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1
Falski, Maciej. "Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). "Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires". London-New York: Bloomsbury Academic." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 8 (November 27, 2019): 383–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2019.022.
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Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicThe review of the latest book by Xavier Bougarel focuses on the main concepts of the work: the notion of empire as a methodological and theoretical framework, the relation between Islam and the national idea, and the process of Bosniak nation-building. Recenzja książki: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicRecenzja najnowszej książki Xaviera Bougarela koncentruje się na najważniejszych kwestiach, takich jak: pojęcie imperium, będące ramą ideologiczną i teoretyczną dla interpretacji autora, relacja między Islamem a ideą narodową, oraz proces definiowania narodu boszniackiego.
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Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.
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The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
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Maley, William. "The United Nations and Ethnic Conflict Management: Lessons from the Disintegration of Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 559–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408524.
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On 14 December 1995, an agreement as the Elysée Treaty (earlier initialled in Dayton after weeks of difficult negotiation) was signed in Paris by the Heads of State of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. One of the witnesses at the ceremony was the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and, in a real sense, it marked the nadir of his term of office. In June 1992, amidst the euphoria of U.S. President George Bush's articulation of hopes for a new world order, Boutros-Ghali had presented a report to U.N. members entitled An Agenda for Peace which painted an ambitious picture of the opportunities for constructive involvement of the U.N. in conflict resolution. Yet ironically, this was almost the moment at which the intensification of intergroup conflict precipitated Bosnia-Hercegovina's slide into social and political disarray. The ultimate humiliation for the U.N. came in July 1995 when the massacre of Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces in the U.N.-declared “safe area” of Srebrenica triggered the chain of events which saw responsibility for Bosnia-Hercegovina decisively removed from the U.N.'s grasp, and assumed by the United States and its NATO allies. The U.N. may recover from the shame of its Balkan entanglement, but the scars are likely to prove permanent.
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Jacek Lis, Tomasz. "Emancipation of Women in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the austro-hungarian administration (1878-1918)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.70.
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After the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in Bosnia and Hercegovina we saw big changes. The Austrian government was building roads, and railroad tracks. In the Austro-Hungarian period, also they changed their architectural style; from the prevailing ottoman one to more like in Vienna or Prague. This situation was a short time, in live only one generation. These changes affected to life and behavior of Bosnia and Hercegovinas’ citizens. Was changed several people, because after the Austrian arrive, a lot of Muslims Bosniacs, and Turks, were left this part. There were elites in this place. Their positions, how “new elites” take people which they came from different part of the Habsburg Monarchy; Hungarians, Germans, Poles, Czechs, etc. They were taking new ideas, how feminism. The emancipation of women was something new in these places. The first woman, which was proclaiming the slogans, as teachers. On the article we can show two examples; Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska, and Jagoda Truhelka. They were born in Osijek, from giving Bosnian part ideas, that girl needs to will independent and need to have good graduated. These modern ideas, supported, in a way, the government because in the country was a school program for girls. Austro-Hungarian politics was building a school for girls, and take some scholarship went girl studied in University, how Marija Bergman, born in Bosnia, daughter of some Jews officials. However teachers not only modern women, similar roles had women-doctors. Girls who graduated Faculty of Medicine, arrive in Bosnia and Hercegovina and help Muslim women. Poles Teodora Krajewska and Czechs Anna Bayerova also take ideas of feminism, but, most important that she was great respect between patience. Propagating the feministic ideas was thinking which affect all women. Most important was not only slogans but also changes in everyday life normal family in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The other day only men can work on the farmland or work. After the Congress of Berlin situations was changed. On the consequences, women must be going to work, often how a worker in fabric. Work was hard, but women first time have their cash. Automatically her position in society was better. These situations have consequences for the city, as like villages. We sow this situation in the book Vere Ehrlich, which researched this topic in the interwar period. In the article, we went to show, that this changing was things also women, which life to margin, how prostitutes. Naturally, their life was always difficult, but the new government also got assistance. Habsburg's administration knew, that better control of specific profession, because this is the way how deal with the epidemic of syphilis, and something like this. In this work, we use scientific literature and documents from archives, mainly the Archive of Federation Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Historical Archive from city Sarajevo, when was document fo Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska. How method we use case study and analyzing to literature and historical sources.
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Clark, Janine Natalya. "From Negative to Positive Peace: The Case of Bosnia and Hercegovina." Journal of Human Rights 8, no. 4 (November 17, 2009): 360–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14754830903332434.
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Šuško, Dževada. "Current challenges and societal responsibility of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Hercegovina." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 2 (March 10, 2022): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2021.8.2.137.
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The Islamic Community has been the core organisation serving the needs of Muslims in and from Bosnia and Herzegovina for 140 years. It has faced diverse challenges over its history but the current are different. Challenges currently being faced by Muslims and society in Bosnia and Herzegovina (and elsewhere) include how to counter accusations of radicalization and violent extremism, how to make a meaningful contribution to peace and stability, and how to respond to the pandemic, climate change, and the migrant crisis. This paper examines the Islamic Community’s response to these issues.
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Istrefi, Remzije. "Upholding Peace Settlements Through Constitutional Review in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and North Macedonia." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu 72, no. 5 (October 24, 2022): 1259–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3935/zpfz.72.5.04.
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This article examines implementation of the peace settlement compromises translated into constitutional arrangements in Bosnia and Hercegovina, Kosovo and North Macedonia. The three countries struggle with their violent past, loss of interethnic trust and political fragmentation. Consequently, the implementation of peace settlement compromises that are translated into constitutional arrangements is hampered. Through analyses of constitutional jurisprudence in three countries this study provides further insights into the effectiveness and enforcement of the constitutional choices in practice. The article concludes that international supporters in the process of negotiation of peace settlements need to revisit the international assistance in constitution-making as a part of peacebuilding projects through the lens of constitutional review practices.
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Hamzić, Omer. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.233.
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In this article, with some methodological dilemmas, an attempt is made to speak more clearly from a certain historical perspective about the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which „produce“ an almost permanent political crisis in this area - from Dayton to today. The continuity and current effects of these policies, which have their roots in some dark historical depths and myths, never changing their essence and their goals, were pointed out. In the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions, Bosnia and Herzegovina is treated as a „sphere of interest“, which should be mastered as much as possible in peace, if it did not succeed in the war. Serbia and Croatia, in the historical sense, since they have existed as political entities, have been opposed to each other in almost everything. The only thing on which there was a high degree of agreement was the question of the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina, again depending on historical circumstances and other circumstances. (to mention only Tudjman and Milosevic). In the last few years, intensive cooperation and a high degree of „agreement“ between Serbian and Croatian politics have been noticed, again „regarding“ Bosnia and Herzegovina, its status and the definitive post-Dayton division. In this sense, it is not difficult to recognize several common characteristics of both policies. In this article, the author focuses on the following: the first is a declarative and formal public declaration of both to respect the integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in practical politics this sovereignty is continuously violated and „trampled“, acting as its „rulers“. . Another common feature is the belittling and labeling of all pro-Bosnian political forces, reducing them to „political Sarajevo“ in the pejorative sense of the word, with multiple offensive and deeper meanings, which, in addition to Milorad Dodik (to make the absurd even greater, as president or member of the Presidency of BiH) from the Serbian one, Zoran Milanović, the current president of Croatia, until yesterday a declared friend of Bosnia and the pro-Bosnian SDP, is increasingly expressing himself in his own way. Obstruction of the process of reforms and rapprochement of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the European Union and NATO membership is the third session of the characteristics of Serbian and Croatian politics (albeit in different versions), while the fourth, denial of decisions and verdicts of the Hague Tribunal for crimes and atrocities is dominant over Bosniaks (again in a different version): Serbs deny genocide verdicts, and Croats deny convictions for the Joint Criminal Enterprise. In addition to common characteristics, this paper highlights some special features of the current Serbian and Croatian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, again, boils down to one goal: to strengthen (make independent) the Republika Srpska and cantons with a Croat majority, as well as the position of Croats in Federation with the aim of forming a third entity and at the same time weaken the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the question of the meaning of its existence is raised. The state's inability to organize the procurement of coronavirus vaccines is just one of the latest proofs that these destructive political forces have succeeded to a great extent. This article points out the consequences of such a policy and emphasizes the need to stop further degradation and collapse of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. Such forces exist, they just have to be activated.
