Journal articles on the topic 'Paternity Australia'

Female sea turtles are promiscuous, with clutches of eggs often sired by multiple males and rates of multiple paternity varying greatly within and across species. We investigated levels of multiple paternity in loggerhead sea turtles (Caretta caretta) from three rookeries in Western Australia by analysing polymorphic species-specific genetic markers. We predicted that the level of multiple paternity would be related to female population size and hence the large rookery at Dirk Hartog Island would have higher rates of multiple paternity than two smaller mainland rookeries at Gnaraloo Bay and Bungelup Beach. Contrary to our prediction, we found highly variable rates of multiple paternity among the rookeries that we sampled, which was unrelated to female population size (25% at Bungelup Beach, 86% at Gnaraloo Bay, and 36% at Dirk Hartog Island). Approximately 45 different males sired 25 clutches and the average number of sires per clutch ranged from 1.2 to 2.1, depending on the rookery sampled. The variance in rates of multiple paternity among rookeries suggests that operational sex ratios are variable in Western Australia. Periodic monitoring would show whether the observed patterns of multiple paternity for these three rookeries are stable over time, and our data provide a baseline for detecting shifts in operational sex ratios.

The grey nurse shark (Carcharius taurus) is listed as threatened throughout much of its global distribution, and as critically endangered in eastern Australia. Captive breeding programs have thus far been largely unsuccessful and little is known of its mating system in this context. Here we carry out a paternity analysis to determine if the mating system in captivity is characterised by multiple mating, and whether poor offspring survival is associated with a particular male. Tissue samples from grey nurse sharks were collected from three potential sires, the two dams and nine pups housed at Manly SEA LIFE Sanctuary in eastern Australia. Each individual was genotyped at seven microsatellite markers and three cases of multiple paternity were inferred. No paternal link to stillborn (5), or scoliotic (2) pups was indicated. For the first time, we show the natural wild phenomenon of multiple paternity occurring in a captive environment.

Although the majority of passerine birds are socially monogamous, true genetic monogamy is rare, with extra-pair paternity (EPP) occurring in almost 90% of surveyed socially monogamous species. We present the first molecular data on the genetic breeding system of the long-tailed finch,Poephila acuticauda, a grass finch endemic to the tropical northern savannah of Australia. Although the species forms socially monogamous pair bonds during the breeding season, we found that extra-pair males sired 12.8% of 391 offspring, in 25.7% of 101 broods. Our findings provide only the second estimate of extra-pair paternity in the estrildid finch family.

Estimates of outcrossing rate were determined for four populations of Eucalyptus marginata from the jarrah forest in south-west Western Australia. The mean multilocus outcrossing rate (t = 0.81) was high in all populations and was towards the high end of the range of outcrossing rates that have been observed in other mass-flowering eucalypt species. A significant proportion of the inbreeding detected appeared to be due to biparental inbreeding, and the levels of correlated paternity were unexpectedly high. Differences between populations were generally not significant, although trees from a disturbed site affected by disease showed lower outcrossing, higher biparental inbreeding and higher correlated paternity, suggesting an increase in population structure compared with trees from disease-free sites.

A combination of demographic and genetic data was collected from 354 feral pigs (Sus scrofa), caught using standard trapping methods in south-western Australia, to provide preliminary information on their social biology. This included attempts to identify the putative parentage of 172 juvenile and foetal pigs, characterisation of the genetic mating system observed, and examination of the demographics of those individuals captured by current trapping methods. Findings revealed that in south-western Australia (a) feral pigs displayed moderately polygynous, but not polyandrous, mating behaviour, (b) breeding boars were significantly heavier than non-breeding boars, (c) the most reproductively successful boars, large individuals weighing >90 kg, moved the furthest in order to secure paternity, and (d) that a large proportion of breeding adults, particularly boars, were not captured under the standard trapping method employed. Ultimately, these data may be useful for the improvement of existing control programs, and exotic disease preparedness strategies.

Rutidosis leptorrynchoides is a perennial forb endemic to grasslands and grassy woodlands in southeastern Australia. Studies of seed dispersal, spatial genetic structure and clonality were carried out in four populations around the Canberra region that varied in levels of correlated paternity to examine: (1) whether R. leptorrhynchoides populations exhibit fine-scale spatial genetic structure and whether this varies between populations as a function of correlated paternity; (2) whether there is a correlation between seed dispersal distance and genetic relatedness within populations; and (3) whether clonal reproduction occurs in this species and to what degree this could account for the observed spatial genetic structure. The results show that there is variation in the magnitude and extent of spatial genetic structure between R. leptorrhynchoides populations. The three larger populations, with low to moderate full-sib proportions, showed significant patterns of coancestry between plants over scales of up to one metre, whereas the smallest population, with a high full-sib proportion, had erratically high but non-significant coancestry values. The observed patterns of genetic clumping could be explained by a combination of limited seed dispersal and correlated mating owing to limited mate availability resulting from the species' sporophytic self-incompatibility system. Clonality does not appear to be an important factor contributing to genetic structure in this species.

We isolated 25 new polymorphic microsatellite markers from the eastern mosquitofish, Gambusia holbrooki. Initially, 454 shotgun sequencing was used to identify 1187 loci for which primers could be designed. Of these 1187, we trialled 48 in the target species, 40 of which amplified a product of expected size. Subsequently, those 40 loci were screened for variation in 48 individuals from a single population in Canberra, Australia. Twenty loci were in Hardy–Weinberg equilibrium and polymorphic, with observed heterozygosity ranging from 0.04 to 0.72 (mean: 0.45 ± 0.18) and the number of alleles per locus ranged from 2 to 5 (mean: 3.20 ± 1.05). These loci will be useful in understanding genetic variation, paternity analysis and in managing this species across both its native and invasive range.

