Relevant bibliographies by topics / Patriotism Australia

Academic literature on the topic 'Patriotism Australia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Patriotism Australia"

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Tranter, Bruce, and Libby Lester. "Climate patriots? Concern over climate change and other environmental issues in Australia." Public Understanding of Science 26, no. 6 (December 15, 2015): 738–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662515618553.

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Echoing the anti-pollution and resource conservation campaigns in the United States in the early-to-mid-twentieth century, some scholars advocate mobilising support for environmental issues by harnessing the notion of environmental patriotism. Taking action to reduce the impact of global warming has also been cast as a patriotic cause. Drawing upon quantitative data from a recent national survey, we examine the link between patriotism and environmental attitudes in Australia, focussing upon climate change. We find that patriotism has a largely neutral association with concern over environmental issues, with the exception of climate change and, to a lesser extent, wildlife preservation. Expressing concern over climate change appears to be unpatriotic for some Australians. Even after controlling for political party identification and other important correlates of environmental issue concerns, patriots are less likely than others to prioritise climate change as their most urgent environmental issue and less likely to believe that climate change is actually occurring.
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Hartman, Sarah. "NCSS Notable Trade Book Lesson Plan The Impossible Patriotism by Linda Skeers." Social Studies Research and Practice 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-01-2009-b0011.

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This lesson seeks to delve into the minds of 3rd- and 4th-grade students for their grasp of the concept of patriotic symbols. Reading The Impossible Patriotism Project by Linda Skeers is beneficial for students as they compare and contrast their own emotions and processes of learning associated with the concept and usage of patriotic symbols to those of Caleb, the book’s main character. Students conduct research using the Internet to find patriotic symbols representing views of patriotism in various countries, such as China, Japan, Australia, England, France, or Canada. In the writing assignment, students will discuss their definitions of patriotic symbols and why the symbols are important to them. Students design and present their patriotic symbols to the class and explain their choices of design. Two rubrics have been designed and for assessment purposes: Rubric One assesses students’ written knowledge of patriotic symbols, and Rubric Two assesses students’ methods of arriving at what patriotic symbols are through artistic, visual, and creative models.
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Ryan, Delyse. "Parades and Processions: Brisbane's War-time Patriotism." Queensland Review 8, no. 1 (May 2001): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600002373.

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Parades and processions were a major feature of life in Brisbane during World War I. Parades typically passed through the central business district turning the entire city into an urban backdrop for a public perfonnance. Recruitment was a major issue for Australia during World War I and military parades featured prominently in the life of the city. TheBrisbane Courierdescribed the recruiting marches as ‘long columns of robust, khaki-clad manhood’ which ‘have swung down the street, with soldierly gait, setting a bright, sturdy example to shirkers to “go and get their dungarees on”’. By positioning the soldiers as heroic, well-built, and positive, processions helped to generate public enthusiasm for the war and to convince prospective recruits to join up. The message to the community is clear: if our soldiers are fit and spirited, then the Allies will win the war. But the marches were not only a way to rally new recruits, they also acted as public displays of civic solidarity. Parades gave citizens the opportunity to demonstrate their patriotic feelings. ‘Patriotism’, whether for King, country, or for ‘our boys’, was the dominant performative concept. In this way, governments, community organisations, theatrical managements, and the residents themselves contributed to the establishment of certain war-time traditions for the representation of civic patriotism on the streets in Australia.
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Harvey, Kyle, and Nick Irving. "Introduction: peace and patriotism in twentieth-century Australia." History Australia 14, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2017.1319744.

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Al-Natour, Ryan. "The Racist ‘Not Racism’ Nature of Islamophobia within the Reclaim Australia Movement." Journal of the Contemporary Study of Islam 2, no. 2 (August 24, 2021): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.37264/jcsi.v2i2.60.

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This article tracks the Islamophobia within the Reclaim Australia movement. The movement organized several anti-Muslim rallies in regional and urban areas across Australia. The formation of this movement in 2015 was entirely based on anti-Muslim racism, as the movement’s pioneers gained traction through their interactions with white supremacist groups. The nature of the movement’s Islamophobia had illustrated how Reclaim Australia’s proponents saw their racism as indistinguishable from celebrating Australian patriotism. This article uncovers how an explicitly racist movement commonly argued that their anti-Muslim positions were ‘not racism’, revealing how denial is at the heart of contemporary Islamophobia. Within these ‘not racism’ narratives, Reclaim Australia enthusiasts utilized strategies that both mobilize notions of race and then denied such mobilization.
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Feng, Chongyi. "The changing political identity of the "Overseas Chinese" in Australian Politics." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (April 15, 2011): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1865.