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Antonić, Slobodan. "Could a Confederation have Saved Yugoslavia?" Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 469–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408519.
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Today, after the signing of the peace agreement in Paris, when the end of the Yugoslav war is in sight, one frequently hears the questions: Could the war have been avoided and could a confederation have saved Yugoslavia? Namely, in late 1990 and early 1991, the republics now outside Yugoslavia (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia) proposed that Yugoslavia be reorganised as a confederation which would, as they claimed, have fulfilled their main political aspirations. The Serbian side refused resolutely, and, soon afterwards, war started in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, which was actually their war of liberation. Now, when the republics in the territory of ex-Yugoslavia are internationally recognised, when they have largely recognised each other and when we are witnessing the restoration of economic and other relations between the peoples who shared a common state for seventy-three years, we may justifiably ask: Would it not have been better if the Serbian side had accepted a confederation and, thus, preserved some kind of Yugoslavia, than, by its persistent refusal, have lead the secessionist republics to take up arms?
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Thumann, Michael. "Between Ambition and Paralysis—Germany's Policy toward Yugoslavia 1991–1993." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 575–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408525.
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The decay of Yugoslavia since 1990 has put an end to the experiment of a state of Southern Slavs. At the same time it has destroyed the myth of a peaceful and strong Western Europe. The continent that had displayed an impressive performance of cooperation and skillful diplomatic maneuvering during the last years of the Cold War proved to be incapable of coping with the problems in its southeastern backyard. In the beginning of the conflict, the European Community assumed responsibility for negotiating cease-fires and a peace settlement for the embattled Yugoslav states. But all efforts were fruitless. In 1995, it was primarily the interference of the United States that brought about the peace treaty of Dayton for Bosnia-Hercegovina.
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Arnaut Haseljić, Meldijana. "Joint criminal enterprise – Bosnia and Herzegovina in Croatia’s great project." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 240–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.240.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY / ICTY) has indicted Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić. Indictees are charged with individual criminal responsibility (Article 7 (1) of the Statute) and criminal responsibility of a superior (Article 7 (3) of the Statute) for crimes against humanity: persecution on political, racial and religious grounds; killing; rape; deportation; inhumane acts; inhumane acts (forcible transfer); inhumane acts (conditions of detention); imprisonment, violations of the laws or customs of war: cruel treatment; cruel treatment (conditions of detention); illegal physical labor; reckless destruction of towns, settlements or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity; destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education; looting of public and private property; unlawful attack on civilians (Mostar); unlawful terrorism of civilians (Mostar); cruel treatment (siege of Mostar), violations of the Geneva Conventions: willful deprivation of life; inhuman treatment (sexual abuse); unlawful deportation of civilians; illegal transfer of civilians; unlawful detention of civilians; inhuman treatment; inhuman treatment (conditions of detention); destruction of large-scale property that is not justified by military necessity, and was carried out illegally and recklessly; confiscation of property that is not justified by military necessity, and was performed illegally and ruthlessly. The trial began on April 26, 2006. The Trial Chamber's judgment of 29 May 2013 concluded that the conflict between the Croatian Army / Croatian Defense Council (HV / HVO) and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) was of an international character. The factual evidence unequivocally showed that HV forces fought together with HVO members against ARBiH, and that the Republic of Croatia exercised general control over the armed forces and civilian authorities of the Croatian Community/Croatian Republic (HZ/HR) of Herceg-Bosna. The Council also found that there was a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) with the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity, partly within the 1939 Croatian Banovina, to enable the unification of the Croatian people. The ultimate goal was the annexation of this area to the territory of the Republic of Croatia in case of disintegration of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (which corresponded to great state claims), or alternatively to make this area an independent state within Bosnia and Herzegovina, closely connected with Croatia. As early as December 1991, members of the HZ Herceg-Bosna leadership (including Mate Boban, president of HZ/HR Herceg-Bosna) and Croatian leaders (including Franjo Tuđman, president of Croatia) assessed that in order to achieve the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity it is necessary to change the national composition of the population in the areas that were calculated to be part of it. JCE participants knew that achieving this goal means removing the Bosniak population from the area of the so-called Herceg-Bosna and that it is in contradiction with the peace negotiations that were held in Geneva. Numerous crimes committed from January 1993 to April 1994 indicate an obvious pattern of behavior where the commission of a crime was the outcome of a plan prepared by JCE participants. The Trial Chamber found that all persons covered by the Indictment made a significant contribution to the implementation of the JCE and that their contribution indicated that they had the intent to pursue a common criminal purpose. Following consideration of the Appeals filed by the Prosecution and the Defense of the Convicts, the ICTY Appeals Chamber issued a final Judgment on 29 November 2017 against Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić, declaring them liable for the joint criminal enterprise in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This appellate judgment upheld the convictions handed down by the ICTY Trial Chamber in May 2013. In addition to participating in a joint criminal enterprise, the Appeals Chamber upheld responsibility for killings, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportations, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhumane treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians, and individually for rape and sexual abuse. The verdict confirmed that the participants from Croatia in the joint criminal enterprise were Franjo Tudman, Janko Bobetko and Gojko Šušak. From the presented evidence it was concluded that the leaders of HZ/RHB, including Mato Boban, and the leaders of the Republic of Croatia, including Franjo Tudjman, in December 1991 assessed that the long-term political goal was to achieve the unification of the Croatian people entities, within the borders of the Banovina of Croatia from 1939, it is necessary to carry out “ethnic cleansing” in the territories that were claimed to belong to the HZ/RHB. Evidence confirms that a joint criminal enterprise has been established to achieve the political goal. In this context, it was established that Franjo Tudjman advocated the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia by annexing part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia or, if this was not possible, by establishing an autonomous Croatian territory that would be closely connected with Croatia. Prlić, Stojić, Praljak, Petković, Ćorić, and Pušić were convicted of crimes against humanity, violations of the laws or customs of war and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, specifically murder, willful deprivation of life, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportation, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhuman treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, looting and confiscation of public and private property under the third category of liability for participation in JCE destruction or intentional infliction damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians. In addition, Prlić, Stojić, Petković and Ćorić were convicted of rape and inhuman treatment (sexual abuse). Ćorić was additionally convicted for several crimes for which he is responsible as a superior.
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Juzbašić, Dževad. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Austro-Hungarian policy of railways building towards the East." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja 42 (2014): 165–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-40.29.
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Fidanchevski, Emilija. "RIS ALiCE Project." Macedonian Journal of Chemistry and Chemical Engineering 40, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20450/mjcce.2021.2445.
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The project: Al-rich industrial residues for mineral binders in the ESEE region-RIS ALiCE in the frame of the European Institute of Innovation and Technology, Raw materials (EIT-Raw Materials) co-financed by Horizon 2020/ Europe started on March 2019 and will end on February 2022. The “RIS-ALiCE” consortium consists of partners experienced in the relevant field from seven countries (SIovenia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, North Macedonia, Serbia, Hungary, Austria and France). Slovenian National Building and Civil Engineering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia coordinates the project.
