Relevant bibliographies by topics / Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Falski, Maciej. "Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). "Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires". London-New York: Bloomsbury Academic." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 8 (November 27, 2019): 383–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2019.022.

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Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicThe review of the latest book by Xavier Bougarel focuses on the main concepts of the work: the notion of empire as a methodological and theoretical framework, the relation between Islam and the national idea, and the process of Bosniak nation-building. Recenzja książki: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicRecenzja najnowszej książki Xaviera Bougarela koncentruje się na najważniejszych kwestiach, takich jak: pojęcie imperium, będące ramą ideologiczną i teoretyczną dla interpretacji autora, relacja między Islamem a ideą narodową, oraz proces definiowania narodu boszniackiego.
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Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.

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The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
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Maley, William. "The United Nations and Ethnic Conflict Management: Lessons from the Disintegration of Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 559–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408524.

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On 14 December 1995, an agreement as the Elysée Treaty (earlier initialled in Dayton after weeks of difficult negotiation) was signed in Paris by the Heads of State of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. One of the witnesses at the ceremony was the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and, in a real sense, it marked the nadir of his term of office. In June 1992, amidst the euphoria of U.S. President George Bush's articulation of hopes for a new world order, Boutros-Ghali had presented a report to U.N. members entitled An Agenda for Peace which painted an ambitious picture of the opportunities for constructive involvement of the U.N. in conflict resolution. Yet ironically, this was almost the moment at which the intensification of intergroup conflict precipitated Bosnia-Hercegovina's slide into social and political disarray. The ultimate humiliation for the U.N. came in July 1995 when the massacre of Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces in the U.N.-declared “safe area” of Srebrenica triggered the chain of events which saw responsibility for Bosnia-Hercegovina decisively removed from the U.N.'s grasp, and assumed by the United States and its NATO allies. The U.N. may recover from the shame of its Balkan entanglement, but the scars are likely to prove permanent.
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Jacek Lis, Tomasz. "Emancipation of Women in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the austro-hungarian administration (1878-1918)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.70.

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After the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in Bosnia and Hercegovina we saw big changes. The Austrian government was building roads, and railroad tracks. In the Austro-Hungarian period, also they changed their architectural style; from the prevailing ottoman one to more like in Vienna or Prague. This situation was a short time, in live only one generation. These changes affected to life and behavior of Bosnia and Hercegovinas’ citizens. Was changed several people, because after the Austrian arrive, a lot of Muslims Bosniacs, and Turks, were left this part. There were elites in this place. Their positions, how “new elites” take people which they came from different part of the Habsburg Monarchy; Hungarians, Germans, Poles, Czechs, etc. They were taking new ideas, how feminism. The emancipation of women was something new in these places. The first woman, which was proclaiming the slogans, as teachers. On the article we can show two examples; Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska, and Jagoda Truhelka. They were born in Osijek, from giving Bosnian part ideas, that girl needs to will independent and need to have good graduated. These modern ideas, supported, in a way, the government because in the country was a school program for girls. Austro-Hungarian politics was building a school for girls, and take some scholarship went girl studied in University, how Marija Bergman, born in Bosnia, daughter of some Jews officials. However teachers not only modern women, similar roles had women-doctors. Girls who graduated Faculty of Medicine, arrive in Bosnia and Hercegovina and help Muslim women. Poles Teodora Krajewska and Czechs Anna Bayerova also take ideas of feminism, but, most important that she was great respect between patience. Propagating the feministic ideas was thinking which affect all women. Most important was not only slogans but also changes in everyday life normal family in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The other day only men can work on the farmland or work. After the Congress of Berlin situations was changed. On the consequences, women must be going to work, often how a worker in fabric. Work was hard, but women first time have their cash. Automatically her position in society was better. These situations have consequences for the city, as like villages. We sow this situation in the book Vere Ehrlich, which researched this topic in the interwar period. In the article, we went to show, that this changing was things also women, which life to margin, how prostitutes. Naturally, their life was always difficult, but the new government also got assistance. Habsburg's administration knew, that better control of specific profession, because this is the way how deal with the epidemic of syphilis, and something like this. In this work, we use scientific literature and documents from archives, mainly the Archive of Federation Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Historical Archive from city Sarajevo, when was document fo Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska. How method we use case study and analyzing to literature and historical sources.
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Clark, Janine Natalya. "From Negative to Positive Peace: The Case of Bosnia and Hercegovina." Journal of Human Rights 8, no. 4 (November 17, 2009): 360–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14754830903332434.