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This paper explores the role played by the Chinese communities in the Australian politics of multicultural democracy from the perspective of political socialisation and resocialisation. It argues that there is no such a thing as inherent “cultural values” or “national values” that differentiate ‘the Chinese” politically from the mainstream Australian society. This paper focuses on the Chinese nationalism of Han Chinese migrants in Australia. Within the “new mainland migrants” who have come to Australia directly from the PRC since the 1980s, nationalism is much weaker among the Tiananmen/ June 4 generation who experienced pro-democracy activism during their formative years in the 1980s. Nationalism is much stronger among the Post-Tiananmen Generation who are victims of the “patriotism campaign” in the 1990s when the Chinese Communist party-state sought to replace discredited communism with nationalism as the major ideology for legitimacy.
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Flannery, Belinda J., Susan E. Watt, and Nicola S. Schutte. "Looking Out For (White) Australia." International Perspectives in Psychology 10, no. 2 (April 2021): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2157-3891/a000008.

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Abstract. We conceptualized and developed a measure of right-wing protective popular nationalism (RWPPN) – a specific form of popular nationalism where people seek to protect the national culture from outgroup influences. RWPPN is derived from a sociological analysis of right-wing popular nationalism in Australia and is theoretically related to several key psychological constructs, including right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), and symbolic threat. We conducted two surveys using nationally representative samples of Australian citizens. In study 1 ( n = 657), participants completed measures of RWPPN and related constructs. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis resulted in a 10-item scale. Construct validity was tested and confirmed across divergent, convergent, predictive, and concurrent validation domains. Additional convergent validation with RWA and SDO was tested in study 2 ( n = 316). Together, RWPPN was found to relate to expressions of national identity, prejudice, perceived outgroup threat, opposition to multiculturalism, and aggressive tendencies toward ethnic minorities. These effects remained significant when controlling for nationalism (measured as a concern for national superiority) and blind patriotism. In study 2, the effect on aggressive tendencies held when controlling for RWA and SDO and RWPPN mediated the relationship between RWA and aggressive tendencies. Reflecting the conservative nature of Australian popular nationalism, RWPPN correlated with right-wing political alignment. The research was conducted in Australia, but given the rise in right-wing populism internationally, RWPPN may be a phenomenon in other countries. Therefore, this paper offers a new construct and scale to investigate it in Australia and internationally.
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Morris Matthews, Kay, and Kay Whitehead. "Australian and New Zealand women teachers in the First World War." History of Education Review 48, no. 1 (June 3, 2019): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-05-2018-0012.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to highlight the contributions of women teachers to the war effort at home in Australia and New Zealand and in Egypt and Europe between 1914 and 1918. Design/methodology/approach Framed as a feminist transnational history, this research paper drew upon extensive primary and secondary source material in order to identify the women teachers. It provides comparative analyses using a thematic approach providing examples of women teachers war work at home and abroad. Findings Insights are offered into the opportunities provided by the First World War for channelling the abilities and leadership skills of women teachers at home and abroad. Canvassed also are the tensions for German heritage teachers; ideological differences concerning patriotism and pacifism and issues arising from government attitudes on both sides of the Tasman towards women’s war service. Originality/value This is likely the only research offering combined Australian–New Zealand analyses of women teacher’s war service, either in support at home in Australia and New Zealand or working as volunteers abroad. To date, the efforts of Australian and New Zealand women teachers have largely gone unrecognised.
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Perga, Tetiana. "National-Patriotic Education of Ukrainian Youth in the CYM Ranks in Canada and Australia (1950’s – 1960’s)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.06.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the positive experience of the Ukrainian diaspora in the implementation of national-patriotic education of youth in the 1950s and 1960s. The task of the research is to compare the situation in the countries located on different continents – Canada and Australia. The object of the research is the activities of the Union of Ukrainian Youth – SUM. This scientific problem has still remains the “white spot” in the Ukrainian studies. It has proved that the concept of national-patriotic education of the youth formed in Canada in the 1950s-1960s on the initiative of political migrants of the third wave of Ukrainian emigration. Great role in this process played WCFU. This determined the necessity to prepare the potential human resources for the struggle with the Soviet totalitarian regime: future fighters had to identify themselves with Ukrainian nation, love Ukraine and want its independence. The tasks of the Ukrainian educational system, the purpose of the educational ideal of Ukrainians in the diaspora, the main principles and directions of national-patriotic education has investigated. The main institutions that were to implement them have identified, such as following: church, school, family, youth organizations, cultural and educational societies. It have concluded that the main principles of national and patriotic education of Ukrainians were realized in both countries, and much attention was paid in this context to the development of Ukrainian schooling, preserving and spreading of Ukrainian culture, camps. In spite of significant difficulties, in the 1950s-1960s CYM СUM activities in Canada and Australia have brought a number of positive results. In particular, it promoted the unity of Ukrainian youth, the education of patriotism, self-identification, and continuity of traditions of national liberation struggle. At the same time, the nature of the measures implemented in these countries determined by the peculiarities of living in the countries of the new settlement, the size of the diaspora and its financial resources. In this context, CYM activities in Canada was more complex.
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Hu (胡博林), Bolin. "Reporting China." Journal of Chinese Overseas 17, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): 84–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341435.