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Kurtanović, Hamza. "Muhamed Efendi Zahirović and his Idžazetnama (Authorization)." Anali Gazi Husrev-Begove biblioteke 27, no. 41 (February 19, 2021): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.51719/25663267.2020.27.41.203.
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This paper sets forth a biography of Muhamed efendi Zahirović and it gives a review of his social activism as well as a translation of the idžazetnama (authorization) he got from Hafiz Sulayman efendi Fazlić. He was born on the 14th of December in 1886 in Modriča. He spent his entire working life as a high school religion teacher. This paper is primarily based on the idžazetnama manuscript which is kept in Gazi Husrev-beg’s Library in Sarajevo (R-10790). Setting the sanad (a list of authorities who have transmitted a report (ḥadīth) of a statement, action, or approbation of the messenger Muhammad, peace be upon him) as a guarantee of the authenticity and a critical review of every person who transmitted a ḥadīth has provided a foundation for the tradition of issuing idžazetnamas. This common practice of seeking and issuing an authorization to transmit a particular ḥadīth or work carried on in Bosnia and Herzegovina until the beginning of the 20th century. The contents of the idžazetnama portrays Muhamed efendi Zahirović as one of the more learned people in Bosnia and Hercegovina at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Rička, Željko, and Anita Šadić. "The role of internal audit in public procurement and the fight against corruption (Bosnia and Herzegovina)." Revizor 24, no. 93 (2021): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/rev2193055r.
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Relevant governmental bodies and organizations, non-governmental organizations, international organizations and institutions, especially the media, show increased interest in corruption related to the public procurement. Public procurement is the most frequently cited area in the context of systemic corruption for the simple reason that it directly represents the spending of public money on a large scale, which according to OECD data represents about 7-15% of GDP. One of the possible approaches to prevent corruption in public procurement is the systematic building of the integrity of all entities and institutions involved in the public procurement process. Due to the fact that the internal audit way of organization and work is closest to practical issues of public procurement it has the opportunity to achieve the largest coverage of cases for which public funds are engaged.
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Aybet, Gülnur, and Florian Bieber. "From Dayton to Brussels: The Impact of EU and NATO Conditionality on State Building in Bosnia & Hercegovina." Europe-Asia Studies 63, no. 10 (November 10, 2011): 1911–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2011.618706.
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Jereb, Blaz, Maja Dolenc, and Tanja Kajtna. "Motives for Following Sports Events among Physical Education Students from Bosnia and Hercegovina and Slovenia." Sustainability 14, no. 17 (September 2, 2022): 10992. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141710992.
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A sports result takes on its meaning only when the public reacts to it after attending a sporting event. In order to determine and compare attitudes toward attending such events, students from two different cultural backgrounds were invited to participate in the study: 156 students from the Faculty of Sport in Ljubljana and 82 students from the Pedagogical faculty, Department of Physical Education and Sports in Bihać. They were asked to complete a questionnaire containing 25 variables on the motives for attending sporting events. The respondents rated the importance of the motives with scores from 1 to 5 (1—not the reason at all; 2—not the reason; 3—occasionally true for me; 4—true for me; 5—absolutely true). The obtained results were ranked and compared between the students of different faculties and between genders. The results showed that Bosnian and Slovenian students differed in 11 out of 25 motives. Statistically significant gender differences were found for only two out of 25 motives. Differences between Bosnian and Slovenian students were also found in the ranking of the importance of the motives as well as in their evaluation. The results show that cultural, national, and mentality differences between the two groups are reflected in the motives for following sporting events.
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Jelušić, Srećko. "Publishing and Librarianship in Central and Eastern Europe: The Needs to Join Forces." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 15, no. 1 (April 2003): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574900301500105.
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Some interesting findings result from an analysis of the post-1990 publishing and bookselling scene in various Central and East European countries (Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Yugoslavia). The number of small and medium size publishers is growing, as are the number and diversity of titles published. Bookstore networks are disintegrating, state subsidies to publishing have ceased, and many publishers do not submit legal deposit copies to the national library. Electronic publishing is growing slowly but steadily, and there is an increase in expert assistance and financial subsidies from western countries. Whereas librarianship can continue building on its existing infrastructure, the publishing industry has little professional experience. Both have in common a major interest in information and communication technology, especially electronic publishing and long-term preservation of digital material. The fact that these activities are still in a development stage gives CEE countries some advantage compared with developed countries, but practical advance depends on expert knowledge. There are several areas of possible cooperation between librarianship and publishing in Central and Eastern Europe, mainly concerned with research and education.
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Selimović, Sead. "Preventing return: Implementation of annex VII of the Dayton peace agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1995-2020)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 206–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.206.
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The armed aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina ended with the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement), initialed in Dayton on November 21, 1995, and signed on December 14, 1995 in Paris „in Bosnian, Croatian, English and the Serbian language“. The Dayton Agreement confirmed the fact that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had real control (power) over the so-called Republika Srpska. Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement determined the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina. There are two entities in the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which consists of 10 cantons, and the Republika Srpska. Apart from the two entities, there is also the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was created by the Decision of the International Arbitration Court. It was established on March 8, 2000. According to the Dayton Agreement, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose official name became „Bosnia and Herzegovina“, continues its legal existence under international law as a state with its internationally recognized borders. It remains a member of the United Nations, and as Bosnia and Herzegovina may retain membership or request membership in organizations within the United Nations system and in other international organizations. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement) guarantees human rights and „fundamental freedoms“. Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Entities, according to the Constitution, will ensure „the highest degree of internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms.“ For this purpose, the formation of the Commission for Human Rights is also envisaged, as provided for in Annex 6 of the General Framework Agreement. The issue of the return of refugees and displaced persons is addressed in Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement, entitled „Agreement on Refugees and Displaced Persons“. According to Annex 7, all refugees and displaced persons have the right to return freely to their homes and have the right to restitution of property confiscated from them during hostilities since 1991 and to receive compensation for all property that cannot be returned to them. The „Agreement“ states that the return of refugees and displaced persons is an important goal of resolving the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the period 1995-2020. The authorities of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian entity of Republika Srpska did not give up on the project of „separation of peoples“. The implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement has been obstructed in various ways: by killings, beatings, intimidation, attacks on religious buildings and in other ways. Obstructions in the implementation of Annex 7 were also carried out in the entity of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this was not as pronounced as in Republika Srpska. The first return of displaced persons (refugees and displaced persons) was to the settlement of Mahala, which until the Dayton Agreement was located in the municipality of Kalesija and after Dayton in the municipality of Osmaci in the entity of Republika Srpska. It was August 24, 1996. This was followed by the return of Bosniaks to the settlements of Jusići and Dugi dio in the municipality of Zvornik and Svjetliča in the municipality of Doboj. These events also marked the official start of the implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Dayton Agreement guaranteed the return of the exiles, everything went much harder on the ground, and there were also human casualties. Between 1992 and 1995, approximately 2.2 million people in Bosnia and Herzegovina were forced to flee their homes as a result of the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina. About 1.2 million people have applied for refugee protection in more than 100 countries around the world, while countries in the region have accepted about 40% of the total number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Almost one million people were internally displaced in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the beginning of 2003, the Strategy of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was adopted. It was the first, at the level of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, harmonized, framework document which sets goals and plans the necessary actions and reforms towards the final implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement. According to the 2015 UNHCR Annual Statistical Report, the number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina outside the country was 18,748. Of these, 9,080 had refugee status in Serbia, 4,055 in France, 2,274 in Switzerland, 1,412 in Germany, and the remaining number in other countries. It is estimated that at the end of 1995 there were about one million displaced persons, accounting for almost a quarter of Bosnia and Herzegovina's pre-war population. The first comprehensive, official census of displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina was conducted at the end of 2000, when 557,275 displaced persons were registered. The 2005 audit of the status of displaced persons identified 186,138 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees from 2016, there were 98,574 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which 38,345 or 40.6% were displaced in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 59,834 or 58.8% in the Republika Srpska and 395 or 0.5% in the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the ethnic structure of displaced persons, according to the head of household - families, 32.7% (10,667 families and 30,920 persons) are Bosniaks, 60.0% (19,565 families and 60,737 persons) Serbs, 6.7% (2,195 families and 6,374 persons) Croats and 0.6% (184 families and 542 persons) Others. According to the 2016 data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees, by the end of 2016, around 341,000 housing units had been built or renovated in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the Bosnian entity of Republika Srpska, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. In addition, high-ranking officials from the Republika Srpska in public appearances deny the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks as a people, deny genocide against Bosniaks, which affects the perspective of the people of this area. Streets in cities bear the names of war criminals from the Second World War and the period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, busts of war criminals are being built, schools and other state institutions are being „sanctified“, etc. In the period 1995-2020. Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was not fully implemented in 2006, as an important factor in the reintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the recognition of the results of armed aggression and genocide against Bosniaks.