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Šuško, Dževada. "Current challenges and societal responsibility of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Hercegovina." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 2 (March 10, 2022): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2021.8.2.137.

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The Islamic Community has been the core organisation serving the needs of Muslims in and from Bosnia and Herzegovina for 140 years. It has faced diverse challenges over its history but the current are different. Challenges currently being faced by Muslims and society in Bosnia and Herzegovina (and elsewhere) include how to counter accusations of radicalization and violent extremism, how to make a meaningful contribution to peace and stability, and how to respond to the pandemic, climate change, and the migrant crisis. This paper examines the Islamic Community’s response to these issues.
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Istrefi, Remzije. "Upholding Peace Settlements Through Constitutional Review in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and North Macedonia." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu 72, no. 5 (October 24, 2022): 1259–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3935/zpfz.72.5.04.

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This article examines implementation of the peace settlement compromises translated into constitutional arrangements in Bosnia and Hercegovina, Kosovo and North Macedonia. The three countries struggle with their violent past, loss of interethnic trust and political fragmentation. Consequently, the implementation of peace settlement compromises that are translated into constitutional arrangements is hampered. Through analyses of constitutional jurisprudence in three countries this study provides further insights into the effectiveness and enforcement of the constitutional choices in practice. The article concludes that international supporters in the process of negotiation of peace settlements need to revisit the international assistance in constitution-making as a part of peacebuilding projects through the lens of constitutional review practices.
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Hamzić, Omer. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.233.

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In this article, with some methodological dilemmas, an attempt is made to speak more clearly from a certain historical perspective about the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which „produce“ an almost permanent political crisis in this area - from Dayton to today. The continuity and current effects of these policies, which have their roots in some dark historical depths and myths, never changing their essence and their goals, were pointed out. In the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions, Bosnia and Herzegovina is treated as a „sphere of interest“, which should be mastered as much as possible in peace, if it did not succeed in the war. Serbia and Croatia, in the historical sense, since they have existed as political entities, have been opposed to each other in almost everything. The only thing on which there was a high degree of agreement was the question of the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina, again depending on historical circumstances and other circumstances. (to mention only Tudjman and Milosevic). In the last few years, intensive cooperation and a high degree of „agreement“ between Serbian and Croatian politics have been noticed, again „regarding“ Bosnia and Herzegovina, its status and the definitive post-Dayton division. In this sense, it is not difficult to recognize several common characteristics of both policies. In this article, the author focuses on the following: the first is a declarative and formal public declaration of both to respect the integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in practical politics this sovereignty is continuously violated and „trampled“, acting as its „rulers“. . Another common feature is the belittling and labeling of all pro-Bosnian political forces, reducing them to „political Sarajevo“ in the pejorative sense of the word, with multiple offensive and deeper meanings, which, in addition to Milorad Dodik (to make the absurd even greater, as president or member of the Presidency of BiH) from the Serbian one, Zoran Milanović, the current president of Croatia, until yesterday a declared friend of Bosnia and the pro-Bosnian SDP, is increasingly expressing himself in his own way. Obstruction of the process of reforms and rapprochement of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the European Union and NATO membership is the third session of the characteristics of Serbian and Croatian politics (albeit in different versions), while the fourth, denial of decisions and verdicts of the Hague Tribunal for crimes and atrocities is dominant over Bosniaks (again in a different version): Serbs deny genocide verdicts, and Croats deny convictions for the Joint Criminal Enterprise. In addition to common characteristics, this paper highlights some special features of the current Serbian and Croatian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, again, boils down to one goal: to strengthen (make independent) the Republika Srpska and cantons with a Croat majority, as well as the position of Croats in Federation with the aim of forming a third entity and at the same time weaken the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the question of the meaning of its existence is raised. The state's inability to organize the procurement of coronavirus vaccines is just one of the latest proofs that these destructive political forces have succeeded to a great extent. This article points out the consequences of such a policy and emphasizes the need to stop further degradation and collapse of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. Such forces exist, they just have to be activated.
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Antonić, Slobodan. "Could a Confederation have Saved Yugoslavia?" Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 469–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408519.