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Abstract This article explores how Chinese-language newspapers in Australia reported on China in the period 1931–37. These newspapers made efforts to build support for the Sino-Japanese war and influence Chinese residents in Australia. However, they offered contrasting views of the Chinese government ruled by the Kuomintang. The Tung Wah Times, along with the Chinese World’s News, continued to publish anti-Chiang Kai-shek propaganda, arguing for a strong anti-Japanese resistance. But the Chinese Republic News and the Chinese Times demonstrated support for and understanding of the Chiang government’s dilemma, though the political position of the former was much more fluid. The divergent views revealed the multiple loyalties of Chinese residents in Australia and their active community politics when their population in Australia was declining, and it was a reminder that the diasporic community cannot be homogenized with a collective concept of a “country.” It also reflected their shared identification with the Chinese nation, showing different approaches to building up a strong home country. By shaping their readerships’ Chinese patriotism and nationalism, these Chinese-language newspapers strengthened the connection and allegiances between Chinese in Australia and their homeland.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Patriotism Australia"

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Tsunematsu, Naomi 1966. "Japanese women's wartime patriotic organizations and postwar memoirs: Reality and recollection." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278444.

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Japanese women have often described themselves as passive "victims" of the Pacific War, and in their wartime memoirs (senso taikenki) they have related their suffering in the hope of preventing future wars. However, when we closely examine Japanese women' s activities and beliefs during the war, we find that women were not necessarily completely detached from wartime efforts. Many women actively and even enthusiastically cooperated with the state. Even if they did not actively fight on the battlefield and kill people on foreign soil, many women were part of the total war structure, helping to stir up the patriotism that drove Japanese to fight in the war. This thesis looks at how Japanese women, through patriotic women' s organizations, were involved in the Pacific War, and what they actually believed during the war, in contrast with their recollections of the war in their senso taikenki.
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Kwon, Shinyoung. "From colonial patriots to post-colonial citizens| Neighborhood politics in Korea, 1931-1964." Thesis, The University of Chicago, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3595935.

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This dissertation explored Korean mass politics through neighborhood associations from the late 1930s to 1960s, defining them as a nationwide organization for state-led mass campaigns. They carried the state-led mass programs with three different names under three different state powers -Patriotic NAs by the colonial government and U.S. occupational government, Citizens NAs under the Rhee regime and Reconstruction NAs under Park Chung Hee. Putting the wartime colonial period, the post liberation period and the growing cold war period up to the early 1960s together into the category of "times of state-led movements," this dissertation argued that the three types of NAs were a nodal point to shape and cement two different images of the Korean state: a political authoritarian regime, although efficient in decision-making processes as well as effective in policy-implementation processes. It also claimed that state-led movements descended into the "New Community Movement" in the 1970s, the most successful economic modernization movements led by the South Korean government.

The beginning of a new type of movement, the state-led movement, arose in the early 1930s when Japan pushed its territorial extension. The colonial government, desperate to reshape Korean society in a way that was proper to the Great East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere and wartime mobilization, revised its mechanism of rule dependent on an alliance with a minority of the dominant class and tried to establish a contact with the Korean masses. Its historical expression was the "social indoctrination movement" and the National Spiritual General Mobilization Movement. Patriotic NAs, a modification of Korean pre-modern practice, were the institutional realization of the new mechanism. To put down diverse tensions within a NA, patriarchal gatherings made up of a male headman and male heads of household were set up.