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Ramčilović, Zećir. "Demographic changes after Berlin congress (1878) in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.72.
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The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.
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Magnusson, Kjell. "What kind of state?: Views of Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs on the character of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 7 (2012): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1207037m.
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The article is based on findings from two sociological surveys undertaken in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1996 and 1999. It is shown that the views of Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs on the character of the common state are often highly conflicting and different from the official perceptions of the international community. It is argued that a viable solution to the Bosnian problem cannot neglect the issue of ethnicity and the need for an institutional structure which explicitly recognises the fact this is not an ordinary nation-state. Although there are short-term explanations for the violence in Bosnia, the situation is ultimately the outcome of a complex and delayed process of nation-building. Therefore, Bosnia is today faced with the same dilemma as before the war: how to construct a legitimate state in a situation where a common identity does not exist and no ethnic group constitutes a majority.
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Grbo, Amila. "Razvoj profesionalnog novinarstva u Bosni i Hercegovini." Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education, no. 1 2016 (2016): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2016.16.1.35.
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A variety of information published in many media nowadays, especially those in new media, are not based on fact. Such information are often offensive, xenophobic, islamophobic and a serious threat to human dignity and peace. However, part of the public used to believe the media uncritically accept their content because it believes that the ”mighty” media bring nothing but the truth. The other part of the public recognizes such content and raises the question of how to change that, or how to compel the media to work professionally. It seems that the answer to this question is not only in the sphere of strict regulation and strict sanctions (laws), but in the system of self-regulation that will ensure journalistic professionalism and public right ”to know the truth”. However, precondition for that is a developed democratic society and within a formed political culture.
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Franca, Aldina, and Ernada Avdibegović. "Bibliografija o temi religije i izgradnje mira (Bibliography on Religion and Peace Building)." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 7, no. 2 (February 14, 2021): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2020.7.2.133.
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Selektivna bibliografija o temi religije i izgradnje mira nastala je u sklopu istraživanja Master programa „Međureligijski studij i izgradnja mira“ koji organiziraju tri teološka fakulteta u Bosni i Hercegovini, Fakultet islamskih nauka Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Katolički bogoslovni fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu i Pravoslavni bogoslovni fakultet „Sv. Vasilije Ostroški“ u Foči, ali pri Univerzitetu u Istočnom Sarajevu.
Bibliografija se sastoji od knjiga, zbornika, priručnika, naučnih članaka, leksikona, hrestomatija i časopisa na bosanskom, crnogorskom, hrvatskom i srpskom, te na engleskom jeziku.
Izvori korišteni pri izradi bibliografije bili su na internetu dostupni katalozi biblioteke Fakulteta islamskih nauka, online katalog Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, bibliografsko-kataloška baza podataka COBISS, Katalog Knjižnica grada Zagreba i online katalog izdavačke kuće El-Kalem. Na engleskom jeziku pretraživane su online baze http://gen.lib.rus.ec i https://sci-hub.se, te internetski pretraživači.
Od naučnih časopisa, najčešće konsultirani bili su: Znakovi vremena, časopis za filozofiju, religiju, znanost, i društvenu praksu,1 Bosna Francisana, časopis franjevačke teologije2 i Vrhbosnensia, časopis za teološka i međureligijska pitanja, Mjesto za drugog u našoj vjeri i životu4 kao i časopise na engleskom jeziku: Journal of Peace and Research,5 The Journal of Philosophy,6 Zygon: Journal of Religion and Science,7 Journal of Conflict Resolution,8 Journal of Islamic Thought9 and Journal ofEcumenical Studies.
Ključne teme ovoga istraživanja bile su: religija i izgradnja mira, abrahamske religije i izgradnja mira, pluralizam, tolerancija, praštanje i pomirenje, razrješavanje konflikta.
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Šadinlija, Mesud. "Some aspects of activity of the Army of Yugoslavia in the aggresion against Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina on the territory of Central Podrinje in the beginning of 1993." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.217.
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The presence of regular Yugoslav military forces in central Podrinje and their participation in the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina have been evident from the very beginnings. As there were no significant forces of the Yugoslav People’s Army in Bosnian Podrinje, in the beginning of April 1992 the 336th Motorized brigade was dislocated from the area of Tuzla and it established its command post in Šekovići, thus becoming the bearer of battle activities and organization of the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in this region, including in its organic composition all Serb armed formations from Zvornik, Kalesija, Šekovići, Vlasenica, Milići, Bratunac and Skelani. In the attacks during which the Serb forces gained control over a broader area of Central Podrinje, and the Bosniak population, which constituted a pronounced majority of the overall population, was suppressed and reduced to three isolated enclaves on the territory of Cerska, Konjević Polje and Srebrenica, the function of leading and commanding these forces, as well as other regular and irregular units which were directed or acted from the territory of Serbia, was conducted by the Operative group “Drina”, a formation under the command of the Belgrade military zone, later the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army. In the attacks on the remaining enclaves of Podrinje during the summer and autumn of 1992 the aviation of the Yugoslav Army was employed along with lighter jets of agricultural aviation, as well as artillery from the firing positions of the Yugoslav Army on the territory of Serbia. The contents of the Wance-Owen peace plan, according to which the greater part of the Bosnian Podrinje was supposed to be included into one of the provinces with a Bosniak ethnic majority, which would have spelt the end of the Serb national policy in Podrinje, represented an announcement of a large winter offensive of the Serbian forces. With a directive issued on 19 November 1992 the Drina corps of the Army of Republika Srpska was ordered to defend Višegrad, Zvornik and the corridor towards Serbia with its main forces, to deblock the communication on the line Milići – Konjević Polje – Zvornik, and to exhaust the enemy on the broader area of Podrinje, inflict upon him as much loss as possible, and force him to “leave the areas of Birač, Žepa and Goražde together with the Muslim population”. On the basis of this directive act, the planned offensive military activities of the Serb forces in Central Podrinje, initiated during November and finished with the agreement on the demilitarization of Srebrenica in April 1993, according to the documents of the Army of Republika Srpska, had three successive phases codenamed: “PROBOJ” (Breakthrough), “PESNICA” (Fist) and “UDAR” (Assault). Despite the significant engaged forces, the offensive “PROBOJ” did not go according to plan, and in the counterattacks during December the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina liberated a large number of settled places, and until 9 January 1993 gained control over Serb strongholds in the communication region of Bratunac – Kravica, and thus physically connected all parts of the liberated territory. Then a new offensive was launched, codenamed “PESNICA”, which, aside from the stabilization of the Serb defence of Bratunac, did not achieve its stated goals, while on the other side the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina arrived to the part of the state border with Serbia in the region of Skelani. In the final phase of the offensive, that bore the code name of “UDAR”, the Army of Yugoslavia directly joined the fighting in Central Podrinje on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the direction of Bratunac towards Srebrenica the forces from the composition of OG “Drina” and parts of other units from the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army were active, which established a command outpost in Ljubovija. In central Podrinje parts of the Special units corps of the Yugoslav Army also operated, and during the offensive they were stationed in the region of Skelani. From that side, from the direction of Skelani towards Srebrenica, the forces from the composition of the Užice corps of the 2nd Army of the Yugoslav Army were also active. When the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were suppressed from the larger part of the territory and together with the masses of Bosniak civilians restricted to the broader town area of Srebrenica, the units of the Yugoslav Army could retreat to the territory of their state. The offensive was concluded with the signing of the agreement about the demilitarization of Srebrenica.
