTRUMENT MAKING IN GEORGIAN LONDON, 1753–1809: EVIDENCE FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE OLD BAILEY AND THE MIDDLESEX SESSIONS OF THE PEACE." Eighteenth Century Music 2, no. 2 (September 2005): 251–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570605000370.
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Throughout the Georgian period London was the most significant British centre for musical instrument manufacture. Traditionally, research in this area has focused on the surviving instruments themselves, thereby emphasizing those makers in charge of flourishing workshops and those who were in the habit of signing their products. By examining archival sources, however, it is possible to glean a more complete picture of musical instrument production, through the identification of ‘hidden’ makers unrepresented by extant instruments, the establishment of patterns of settlement and the highlighting of relationships between different builders.Two principal sources form the basis of this study: the online edition of the Proceedings of the Old Bailey and the Middlesex Sessions of the Peace Records. While these sources are an important record of crime and punishment, it is the unwitting testimony of the trials rather than the crimes, the legal procedures or the punishments that is the primary focus of this study. Indeed, since the trials enable the identification of people involved at all levels of the musical instrument trade, it is arguable that they provide one of the most significant means of establishing some of the processes characterizing the industry during the second half of the eighteenth century.
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Best, Rebecca H., Sarah Shair-Rosenfield, and Reed M. Wood. "Legislative Gender Diversity and the Resolution of Civil Conflict." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 1 (July 10, 2018): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918785459.
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Policy makers and scholars have shown increased interest in gendered approaches to peacemaking, even as evidence of women’s impact on peace processes has remained unclear. In this paper, we explore the influence of gender diversity among decision-making elites on the outcome of ongoing civil conflicts. Specifically, we argue that increased female representation within the national legislature increases the likelihood that a conflict terminates in a negotiated settlement. However, the impact of legislative female representation on conflict termination is conditioned by the power of the legislature vis-à-vis the executive, suggesting that gender diversity exerts a greater impact in states with more authoritative legislatures. We evaluate our hypotheses using data on the manner of conflict termination and the proportion of women in national legislatures between 1945 and 2009. Our results show support for the central argument, suggesting that increasing female representation within legislative bodies increases the likelihood of war termination via negotiated settlement.
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Scott, Amy. "The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission: An Early Assessment." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 4, no. 2 (September 2008): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2008.755428327083.
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The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission, established in December 2005, was designed to strengthen efforts to consolidate peace in countries emerging from civil war. It has three broad aims: first, to bring coherence to the activities of peacebuilding actors around a shared strategy; second, to marshal resources and commitments in support of this strategic vision; and third, to enhance decision-making processes relevant to conflict-affected countries across UN bodies and the international financial institutions. Two years into the life of the Commission, this article assesses its performance in these three areas and argues that progress has been limited by three main factors: the Commission's lack of clarity on the nature of a peacebuilding strategy; its vague interpretation of the mandate to marshal resources; and ongoing tensions between intergovernmental organs for influence over the Commission. There is evidence that the Commission is developing institutional momentum and learning important lessons from its first cases, but it will need to capitalise on them rapidly to achieve worthwhile results.
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Khvastunova, Julia V. "THEORY OF BIOHAPPINESS AND GENETIC VIRTUE OF MARK WALKER." Russian Studies in Culture and Society 6, no. 4 (December 29, 2022): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2576-9782-2022-4-114-125.
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Mark Walker, one of the ideologists of modern transhumanism, developed a number of neuroethics provisions for the implementation of the “human enhancement” project. The basic elements of “making happy” are neurovirtues mediated by the introduction of genetic engineering (the creation of “happy-people-pills” (HPP)). The methodological basis or norm for genetic engineering is proposed to use the type of hyperthymic people. In the concept, there is some repetition of the ideas of O. Huxley’s novel “Brave New World”, where residents use soma, have the corrected nature of “genetic virtues”, and are in a state of controlled “ignorance”, happiness, and peace. M. Walker formulates his solution to O. Huxley’s dilemma (the choice between happiness and perfection) through the legalization and improvement of HPP. However, the interpretation of happiness itself is not satisfactory for transhumanists, since it comes down solely to neuroreduction and positive arguments for the use of radical technologies, including the programs which launch irreversible processes.
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Kofman, Boris. "The role of international human rights standards in shaping the legal status of a person and a citizen." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2020.20.
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The article examines the role of international human rights legal standards in shaping the legal status of a person and citizen. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of human rights norms that shape and consolidate the legal status of a person and citizen at the international legal level, determining its formation at the level of the legislation of the national member states of the international community.
The essential and decisive role of international legal standards in the processes of formation of the legal status of human and citizen rights occurring at the international legal (universal and regional) and national levels is stated.
It is argued that the problem of the formation of the legal status of human and citizen rights and freedoms remains relevant, because it serves as a kind of calling card of each state, but it is objectified and complicated by contradictory tendencies in the development of the modern state regarding the limitation of its sovereignty and the need for existential participation in collective councils. maintaining international peace and security.
It is stated that such processes continue to the present day and are systematically complicated because they are, on the one hand, influenced by the processes of legal globalization that promote standardization, typing and unification of international norm-making in the field of human rights, and on the other - the peculiarities of formation, operation and implementation of guidelines democratic legal statehood in each of the Member States of the international community.
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Beltrán, Helena Pérez. "Mediation: education for human rights and skills in the culture of dialogue." Zeszyty Naukowe KUL 60, no. 3 (October 27, 2020): 261–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/zn.2017.60.3.261-268.