Central to their campaigns—rice collection, saving, daily use of Japanese at home, the ration programs and demographic survey for military drafts—was the diverse interpretation of family: the actual place for residence and everyday lives, a symbolic place for consumption and private lives, and a gendered place as a domestic female sphere. The weakest links of the imperial patriarchal family ideology were the demands of equal political rights and the growing participation of women. They truly puzzled the colonial government which wanted to keep its autonomy from the Japanese government and to involve Korean women in Patriotic NAs under the patriarchal authority of male headmen.

The drastic demographic move after liberation, when at least two million Korean repatriates who had been displaced by the wartime mobilization and returned from Japan and Manchuria, made both the shortage of rice and inflation worse. It led the U.S. military occupational government not only to give up their free market economy, but also to use Patriotic NAs for economic control—rice rationing and the elimination of "ghost" populations. Although the re-use of NAs reminiscent of previous colonial mobilization efforts brought backlash based on anti-Japanese sentiment, the desperation over rice control brought passive but widespread acceptance amongst Koreans.

Whilst renaming Patriotic NAs as Citizens NA for the post-Korean War recovery projects in the name of "apolitical" national movements and for the assistance of local administration, the South Korean government strove to give it historical legitimacy and to define it as a liberal democratic institution. They identified its historical origins in Korean pre-modern practices to erase colonial traces, and at the same time they claimed that Citizens NAs would enhance communication between local Koreans and the government. After the pitched political battle in the National Congress in 1957, Citizens NAs got legal status in the Local Autonomy Law. The largest vulnerability to Citizens NAs lied in their relation to politics. While leading "apolitical" national movements as well as assisting with local administration tasks, they were misused in elections. Consequently, they were widely viewed as an anti-democratic institution because they violated the freedom of association guaranteed by the Constitution and undermined local autonomous bodies. In the end, they lost their legal status in Local Autonomy Law, with Rhee regime collapsed.

When Park Chung Hee succeeded in his military coup in 1961, he resuscitated NAs in the name of Reconstruction NAs for the "Reconstruction" movement with the priority being placed on economic development. However, civilians were against the re-use of NAs, with the notion that the governments politically abused them. Finally, the arbitrary link between state power and the NAs waned throughout the 1960s, passing its baton to the "New Community Movement" which began in 1971and swept through Korean society until the 1980s. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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Zhang, Wei. "Home and away: The effects of patriotic education on Chinese international students in Australia through a critique of identity theories and policy myth making." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2022. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2545.

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As a Chinese student in Australia, I designed this research study to investigate the historical experiences of Chinese female international students (CFIS), who have been studying post-graduate courses in Australian universities, following a lifetime of loyalty and state-based patriotic education in China. The key research question, framed by Bourdieu’s habitus and field concepts, asks: What happens to these students’ identity after studying and living in Australia? The study is grounded in the critical education discipline and draws on literature relating to Moral Education, International Education, and Identity-forming to provide a novel understanding of identity-transitioning for Chinese international students within the intercultural context of Australian higher education. I adopted a critical and cross-cultural approach in this study, as socio-political research of this nature exists in a complicated web of power, neo-liberalism and meritocracy. Through a critical lens, I am able to distinguish and address implicit power dynamics that constitute dominating educational discourses that highly influence the process of identity-transitioning. I conducted thirty-nine interviews with thirteen Chinese international students, who were all females born after the 1980s and who were enrolled in post-graduate programmes in four universities in Western Australia. I used a thematic analysis for data processing and analysis. The study identified the key drivers behind the exhibited loyalty and patriotism of Chinese students as originating from a long-term exposure to Moral Education content and learning in China. The main result revealed that personal and national identity of the Chinese are consolidated prior to Chinese students’ visiting Western societies. Thus, despite government goals to promote and instill a more cosmopolitan identity through international education, this rarely eventuates. Thus, the study established an argument that there may be a discordant note in the traditions of teaching and promoting national belonging and loyalty (Osler, 2011) where nationalism and identity-loyalty toward the mother country of China is more often than not maintained despite international educational experiences. The findings presented in this study contribute to a greater understanding of the identity development process of CFIS in a broader social and political context. It also provides valuable insights into the factors and causes that lead to CFIS’ identification with the country they reside in and the country they came from. This research may also be used to facilitate better understanding of and expectations of CFIS in Australia’s higher education sector.
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Argent, Christopher M. "'For God, king and country' : aspects of patriotic campaigns in Adelaide during the Great War, with special reference to the Cheer-Up Society, the League of Loyal Women and conscription /." Title page and Contents only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ara6888.pdf.