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Simović, Vlade. "European integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the logic of consocialism." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 17 (2022): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod17-42077.
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The subject of research in this work is the scope of consociational democracy on the example of the European integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The logic of consociational democracy is in the mutual respect of the segments of a divided society and the construction of mechanisms to prevent the "tyranny of the majority" over numerically smaller groups. History shows that consociational instruments maintain the state of peace and democracy in divided and post-conflict societies. The European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina are areas that prove this. Therefore, accepting the logic of consociationalism is an appropriate choice in the context of the European integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This would not be questionable if some actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union did not insist on changing the existing consociational political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is paradoxical that in the negotiation process of European integration, anti-consociationist policies are often advocated for the reorganization of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the aim of "harmonizing" it with the European Union, which is maintained and united precisely on the logic of consociationalism.
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Tuzlak, Dženana. "Sedamdeset godina Muzičke zbirke Nacionalne i univerzitetske biblioteke Bosne i Hercegovine / Seventy Years of the Music Collection of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 63, no. 1 (June 6, 2022): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.1.101.
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This paper presents the Music Collection of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, founded in 1951 within the Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts. During 70 years, the Collection's stock building was systematically with a legal deposit from the all over Yugoslavia until 1992, through purchases, gift and exchange. In that way the Bosnian-Herzegovinian national collection was founded, which contributed to the preservation of national and cultural identity. In 1980, it owned 9.500 bibliographic units. Unfortunately, the Collection was destroyed on 25 August, 1992, in a shelling of the Vijećnica (City Hall), where was the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its restoration is still being. Today, the funds of this Collection contain approximately 5.000 bibliographic units and is organized into three separate parts: the Musicological Book Collection, the Music Collection and the Sound Collection. For the most part of the materials – 3.304 bibliographic units, was processed within the COBISS.BH system (Co-operative Online Bibliographic System and Services), according to international bibliographic standards and the COMARC/B format (Cooperative Machine-Readable Cataloging). All bibliographic records can be searched in the electronic catalog of the Library by several parameters. The Collection has invaluable documentary value, especially for our Bosnian-Herzegovinian national music culture. In the following period, it is necessary to enrich the Collection with new contents and present it with quality on high level by bibliographic processing. The best protection of these collected sound records, in Music Collection, as part of the cultural heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is its digitization at the national level in compliance with the legislation about copyright and related rights.
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Vranješ, Nevenko. "Dayton and post-Dayton concept of the administrative power in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Twenty five years after Dayton Peace Agreement." Politea 10, no. 20 (2020): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-29197.
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The Dayton Peace Agreement of 1995 established today's Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multiple, complex, specific, and unique state with international legal subjectivity with regard to state law, constitutional law, and administrative law. As a result, the form of socio-political order such as it exists in Bosnia and Herzegovina is unknown in modern political systems. From the initial minimum competences granted to state-level institutions as regulated by the Dayton Constitution, there have been, over the course of twenty-five years, significant amendments made in this respect. With the intervention of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) into the constitutional and legal framework, and, to a lesser extent, by consensual transfer of jurisdiction from the entity level to the state level, administrative capacities of Bosnia and Herzegovina have been strengthened in organisational and functional terms, thus significantly derogating the respective administrative authority of the entities of the Republic of Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is accompanied by strong hyperinflation of the administrative bodies and organisations at the state level, mostly of unstable legitimacy, which, along with the existence of administrative structures at the remaining thirteen levels of government, classifies the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina as a complex, segmented, and dysfunctional state. The subject of this paper is an analysis of the Dayton and post-Dayton conceptions of the administrative power of Bosnia and Herzegovina twenty five years since its establishment. The paper, using methods of qualitative analysis of legal acts, legal exegesis, as well as comparative and axiological methods, and relying on the theories and conceptions of the distribution of competences in a complex state, seeks to present the Dayton and post-Dayton conceptions of the administrative power in Bosnia and Herzegovina from a twenty-five year distance. The basic research hypothesis is that states with complex organisational structure, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, require decentralised organisational and material structures in the executive branch both from the aspect of functionality and economy and the aspect of their sustainability.
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Karan, Siniša. "Constitutional and political nature of Decision of the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina / Ustavnopravnopravna i politička priroda Odluka Visokog predstavnika u Bosni i Hercegovini." Годишњак факултета правних наука - АПЕИРОН 5, no. 5 (July 28, 2015): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/gfp1505069k.
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Nowadays, there are divided opinions in Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to further mandate of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative. However, the e nd of the mandate of the High Representative is realistically expected in the near future. The need to abolish the office of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative has been mentioned increasingly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in the Republic of Srpska. The reasons for the abolition of the function of the High Representative are different between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as among its constitutive peoples. The authority of the High Representative has been increasingly questioned.It is on that basis that questions arise more frequently whether his (High Representative) legal acts will be valid, in particular individual decisions, such as deprivation of certain rights to citizens, the right to work, political action and passive right to vote. Representatives of the international community are worried that the interested domestic political circles could set a thesis (and be successful at it) that all acts of the High Representative will cease to apply at the moment when Annex X of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina is ended.A number of imposed laws not yet adopted by the local legislator himself, in the event of cancellation, would actually return BiH to the original competences under the Constitution BiH, as the legal consequence. The institution of the High Representative was set up by Annex X (Agreement on Civilian Implementation of the Peaceful Solution) of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.Simultaneously, bearing in mind these facts, legally speaking, Bosnia and Herzegovina can not be classified into any known form of international dependence, however, the objective situation is such that Bosnia and Herzegovina with the powers vested in the High Representative and the actions that he is taking, can be considered a state with a specific form of international dependence and a special form of guardianship.
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Dedić, Hoda. "Dejtonski mirovni sporazum i političke reforme u tranziciji bosanskohercegovačkog društva / Dayton Peace Agreement and Political Reforms in the Transition of Bosnian Society." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 62, no. 1 (July 6, 2021): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.1.185.