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Today, after the signing of the peace agreement in Paris, when the end of the Yugoslav war is in sight, one frequently hears the questions: Could the war have been avoided and could a confederation have saved Yugoslavia? Namely, in late 1990 and early 1991, the republics now outside Yugoslavia (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia) proposed that Yugoslavia be reorganised as a confederation which would, as they claimed, have fulfilled their main political aspirations. The Serbian side refused resolutely, and, soon afterwards, war started in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, which was actually their war of liberation. Now, when the republics in the territory of ex-Yugoslavia are internationally recognised, when they have largely recognised each other and when we are witnessing the restoration of economic and other relations between the peoples who shared a common state for seventy-three years, we may justifiably ask: Would it not have been better if the Serbian side had accepted a confederation and, thus, preserved some kind of Yugoslavia, than, by its persistent refusal, have lead the secessionist republics to take up arms?
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Thumann, Michael. "Between Ambition and Paralysis—Germany's Policy toward Yugoslavia 1991–1993." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 575–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408525.

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The decay of Yugoslavia since 1990 has put an end to the experiment of a state of Southern Slavs. At the same time it has destroyed the myth of a peaceful and strong Western Europe. The continent that had displayed an impressive performance of cooperation and skillful diplomatic maneuvering during the last years of the Cold War proved to be incapable of coping with the problems in its southeastern backyard. In the beginning of the conflict, the European Community assumed responsibility for negotiating cease-fires and a peace settlement for the embattled Yugoslav states. But all efforts were fruitless. In 1995, it was primarily the interference of the United States that brought about the peace treaty of Dayton for Bosnia-Hercegovina.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Eralp, Ulas Doga. "The effectiveness of the EU as a peace actor in post-conflict Bosnia Herzegovina an evaluative study /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4577.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 340. Thesis director: Dennis J.D. Sandole. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 12, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 327-339). Also issued in print.
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Tošić, Mladen. "State-building processes in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609479.

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Kappler, Stefanie. "'Mysterious in content' : the European Union peacebuilding framework and local spaces of agency in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2536.

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This thesis aims to investigate EU peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina, focusing on the ways in which EU actors engage with local cultural actors and vice versa. Given that, in the liberal peacebuilding tradition, civil society has been considered a key actor in the public sphere, peacebuilding actors have tended to neglect seemingly more marginal actors and their subtle ways of impacting on the peacebuilding process. However, this thesis contends that processes of interaction are not always direct and visible, but centre on discourse clusters, which I frame as imaginary ‘spaces of agency’. Through the creation of meanings within a space of agency and its translation into other imaginary spaces, actors develop the power to impact upon the peacebuilding process, often in coded ways and therefore invisible in the public sphere, as peacebuilding actors, including the EU, have created it. A typology of the modes of interaction and possible responses between spaces helps understand the complexities and nuances of peacebuilding interaction. The thesis uses this framework to analyse several exemplary spaces of agency of the EU, rooting them in institutional discourses with specific reference to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Based on this, I investigate a number of responses to those spaces on the part of local cultural actors, as well as how the latter contribute to the emergence of alternative localised spaces, where the EU’s spaces fail to connect to the everyday dimensions of peace. I suggest that this represents a way in which local actors try to claim the ownership of peacebuilding back in subtle ways. This also points to the ability of actors that have traditionally been excluded from the peacebuilding project to contextualise abstract and distant processes into what matters locally, as well as their capacity to reject and resist when the EU’s spaces remain irrelevant for local peacebuilding imaginations.
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Boyce, Brian M. "Political soldiers and democratic institution-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FBoyce.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Richard Hoffman. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81). Also available in print.
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Lindvall, Daniel. "The limits of the European vision in Bosnia and Herzegovina an analysis of the police reform negotiations /." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-31392.

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Sofic, Elvira. "Koalitionsdemokrati i Bosnien och Hercegovina : En fallstudie av demokratiutvecklingen i Bosnien och Hercegovina." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-69935.