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"The cultivation of patriotism and the militarization of citizenship in late imperial Russia, 1906--1914." Tulane University, 2001.

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Following the military defeat in the Russo-Japanese War and the political upheaval of the Revolution of 1905, the tsarist regime began a campaign to create a new, embedded patriotic culture within society that would recognize the historical legitimacy of the ruling regime and fervently support that regime in times of crisis. Many in the army's senior ranks as well as in the civilian ministries of the regime believed that an almost complete lack of ideological connection between the regime and the people caused both the revolution and the military disaster in Manchuria In 1906, the regime began to shape a coordinated and aggressive campaign of cultural transformation that would help mobilize popular attitudes in support of the empire. This effort consisted of three programs. In 1908, the Ministry of Education introduced compulsory military education to Russia's schools to teach drill and gymnastics as preparation for devoted service to the Fatherland. In that same year, the regime began encouraging the growth of paramilitary youth groups throughout the empire. Most striking, however, was the general staff's decision to make use of three immediately forthcoming national anniversaries to drive home the lessons of patriotism, national glory and civic duty. The celebrations of these anniversaries were unprecedented in scale and purpose and introduced a new type of national patriotic festival to Russian culture By bringing the efforts to instill a new patriotic and civic consciousness into focus, this dissertation expands our understanding of the late imperial period. It reveals tsarist institutions as active agents of change attempting to revitalize the relationship between the regime and the population. The results, they hoped, would be increased social stability and enhanced military might. These objectives were traditional. Yet the methods employed to achieve them were new. In its twilight, the regime grasped the importance of mobilizing popular attitudes and reacted by crafting a sophisticated effort to shape the identities of its subjects. Instead of being immobilized by revolution and military defeat, this study has documented how the tsarist regime responded to the events of 1905 with an impulse to innovate that can only be characterized as modern
acase@tulane.edu
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Ong, Kong Hui, and 王光輝. "Fundraising and Patriotism of Chinese Australian through Australian Chinese Newspaper (1894-1937)." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/jb69f4.

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碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
華語文教學系
106
Overseas Chinese fundraising during the first half of 20th century is an important content of overseas Chinese’s patriotism. Funds raised during these periods not only aided Chinese who suffered from natural disasters; improved health, education, and other infrastructure of homeland China, it also supported Sun Yat-sen’s 1911 revolution in overthrowing the Qing regime to build a republic nation. During the mid 19th century, gold was discovered in Australia and it attracted Chinese from Canton province to try their fortunes in the country and later settled down and formed their own community. In 1894, Australian Chinese established their own newspaper and two years later, a list of donors for the flood relief in Guangxi province was printed in the newspaper, which marked the beginning of recorded fundraising history of Australian Chinese. The aim of this paper is to sort out the published donations of Australian Chinese throughout the first half of 20th century and analyses the social structure and patriotism of Australian Chinese through the patterns and habits of their donations.
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Binns, Georgina Mary. "Patriotic and nationalistic song in Australia to 1919: a study of the popular sheet music genre." 1988. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/7059.

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Since European settlement of Australia, patriotic and nationalistic songs have provided entertainment and given an emotional outlet to the people of Australia. Due to their largely printed form, a significant proportion of these songs is still extant. The songs form a distinct subset of the larger popular song tradition.
This thesis documents and analyses all known patriotic and nationalistic songs written and published in sheet music form to the close of World War One. This end date has been determined because it represents a peak in this genre and also signals a radical shift in direction for popular songs with the advent of widespread music recording and broadcasting.
Distinct historical events (e.g. the Sudan conflict, Boer War, and First World War) or themes (e.g. military threats, the rising nationalism leading to Federation of Australian colonies) which influenced or inspired songs in this genre will be discussed. Songs are grouped in distinct chronological or thematic samples. The songs are analysed in this thematic context and then treated using more conventional musicological techniques. The often conflicting ideals of patriotism and nationalism are discussed using the songs as a reflection of contemporary opinion.
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Books on the topic "Patriotism Australia"

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The march of patriots: The struggle for modern Australia. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2009.

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C, Ingleton Geoffrey, ed. True patriots all, or, News from early Australia as told in a collection of broadsides. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle, 1988.

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Mitev, Trendafil. A short history of the Macedonian patriotic organization. Sofia: Macedonian Scientific In-t, 2001.

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Cocebatch, Hal G. P. Good work and friendship: The Victoria League for Commonwealth Friendship in Western Australia 1909-2009. Shenton Park, W.A: Victoria League for Commonwealth Friendship in Western Australia, 2009.