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Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in December 1995, the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina has undergone specific processes of social and political development. In the period of post-Dayton political development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, important reforms were carried out which enabled not only the consolidation of peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the past 25 years, but also the building of institutions of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this process, the role of the international community and the European Union, expressed through the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU Special Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, appears as a special form of international intervention within the geopolitical framework for building andconsolidating peace under the Dayton Peace Agreement. In the first years of the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, important elements of Bosnian statehood were established by decisions and laws imposed by the High Representatives for Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Bonn powers. Bosnia and Herzegovina has been given national symbols: a flag, a single currency, as well as common license plates. The constitutions of the entities are harmonized with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established. Defense and intelligence reforms have been implemented in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The competencies of state-level institutions have been expanded and the number of ministries in the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina has increased. Comprehensive reforms have also been implemented in the process of meeting the criteria for BiH's full membership in the European Union. The process of European integration, through broad political, economic and reforms in the field of justice and the rule of law has in itself generated positive social changes. In the further integration process, Bosnia and Herzegovina will implement 14 priorities from the Opinion of the European Commission. Due to the complexity of building a political consensus on important issues that determine the stable political development and European future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the political and technical assistance of the EU Special Representative is necessary in order for Bosnia and Herzegovina to receive a recommendation to open accession negotiations by the end of 2021.
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Husaković, Dijana, Nermana Mahmić-Muhić, and Ilma Dedić-Grabus. "The connection between corporate social responsibility and the reputation of companies in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina." BH Ekonomski forum 15, no. 2 (2021): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bhekofor2102069h.
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It is undeniable that corporate social responsibility (CSR) occupies an important place in managerial practice, but also in academic circles. Due to the strengthening of competition between companies, and the constant need for companies to be sustainable in a market and innovative sense, it becomes clear that it is necessary to integrate social responsibility into the company's business. Corporate social responsibility activities, which will be the subject of analysis, are in theory synthesized in the form of economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic activities. These corporate social responsibility activities should intuitively lead to building a positive reputation for the company. Reputation is an intangible but long-term investment. In the modern economy, where due to the speed of information transfer, it is very difficult to hide something, building a reputation is seen as one of the basic challenges of any company. The research focuses on the connection between the activities of corporate social responsibility and the reputation of large companies in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, the paper analyzes the perception of managers about the connection of corporate social responsibility activities with the reputation of large and medium companies in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main goal of this paper is to examine the perception of managers about the relationship between corporate social responsibility activities and the reputation of companies in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Okanović, Hazim. "The importance of non-governmental organizations in public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the time after the Dayton agreement." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 302–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.302.
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The main goal of this paper is to investigate the mechanisms of the influence of NGOs on public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14, 1995 in Paris. The sharp increase in the number of NGOs occurs immediately after the Dayton Accords, and according to some estimates, there were more than 1,500 at the time, which cannot be considered a large number when compared to the number of NGOs in other transition countries. Data from the Collective Register of Foundations and Associations in Bosnia and Herzegovina state that their total number is 25,646, while the number of actually active is difficult to determine. The literature so far has been presented from the non-governmental sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina to a significant extent for public policy making, as well as research results and these claims primarily based on the number of qualitative impact diaries of individual NGOs (case studies). This research paper aims at systematic research of the domain of influence of the non-governmental sector, through quantitative analysis of newly collected data on the influence of non-governmental organizations. The survey was proven at the local, cantonal, authorial and state level on a representative and stratified sample (10% - according to the statistical method) and was trained by the leadership and activists of non-governmental organizations and government officials (ministries and state administrative organizations). One of the main assumptions is that by successfully networking with organizations from neighboring EU member states, NGOs become a respectable actor in public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to quantitative analysis, this paper provides a detailed overview and theoretical analysis of civil society, NGO sector and public policies as well as a comparative insight into institutional and non-institutional mechanisms of NGO influence on public policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their practical application in neighboring countries European Union. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the role of the non-governmental sector (association) in public advocacy and the analysis and comparison of current theories of the legal policy framework, structure, size, factors of development of the non-governmental sector. In addition, the paper contributes to the assessment of the current state of the mechanism of influence on the creation of public policy agendas in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the formulation of measures for internal structures and networking of NGOs and the definition of their number, structure and types. The problem of the research is reflected in the fact that the started processes of transformation and the unfinished process of transition of the Bosnian society and civil sector are, due to the war destructions, significantly slowed down. Changes in society in the pre-war phase created realistic preconditions for the development of the non-governmental sector and civil society in general, and provided a realistic basis for influencing the advocacy and creation of various public policies. In the post-war period, international donors invested heavily in the NGO sector. The subject of this research is the influence of the non-governmental sector on policy-making processes, through knowledge of institutional mechanisms, as well as the correlation of the non-governmental sector and public policies from the aspect of democracy development as an integral process in all its aspects. Given that this topic has previously been partially addressed in this context, through a systematic review of the problem and offering an adequate solution to the problem, it is necessary to re-examine the key issues. The key issues explored within this paper are how networking with neighboring EU Member States has a positive impact (has a positive association) on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies. In addition, the extent to which financial support from EU institutions has a positive impact on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies has been explored.
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Petrović, Vladimir. "NEUSPEH ŽENEVSKIH PREGOVORA O PREKIDU RATA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI JANUARA 1993." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 435–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.pet.435-460.
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The International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia was created in London in August of 1992 as an instrument for the negotiations conducted by the United Nations and the European Community, represented by Cyrus Vance and Lord David Owen. Until the end of the year, they developed a detailed proposal to settle the Bosnian conflict, known as the Vance-Owen Peace Plan (VOPP). The VOPP was presented to the leaders of the warring factions in Geneva during the first session of talks in January of 1993. On the basis of archive material, judicial records, published documents, and memoirs of the participants, this article aims to reconstruct the dramatic negotiation process, which consisted of several rounds. An analysis of the declared Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian positions during the negotiations, as well as the interactions among the delegations and relations within them, reveals that all the parties were had been deeply engaged in double dealing. The Croatian side was seemingly ready to sign the VOPP but was undermining it by launching a conflict in the field at the same time. The Serbian side was escalating as well, the Bosnian Serb leaders were not ready to accept the plan, despite the suggestions they had received from Belgrade. Sarajevo was procrastinating, hoping for a direct US involvement in the crisis following the inauguration of the new Clinton Administration. That administration did undermine the plan, which damaged the credibility of the international negotiators. In such circumstances, the plan had slim chances of succeeding. Although a ceasefire would have shortened the Bosnian war by almost three years and cut human losses by at least half, the main negotiators found a compromise solution to be unacceptable. As they defined and propagated maximalist goals, acceptance of a compromise was both damaging their grip on power and defying their worldview.
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Orlović Lovren, Violeta, Jovan Miljković, and Svjetlana Tubić. "Obuke nastavnika kao doprinos jačanju kapaciteta za razvoj osnovnog obrazovanja odraslih u Bosni i Hercegovini." Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education 20, no. 1_2 2020 (2021): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2020.20.1_2.57.
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The paper is dedicated to the analysis of the effects from teacher trainings which were developed and applied in Bosnia in Herzegovina (B&H), as a project activity within the larger project titled ''Support for adult education: subsequent acquisition of elementary adult education'', which was implemented during 2012-2013 by the GIZ and the Institute for International Cooperation of German Adult Education Association (DVV International), Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The reasons for initiating this training and the analysis of its effects are considered in a specific socio-historical and educational-political context, in order to analyze not only the inherited problems of illiteracy, but also the conditions in which the capacity for their resolution and building of a system of adult education are developing today. The methodological approach and findings of the research are presented, which is based on estimates of the teachers on the effects of the training in which they participated. Bearing in mind the insight into the context and findings of the research, possible directions for improvement in this field are suggested.
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Stroschein, Sherrill. "Consociational Settlements and Reconstruction." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no. 1 (October 9, 2014): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214544459.
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Both Bosnia in 1995 and Northern Ireland in 1998 were extremely fragile in the immediate aftermath of brokered peace negotiations. Each instituted a form of consociationalism—a government that institutionalizes a voice for each ethnic group—as an element of brokered peace. In this article, I examine Bosnian postwar governance with comparative insights from Northern Ireland. Bosnia was the recipient of a large amount of international aid. While this aid was crucial to the initial state-building effort, the problems Bosnia now faces are due to its consociational governance structure. Some of the group-based aspects of consociationalism are in tension with individual rights, a problem that cannot be addressed by aid alone.