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This study aims to investigate the democracy development i Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since 1995, when the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed, Bosnia has been undergoing an democratization, but despite that the country is still year 2017 classified as ”partly free”. In this study the democracy-enhancing factors: civil society and the political system are being related to the Dayton Peace Agreement and are tested against liberal democratic values and Consociational Democracy theory. This study is a qualitative case study and following questions are being looked into:   -       Which factors within the civil society and political system limit the democracy development in Bosnia and Herzegovina? -       To what extent does the Dayton Peace Agreement limit Bosnia and Herzegovina’s democracy development? -       To what extent is Bosnia and Herzegovina an Consociational Democracy?   The fact that Bosnia has a divided and multiethnic society puts a foundational ground for a possible consolidated consociational democracy. Furthermore, the functions of the civil society, political system and the Dayton Peace Agreement are being discussed and the shortcomings of each are being highlighted. The results of this study indicate that Bosnia’s long democratization development is primarly based on the unwillingness to cooperation between the three constitutional groups, the exclusion of minority groups and the Dayton Peace Agreement’s regulations on a political system that is not sustainable for a stable democratic state.
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Kent, Gregory. "Diaspora Power: network contributions to peacebuilding and the transformation of war economies." University of Bradford, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4180.

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How economies of countries at war (war economies) transform in `peace¿ is a critical new area of research in political economy and war and peace studies. The dynamics that affect the way war economies perpetuate or mutate after a peace agreement is signed is the context for this examination of non-state actor roles ¿ normally attention is on state and international organisations ¿ in the problems of peacebuilding. Here the focus is on diaspora networks, what might be described as national or transnational civil society groupings whose role is autonomous but carried considerable potential to assist reconstruction of the war-torn homeland.
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Macoun, Pilská Alžběta. "Mezinárodní nevládní organizace v postkonfliktní rekonstrukci (případová studie Bosna a Hercegovina)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193792.

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The master thesis deals with the role of NGOs in post-conflict reconstruction, the case study is applied to the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict reconstruction goes on since the end of the civil war in 1995 there. The aim of this work is to evaluate the fulfillment of the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first chapter follows the theory of peacekeeping operations and theoretical classification of the post-conflict reconstruction. In the second chapter, there is an application of the Dayton Peace Agreement on the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction. The third chapter deals with activities of NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and presents some major projects and the overall assessment of their impact. For the methodology was chosen qualitative and quantitative evaluation and analysis and synthesis of data.
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Hodzic, Alma. "Hur sker utvecklingen i Bosnien? : En studie om nationsbyggandet i Bosnien och Hercegovina – utifrån tre perspektiv." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34945.

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Nation building is vital in post-war states to bring the people that have been at war together. To restore peace in a state, many different actors need to work together to bring stability, safety, and advancement to a new nation. There are several methods of nation building, and this thesis evolves around three of them. This is a qualitative study where three theories on nation building are used to analyze the development of nation building, and the obstacles Bosnia and Herzegovina still has to reach a national identity. Several studies are used in this thesis to show how the development has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The method consisted of searching in databases for peer-reviewed articles, finding documents from international actors, and statistics. This thesis reveals that Bosnia and Herzegovina still has a long way to go before it becomes an nation where the citizens feel united, no matter which ethnicity they belong to.
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Spajić, Zdenko. "Intervention and war in a post-cold war world the view of Pope John Paul II on the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (1991-1995) /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Books on the topic "Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Allison, Frendak-Blume, ed. Reconstruction and peace building in the Balkans: The Brčko experience. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011.

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Donais, Timothy. The political economy of peacebuilding in post-Dayton Bosnia. London: Routledge, 2005.

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M, Weller, and Wolff Stefan 1969-, eds. International state-building after violent conflict: Bosnia ten years after Dayton. London: Routledge, 2008.

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The political economy of peacebuilding in post-Dayton Bosnia. New York, NY: Frank Cass, 2005.

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1958-, Fischer Martina, and Berghof Forschungszentrum für konstruktive Konfliktbearbeitung, eds. Peacebuilding and civil society in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ten years after Dayton. 2nd ed. Berlin: Lit, 2007.

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Fighting for peace, Bosnia 1994. London: Harvill Press, 1998.

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Charles, Pentland, ed. Bridges to peace: Ten years of conflict management in Bosnia. Kingston, Ontario: Queen's University, 2003.

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Lyck, Majbritt. Peace operations and international criminal justice: Building peace after mass atrocities. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2008.

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Armija--ključ mira. 2nd ed. Sarajevo: Press centar Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, 1994.

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K, Cater Charles, ed. Toward peace in Bosnia: Implementing the Dayton accords. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Zorić, Bojana, and Věra Stojarová. "Building Sustainable Peace and Security in Bosnia and Herzegovina." In Peace and Security in the Western Balkans, 30–49. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003276661-4.