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Mediation is proving to be an effective way to manage conflicts in a constructive way. But mediation not only helps to solve specific problems, because its potential encompasses aspects of greater complexity. Thus, mediation helps us to know ourselves better, to better understand others, and to use what we have learned to better manage future conflict situations. In a society where there is no culture of agreement and where there is no education in the field of emotions, mediation becomes an adequate and effective tool to resolve conflicts in a peaceful and constructive manner. On the other hand, mediation allows the parties to take responsibility for the resolution of their own conflict, to be active agents in the process. The greater the citizens’ participation in the different decision making processes, the more democratic a society will be. That is why, in the restoration of social peace, citizenship should play a role as an active agent, and mediation is a suitable instrument for this purpose because the individuals in conflict find the way to solve it without third party impositions.
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Burmansah, Burmansah, Rugaiyah Rugaiyah, and Mukhneri Mukhtar. "A Case Study of Mindful Leadership in an Ability to Develop Focus, Clarity, and Creativity of the Leader of Buddhist Higher Education Institute." International Journal of Higher Education 8, no. 6 (September 23, 2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v8n6p57.
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This research is a single case study using a qualitative approach that produces descriptive data consisting of written or oral words resulted from interviews and observation. The research was carried out at Buddhist Higher Education Institute, the Institute of Advanced Buddhist Studies – Plum Village Buddhist Monastery Upper Hamlet of France. The research procedures used in this case study consist of six steps of case study research by Robert K. Yin. The research data collection was obtained by purposive sampling and snowball sampling. Data analysis techniques are used through pattern matching, explanation making, and analyzing data time series. This research found that mindful leadership can develop concentration and be more focused and have clarity. Clarity within the leader can bring up conditions of calm and peace that give a significant effect on how to respond to an existing condition. By being calm, then the leader has clarity and creativity. This situation helps the leader to recognize what is happening and helps further to decide what to do. This decision helps leadership in responding to the situation. Mindful leadership focuses on actions and internal circumstances, not on intellectual quality. The development of the leaders’ internal state is related to the behavior and emotional state of each of them. Leadership that provides democratic qualities in the delivery of opinions and decision-making processes both personally and collectively strengthen the effectiveness of his leadership, and develop essential behaviors related to emotional and social intelligence.
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Oleinic, Ludmila. "The USA national security architecture and leadership of XXI century." Moldoscopie, no. 4(95) (May 2022): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.4(95).01.
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As world enter the twenty-first century, USA have an unprecedented opportunity to make its nation safer and more prosperous. Nevertheless, today America faces a world of rising nationalism, receding democracy, growing rivalry with China, Russia and a technological revolution that is reshaping every aspect of lives. Created situation requires a new and broader understanding of national security, one that recognizes its strength and vitality at home. America lead with diplomacy and renew commitment to global development and international cooperation, while also making smart, disciplined investments in national defense. USA make effort to modernize national security institutions and processes, while ensuring to take advantage of the full diversity of talents required to address existing complex challenges. Building upon America’s unmatched strengths, the main national security’s architecture objectives are to enhance security with effective diplomacy and with military forces that are ready to fight and win, to bolster America’s economic prosperity and to promote democracy abroad. Achieving these objectives, USA remains engaged abroad and work with partners, to promote peace and prosperity. America’s leadership is used to harness global forces of integration, reshape existing security, economic and political structures necessary for its interests and values to thrive.
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Karki, Neeru. "Tourism: A Tool for Track-two Diplomacy in Promoting People-to-People Relations Between Nepal and China." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27529.
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This paper is a treatise on how citizen diplomacy between Nepal and China could be leveraged by adapting tourism industry as a track two intermediary sector. Believing that the apparent insufficiencies and repudiation created during inter-governmental deliberation through track-one diplomacy could be enhanced through track-two diplomacy as an effective measure, this paper attempts to recognize the role of tourism industry in establishing alternative political channel of communication which pulls the cooperation of track one decision-making that benefits people of Nepal and China. Both nations can draw strength from the diversity that prevails irrespective of uneven size, power potential, historical complexes and different speed in the development. This paper also tries to address the gap in the academic arguments regarding the conceptualization, essence, and practicability of citizen diplomacy in foreign policy processes and explores multiple micro-level themes and actors enhancing citizen diplomacy through the tourism industry in the context of Nepal-China relationships. Based on the aforementioned scene, the researcher situates the experience as an exchange fellow student, vis-à-vis tourism and the peace-through-tourism idea and mention ways of people-to-people engagement for multiple stakeholders.
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Sundaram, Sasikumar S. "Varieties of political rhetorical reasoning: norm types, scorekeepers, and political projects." International Theory 12, no. 3 (December 17, 2019): 358–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175297191900023x.
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AbstractHow does rhetoric work in the pursuit of political projects in international relations? This article analyzes how rhetoric-wielding political actors engage in reasoning to bolster their position by drawing upon norms that underwrite interactions, and audiences as scorekeepers evaluate the reasoning by making a series of inferences. I call this mechanism rhetorical reasoning. Building on the existing classification of norms in constructivist international relations (IR) and utilizing three distinct norm types – instrumental, institutional, and moral – I show the different processes through which political actors deploy rhetoric to legitimize and justify political projects and the distinct logics through which scorekeepers make inferences and evaluate the project. This article contributes to IR theories of argumentation by providing a sharp conceptualization of political rhetoric and actor–audience relationships in the game. I illustrate the mechanism of rhetorical reasoning using Brazil's UN peace enforcement operation in Haiti in 2004 to give empirical evidence for the role of institutional norm type in patterns of rhetorical reasoning and contestations in international politics. Paying attention to political rhetoric in the actor–scorekeepers' relationships in this way clarifies important issues regarding the varieties of political projects and the different role of normativity in the game.