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Gurda, Vedad, Dževad Mahmutović, and Maja Iveljić. "The post-Dayton search for justice: War crimes trials in Bosnia and Herzegovina before competent courts." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 250–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.250.
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The armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, which ended with the conclusion of the so-called The Dayton Peace Agreement was marked by serious violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms and the commission of horrific war crimes. Prosecution of defendants for these crimes takes place at several levels, ie before: a) the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), b) domestic courts and c) courts of certain foreign states. The paper analyzes certain indicators related to the prosecution of these crimes, their scope and structure, as well as the ratio of convictions and acquittals for certain war crimes, the scope of application of conventional and summary forms of ending criminal cases and court policy of sanctioning perpetrators. It was learned that by the end of 2020, hundreds of criminal proceedings against approximately a thousand defendants had been completed. Most of the accused were prosecuted before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Court of B&H), followed by the ICTY, and a slightly smaller number before the courts of the former SFRY and some Western European countries. The research established that before the ICTY, out of the total number of accused for war crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as many as 90.2% were convicted of some of these crimes, while the rate of convicted in relation to accused before the Court of B&H was 67.2% , and before the courts in the Republic of Serbia 70.2%. It is interesting that before the ICTY as many as 24.3% of the accused were convicted in summary proceedings on the basis of a plea agreement, while before the Court of B&H 13,3% of the accused were convicted using a plea bargaining as a consensual model for ending criminal cases. So far, 22 people have been convicted of the crime of genocide as the most serious crime before the ICTY, the Court of B&H and German courts, and all convictions related to the activities of the Army of Republika Srpska during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes. Finally, it was found that certain courts, especially Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes.
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Davidović, Sandra. "Dayton Legacy – 25 Years of Building Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Review of International Affairs 71, no. 1179 (2020): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_ria.2020.71.1179.1.
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Velagić, Adnan. "Uloga Italije u junskom ustanku 1941. godine na području Hercegovine." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 208–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.208.
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After the April War and the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina was extremely complex. Although only a few days before the start of the attack on Yugoslavia, in a document called „Preliminary guidelines for the division of Yugoslavia“, Hitler handed over the entire area of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Italy - which determined Mussolini to take maximum part in the „Directive 25“ operation - the situation turned out to be complicated. immediately after the successful completion of the military operation. Namely, at the Vienna Conference on April 21 and 22, 1941, Germany took the side of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and supported the inclusion of Bosnia and Herzegovina in its composition. There were several reasons for this German turn, and the key one certainly lay in the fact that Hiter was counting on German dominance in the Adriatic, so in this respect he was very bothered by Mussolini's emphasized irredentism (Italia irredenta - the fight for an ununited Italy from the Atlantic to Central Asia ). This development of the situation affected the complication of relations within the victorious camp. The ambivalence between Italy and the NDH was especially pronounced, regarding supremacy over the territory of Herzegovina. In that period, the situation on the ground was very complex. The uprising of the Serbian population, due to reprisals by the current Croatian government, which was supported by Italy, at the beginning of June 1941 destabilized the NDH in this area and called into question the strategic German military-political ambitions in Eastern Europe. Namely, Germany soon saw that the current NDH government was unable to maintain order and peace, so it had to yield to Italy and support the signing of the Zagreb Agreement on August 26, 1941. According to this agreement, the territory of Herzegovina was placed under Italian supremacy. However, even after that, the situation in this area did not calm down. Until the capitulation in 1943, Italy continued to support the Serbian insurgents, among whom in the spring of 1942 a differentiation into partisans and Chetniks took place. The Partisan insurgents accepted the ideology of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which stood on the positions of fighting against the occupiers, while the Chetniks accepted the Great Serbian ideology and cooperation with the Italian forces in Herzegovina. In order to strengthen its presence in this area, Italy did everything to weaken the strength of its ally in the Triple Pact - NDH, and in this sense it helped (politically protected and financed) the Great Serbian insurgents in every way. In the end, Italy, under the pretext of the need to mobilize all forces against the communist partisans, legalized the Greater Serbian insurgents, giving them the name Volunteer Anti-Communist Militia (MVAC - Milizia volontaria anti comunista). Historical knowledge about the June uprising in Herzegovina is not enough, because very few authors have dealt with this issue. Italy's role in encouraging and affirming the Serbian insurgents is even less illuminated. In this paper, the author, on the basis of published and unpublished archival materials, and on the basis of relevant literature, considered the causes, character and reflections of the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina in June 1941, with special attention to the role of Italy in encouraging and affirming the insurgents.
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Guzina, Dejan, and Branka Marijan. "Local Uses of International Criminal Justice in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Transcending Divisions or Building Parallel Worlds?" Studies in Social Justice 7, no. 2 (June 21, 2013): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v7i2.1046.
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Transitionaljustice mechanisms and the International Criminal Tribunal for the FormerYugoslavia (ICTY) have had only a limited success in overcoming ethnic divisionsin Bosnia-Herzegovina. Rather than elaborating upon the role of local politicalelites in perpetuating ethnic divisions, we examine ordinary peoples’ popularperceptions of war and its aftermath. In our view, the idea that elites havecomplete control over the broader narratives about the past is misplaced. Weargue that transitional justice and peace mechanisms supported by externalactors are always interpreted on the ground in context-specific ways, creatingdifferent citizens’ experiences, “memories” of the war, and their respectivehopes and disappointments in regards to the relationship between peace andjustice in Bosnia. We suggest that analyses of the post-conflict developments inBosnia-Herzegovina must take into account what gives the narratives ofexclusion their power, and what are the objective political, social andeconomic constraints that continue to provide a fertile ground for theirwidespread support.
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Jeleskovic, Emina, and Almasa Mulalic. "FEMALE ACADEMICS’ ROLE IN PEACE-BUILDING, STATE-BUILDING AND GENDER EQUALITY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA." Epiphany 15, no. 1 (July 22, 2022): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21533/epiphany.v15i1.393.
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Kostic, Roland. "Transitional justice and reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Whose memories, whose justice?" Sociologija 54, no. 4 (2012): 649–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1204649k.
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This paper shows that transitional justice initiatives such as the trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Commission for Srebrenica and the establishment of accurate statistics on deaths during the conflict have had only a limited impact on inter-group reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Popular attitudes towards these initiatives are captured in surveys conducted in 2005 and 2010. The results are not surprising given that the absence, due to the level of external regulation and control, of a politics of post-Dayton state-building means that domestic politics takes place in an arena of dealing with the past. The international community legitimised the three prevalent conflict narratives as a way of achieving a peace settlement in Dayton. These communal narratives were used in the peace-building phase by the local elites to defend concessions gained during negotiations and to oppose changes imposed by external supervisors of the Dayton Peace Accords. This has transformed the debate over the recent conflict from a transitional process of coming to terms with the past to a permanent state of affairs. This process precludes reconciliation in terms of mutual acknowledgment of suffering and a nuanced understanding of the causes and dynamics of the violent conflict.
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Šehić, Zijad. "Pax Americana." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 265–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.265.