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Reclaiming Patriotism Nationbuilding For Australian Progressives. Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Cole, Laurence. Military Culture and Popular Patriotism in Late Imperial Austria. Oxford University Press, 2014.

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Military Culture and Popular Patriotism in Late Imperial Austria. Oxford University Press, 2014.

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Red Coat Dreaming How Colonial Australia Embraced The British Army. Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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RIVERA, Harold. Fishing Log: Australia Patriotic Symbol 26 January Australian Flag. Independently Published, 2022.

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Soutphommasane, Tim. Reclaiming Patriotism: Nation-Building for Australian Progressives. Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Patriotism Australia"

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McQuilton, John. "“Skyrocket Patriotism”: October 1899 to December 1900." In Australia's Communities and the Boer War, 17–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-30825-8_3.

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Southcott, Jane. "Nationalism and School Music in Australia." In Patriotism and Nationalism in Music Education, 43–58. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315599731-4.

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"A WEAPON AGAINST WAR: CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTION IN THE UNITED STATES, AUSTRALIA, AND FRANCE." In Consent, Dissent, and Patriotism, 165–99. Cambridge University Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511609336.008.

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Kirk, Neville. "World War I and its Aftermath." In Transnational Radicalism and the Connected Lives of Tom Mann and Robert Samuel Ross. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940094.003.0008.

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The final chapter considers the ways in which Mann’s and Ross’s commitments to labour-movement unity and wider working-class solidarity fared in the face of the highly divisive issues of war, militarism, imperialism, peace, patriotism, loyalism, internationalism, conscription, revolution and counter-revolution surrounding the period of World War One and its aftermath. It shows that while Mann and Ross continued to preach peace, opposition to the ‘imperialist’ war and conscription, Ross was far more active and outspoken in his anti-war activities than Mann and as a consequence suffered imprisonment and declining health. The pacifism of Ross, indeed, is to be contrasted with Mann’s commitment to taking the war to a successful conclusion against ‘Prussianism’. In 1917 both Mann and Ross welcomed the ‘emancipatory’ Russian Revolution and staunchly opposed the politics of counter-revolution and ‘loyalism’. Yet while Mann embraced communism, Ross found a home in the radicalised Australian Labor Party and rejected the Bolshevik model for democratic Australia. The case of Mann and Ross casts important new light upon the general issues of labour’s and workers’ attitudes to war and peace, revolution and reaction, patriotism and loyalism and communism and social democracy.
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"Trade Unionists, Patriots and Anticolonialists." In Australians in Shanghai, 117–30. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315756998-7.

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"Appendix IVA English Soda Ash Exports and Sales to Asia and Australia, 1901–1941." In Patriots' Game, 208. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004336384_015.

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Levenback, Karen L. "Florence Melian Stawell and Virginia Woolf: Home-front Experience, The Price of Freedom, and Patriotism." In Virginia Woolf and Her Female Contemporaries. Liverpool University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781942954088.003.0025.

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An Australian by birth, Florence Melian Stawell, who was educated as a classicist at both Trinity College (Melbourne) and Newnham College (Cambridge) was a civilian living in London during the Great War. She shared this experience with Virginia Woolf, Roger Fry, and many of their Bloomsbury friends. But unlike Woolf, whose life during the war has been the subject of some attention (my own Virginia Woolf and the Great War, for example), the home-front experience of Stawell and her literary output, including her anthology of poetry (The Price of Freedom) and her writings on a range of topics (patriotism, education, and the League of Nations among them), has been overlooked. This paper suggests that we may well find the Great War as a way into the life and work of this underappreciated woman, a contemporary of Virginia Woolf.
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"9. PATRIOTIC CHINESE WOMEN: FOLLOWERS OF SUN YAT-SEN IN DARWIN, AUSTRALIA." In Sun Yat-Sen, Nanyang and the 1911 Revolution, 200–218. ISEAS Publishing, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814345477-013.

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"‘Inspired By Patriotic Hysteria?’ Internment Policy towards Enemy Aliens in Australia during the Second World War." In Minorities in Wartime : National and Racial Groupings in Europe, North America and Australia during the Two World Wars. Bloomsbury Academic, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474290524.ch-012.

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Richards, Imogen. "A Dialectical Approach to Online Propaganda: Australia’s United Patriots Front, Right-Wing Politics, and Islamic State." In Islamic State’s Online Activity and Responses, 43–69. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003015406-4.

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