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Sadikovic, Lada. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Western Balkans’ System of Security." In Transnational Terrorism, Organized Crime and Peace-Building, 249–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281479_14.

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Friesendorf, Cornelius, Ursula C. Schroeder, and Irma Deljkic. "Bosnia and the Art of Policy Implementation: Obstacles to International Counter-Crime Strategies." In Transnational Terrorism, Organized Crime and Peace-Building, 265–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281479_15.

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Mincheva, Lyubov G., and Ted Robert Gurr. "Unholy Alliances: Evidence on Linkages between Trans-State Terrorism and Crime Networks: The Case of Bosnia." In Transnational Terrorism, Organized Crime and Peace-Building, 190–206. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281479_11.

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Jenichen, Anne. "Women and Peace in a Divided Society: Peace-Building Potentials of Feminist Struggles and Reform Processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina." In Women, War, and Violence, 137–54. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230111974_9.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. "Conclusion: the Partisan-Chetnik Conflict in Retrospect." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0008.

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The war of 1992–1995, which pitted supporters of a unified and multinational Bosnia-Hercegovina against supporters of a Great Serbia, was in a sense a rematch of the Partisan–Chetnik war of a half-century before. Its outcome was equally paradoxical: the establishment of a Bosnian state formally independent but in fact under foreign rule; formally unified but in fact partitioned three ways; formally at peace but in fact locked in a permanent conflict, a conflict that is at once a cold war and a civil war. The very ambiguousness of this outcome is, perhaps, the best testimony to the enduring nature of the Partisan–Chetnik divide in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "The Partisans in Western Bosnia, c. July 1941–October 1942." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0006.

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The Partisan movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina varied in character according to region. In western Bosnia, the region known as ‘Bosanska Krajina’, the Partisans operated autonomously in relation to the Bosnian Partisan command in East-Bosnia. The Partisan movement in Bosanska Krajina went through the same phases as the Partisan movement in the eastern parts of Bosnia-Hercegovina of initial co-operation with Chetnik elements, followed by the breakdown of co-operation, followed by outright war. Yet the very different geographical circumstances of Bosanska Krajina, combined with its stronger and more resilient Communist organization, meant that the Partisan movement there survived and flourished while its counterpart to the east decayed and collapsed. Not only were the Bosanska Krajina Partisans more successful in their confrontation with the Chetniks, but they were more successful in implementing the new Communist policy of building a genuinely multinational guerrilla army that encompassed Croats and Muslims as well as Serbs. Consequently, Bosanska Krajina became not just the heartland of the Bosnian Partisan movement, but the centre of activities of the Yugoslav Partisans as a whole.
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8

Nathanail, C. Paul. "Hydrogeological assessments of United Nations bases in Bosnia Hercegovina." In Military Geology in War and Peace, 211–16. Geological Society of America, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/reg13-p211.

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9

Hoare, Marko Attila. "From Serb Rebellion to Bosnian Revolution, c. December 1941–March 1942." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0004.

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The irretrievable breakdown of Partisan–Chetnik relations in Bosnia-Hercegovina and the beginning of open enmity between the two movements had profound consequences for the practices of both, as each moved away from the centre ground towards their respective political extremes. For the Chetniks, the break with the Partisans involved the progressive abandonment of all pretence at resistance to the occupying powers, the shift to outright alliance with the quisling regime in Serbia on a Great Serb nationalist basis, and the adoption of a more systematically genocidal policy towards the non-Serb population. For the Communists, the break involved the adoption of a more radical left-wing outlook that would have negative short-term consequences for the movement. But it also involved a shift from an essentially military strategy based on leading a predominantly Serb armed struggle against the Ustashas, to a political struggle aimed at building a genuinely multinational movement of Croats, Muslims, and Serbs against the ‘reactionary bourgeoisie’ of all nationalities. This shift would transform the Partisan movement from a Serb rebellion into a Bosnian Revolution: in other words, into a movement for radical political and social change on an all-Bosnian basis. Yet it would be many months before this policy would bear fruit for the Communists.
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"From Dayton to Brussels: The Impact of EU and NATO Conditionality on State Building in Bosnia & Hercegovina." In EU Conditionality in the Western Balkans, 145–72. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203722183-12.

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