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Using relevant literature and diplomatic sources, the author reflects on
the plans and activities of the international community to end the war in the Republic
of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from the Washington to the Dayton Peace
Agreement. Special consideration is devoted to those events that had influenced the shift in
US policy and caused its more active engagement. The analysis of international diplomacy
and attitudes of various countries towards the developments in the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, pointed to the complexity of achieving a peace agreement for which the US
had to try out various strategies and seek different solutions. The author pays particular
attention to events that had paved the way for a peace agreement, as well as the military
and political means that played a key role in achieving peace. Based on the analysis of the
provisions and subsequent implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, the author
believes that the agreement had ended the war, but did not allow the establishment of a
functional state because the ideologies that had caused the war continued to live and
deepen the divisions in the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina through propaganda and
rhetoric. He believes that re-enabling of normal life in the country requires the removal of
these structures and the consequences that they have produced and continue to produce,
which is why Bosnia and Herzegovina is still waiting for support for its European path.
He claims that this could only work if the democratic settings were to be imposed by the
international community, since the project of building the institutions was left unfinished.
If the international community consistently supports this, the author believes that the path
of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the modern European societies will be much
shorter and much faster.
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Martín-Díaz, Jordi. "State Building and Peace Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Explaining the Uncertain Path to EU Membership." ISR-Forschungsberichte 42 (2017): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/isr_fb042s109.
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Légaré, Kathia. "Transnational State-Building in Lebanon and Bosnia-Herzegovina: Strengthening or Shattering the Peace?" International Peacekeeping 25, no. 1 (May 12, 2017): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2017.1326006.
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Sriram, Chandra Lekha, Olga Martin-Ortega, and Johanna Herman. "Justice delayed? Internationalised criminal tribunals and peace-building in Lebanon, Bosnia and Cambodia." Conflict, Security & Development 11, no. 3 (July 2011): 335–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2011.593811.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Zoran Vučkovac. "Rethinking Bosnia and Herzegovina’s post-coloniality." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 2 (June 9, 2016): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.2.02maj.
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This paper investigates politico-media discourses of the international community revolving for the last few decades around the process of Europeanization in Bosnia and Herzegovina from its Dayton inception until 2015. We first explain the contours of the BiH context and then use a critical discourse analysis to assess the data collected between 1997 and 2015 drawn from a variety of textual resources such as mainstream newspapers, online media, and international community websites to explain the main trends of the Europeanization discourse in the country. Grounding our analysis within the postcolonial theory and post-communist studies, we critically examine the post-1996 peace and state building as well as Europeanization processes in BiH with respect to signs of postcolonial condition including perpetual transition and a state of exception.
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Kovacevic, Braco. "TOTALITARNA DRŽAVA I INTELEKTUALCI." Nacionalni interes 42, no. 2/2022 (September 9, 2022): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/ni.4222022.11.
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Istorijski posmatrano, položaj intelektualaca je uvijek bio težak i nikad sasvim zadovoljavajući. S obzirom da se autentični orijentisani intelektualci nalaze na jednom višem etičkom i vrijednosnom nivou sa kojeg kritički rasuđuju o društvu i svijetu u kojem žive, oni su često žrtve državnog i političkog proganjanja. Kao vještina vladanja, politika nastoji da ukloni intelektualnu kritičku svijest, i da intelektualce potčini i konformira. Ipak, autentični intelektualci se suprostavljaju represivnoj politici. To se moglo vidjeti u totalitarnim državama, kao i bivšoj Socijalističkoj Federativnoj Republici Jugoslaviji, ali to se vidi i danas u tzv. demokratskoj državi Bosni i Hercegovini. Demokratija se urušava represijom i totalitarnim intencijama.
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Bostic, Anze Voh. "The Role of the European Union’s Expert Assistance in the Process of Peace-Building: The Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 2 (May 1, 2010): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010016.
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Abstract. This article analyses European Union’s efforts in providing expert assistance to countries that suffered from violent conflict in their recent history. It first presents the general concept of peace-building, European Union’s peace-building activities, and its expert assistance, conducted as a part of peace-building activities. Then, this article presents the findings of a case study, conducted on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH). This article concludes that the European Union is relatively successful in training individual employees in BIH’s administration and police forces; however, it is highly unsuccessful in pursuing broader political reforms that need to be addressed in order to completely eliminate all causes that could cause potential resurrection of conflict in the country. In addition, the European Union insufficiently engages itself in another important aspect of peacebuilding, that is, the process of developing the civil society. As conclusion, this article renders some recommendations that could improve the situation in the country and be also applied in other post-conflict areas.
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Kodrić Zaimović, Lejla. "Znanstveni portal Bošnjačkog instituta - Fondacije Adila Zulfikarpašića i Memoria Bosniaca = The Academic Portal of the Bosniac Institute – Foundation of Adil Zulfikarpašić and Memoria Bosniaca." Bosniaca 22, no. 22 (December 2017): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2017.22.84.
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Formiranjem institucijskih repozitorija unutar bosanskohercegovačkih baštinsko-informacijskih, akademskih, obrazovnih te poslovnih ustanova produkti intelektualnog rada bosanskohercegovač-ke “znanstvenoistraživačke dijaspore” i dalje ostaju dislocirani, nekoherentni, odnosno pohranjeni u institucijskim repozitorijima ustanova diljem svijeta, a samim time za ovdašnje uvjete nedostu-pni. Potaknut ovakvim promjenama, Bošnjački institut – Fondacija Adila Zulfikarpašića, s obzirom na svoje infrastrukturne i izvedbene mogućnosti, doprinosi bosanskohercegovačkoj, kao i široj zajednici na način formiranja institucijskog repozitorija koji, u prvoj svojoj fazi, funkcionira kao prostor pohrane i diseminiranja važnih rezultata znanstvenih radova Bosanaca i Hercegovaca u ino-zemstvu, s posebnom usmjerenošću k radovima koji tematiziraju pitanja od nacionalnog značaja, na ovaj način osiguravajući mjesnu usmjerenost, odnosno centralizirano okupljanje informacijskih izvora koji na bilo koji način i u bilo kojem aspektu tematiziraju pitanja bosanskohercegovačke kulturne i znanstvene baštine. Rad predstavlja institucijski repozitorij koji funkcionira kao prostor digitalne pohrane i korištenja informacijskih izvora – produkata intelektualnog rada istraživača i znanstvenika, ali i kao važna akademsko-znanstvena društvena mreža. Usto, u radu se donose isku-stva u vezi sa strategijama izgradnje i upravljanja institucijskim repozitorijima koji funkcioniraju na principu tzv. samoarhiviranja te otvorenog pristupa. = By forming institutional repositories within a number of Bosnian-Herzegovinian heritage and information institutions, but also within academic, educational and business ones, intellectual work products of Bosnian-Herzegovinian “sci-entific-research diaspora” still remain dislocated and incoherent, or more precisely – stored within a number of in-stitutional repositories throughout the world and, consequently, not directly available in the local context. Inspired by these circumstances and using its infrastructural and performing capacities, The Bosniac Institute – Foundation of Adil Zulfikarpašić contributes Bosnian-Herzegovinian as well as the broader community by forming such a institutional repository wich, in its first phase, functions as a place for storing and disseminating important results of Bosnian-Herzegovinian academic and scientific work, with specific orientation to those works dealing with the issues of national importance. In this way the Institute has assured centralized gathering of information sources concerning different questions of Bosnian-Herzegovinan cultural, academic and scientific heritage. In this connection, the proposed paper aims to represent the idea of institutional repository functioning as a space for digital storing and using of information sources – intellectual work products of scientists and researchers, but also as a very important academic and scientific social network. Besides, the paper brings experiences of strategies of building and management of institutional reposi-tories which function on the principle of self-archiving and open access.
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Spahić-Šiljak. "Do It and Name It: Feminist Theology and Peace Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 29, no. 2 (2013): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jfemistudreli.29.2.176.
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Gromes, Thorsten. "Federalism as a Means of Peace-Building: The Case of Postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 16, no. 3-4 (December 16, 2010): 354–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2010.526918.
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