White clover is one of the most important pasture legumes in global temperate regions. It is an outcrossing, insect-pollinated species with gene flow occurring naturally between plants. A 2-year study was conducted to assess the relationship between gene flow and physical distance in white clover under field conditions in southern Australia. White clover plants exhibiting a red leaf mark phenotypic trait acted as pollen donors to recipient plants lacking leaf markings at distances up to 200 m distant from the donor plants. Progeny were scored for the dominant red-leafed phenotype and gene flow was modelled. Paternity was confirmed using simple sequence repeat markers. A leptokurtic pattern of gene flow was observed under conditions designed to measure maximised gene flow with the majority of pollination occurring in the first 50 m from the donor pollen source. The combined use of simple sequence repeat and visual markers confirmed that there was also a white clover pollen source in addition to the donor plants. This research confirms the difficulty in ensuring absolute containment of gene flow in an outcrossing species grown in an environment when endemic populations are known to exist.

Fathers’ uptake of paternity leave and care of children is shaped by various factors, including structuralbarriers and gender norms, which influence masculine identity formation. Such barriers to accessing leave and caring for children are thus influenced by a complex intersection of individual and institutional factors. Focusing on Australia, this article looks at migrant fathers’ decisions about parental leave and caregiving, and its intersection with gender (masculinities) and culture (race/ethnicity). We do so to unpack the structural barriers these men face, including those that influence their (mental) health and well-being. The authors identify a gap in research, and argue that there is a need to better understand the intersection of gender and culture on migrant fathers’ decisions to access parental leave and care for children. A better understanding of these decisions is integral to building better policy and programme supports for different groups of fathers and, ultimately, improving their mental health and well-being. It also identifies the need for research and policy to recognise the diversity of “migrant” fathers in both quantitative and qualitative research.

AbstractMost mammals are polygynous and are characterised by male-biased sexual size dimorphism. One hallmark of mammalian monogamy is the lack of such dimorphism. Bobucks, or mountain brushtail possums, Trichosurus cunninghami, lack sexual size dimorphism; however, few behavioural data exist for this species. We studied the mating system of a bobuck population in south-eastern Australia. Adult bobucks were strongly paired: pair-members had exclusive access to a suite of den-trees and overlapped in home range on average by 70%. Pair-members rested together in the same tree-hollow on approximately 70% of days during the breeding season and 47% of days during the non-breeding season. While active, pair-members remained within approximately 8 m of one another during the breeding season and within 31 m of one another during the non-breeding season. Females established pair-bonds at 2-5 years of age; pair-bonds ended only as a result of the death of one pair member. However, molecular paternity analysis established that 35% of young were the result of extra-pair copulations (EPCs). This is the first study to provide strong evidence of long-term pair-bonds in a marsupial and raises questions about the relative benefits of pairing to males and females in this population.

Honey possums, Tarsipes rostratus, tiny (7–12 g) flower-dependent marsupials, were trapped in three areas of south coastal heathland in Western Australia on 5–8 occasions each year from 1984 to 1995. Mark–recapture estimated annual mortality at 86%, with only a few individuals living for more than one year. Most females breed for the first time while not yet fully grown and may produce up to four litters in a year. Maximal litter size is four, but usually only two or three young are reared. The small litter size and relatively slow growth of pouch young is attributed to the time needed for the mothers to harvest pollen, upon which T. rostratus relies for its nitrogen requirements. Females with pouch-young were recorded in all months, but with a higher frequency over winter when nectar was most abundant, and at a lower frequency (in some years, none) when food was scarce in autumn. Young are in the pouch for about 60 days and some females give birth to the next litter soon after pouch exit, presumably from delayed blastocysts. We suggest that T. rostratus females are polyandrous and that the smaller males compete by searching for females in oestrus. The multiple paternity of several litters, confirmed by single-locus microsatellite profiling, supports this model.

Genetic parentage studies can provide detailed insights into the mating system dynamics of wild populations, including the prevalence and patterns of multiple paternity. Multiple paternity is assumed to be common among turtles, though its prevalence varies widely between species and populations. Several important groups remain to be investigated, including the family Chelidae, which dominate the freshwater turtle fauna of the Southern Hemisphere. We used seven polymorphic microsatellite markers to investigate the presence of multiple fathers within clutches from the white-throated snapping turtle (Elseya albagula), an Australian species of conservation concern. We uncovered a high incidence of multiple paternity, with 83% of clutches showing evidence of multiple fathers and up to three males contributing to single clutches. We confirm a largely promiscuous mating system for this species in the Burnett River, Queensland, although a lone incidence of single paternity indicates it is not the only strategy employed. These data provide the first example of multiple paternity in the Chelidae and extend our knowledge of the taxonomic breadth of multiple paternity in turtles of the Southern Hemisphere.

This article draws on a study of the use of genetic paternity testing in the Australian context. It uses data from interviews with women in regular or cohabitating relationships whose partners exited the relationship because of a pregnancy and subsequently denied paternity. At a broader level, it explores the fragility of paternity itself in the early 21st century within the context of unprecedented sexual freedoms and transformative changes to family formation and intimate relationships. It also locates cohabitating paternity in a broader discursive context that has seen an unparalleled demonization of mothers as potential perpetrators of ‘paternity fraud’, a neo-legal exposé of infidelity and extortion of child support that commercial DNA paternity testing purports to be able to uncover.

It has been proposed that multiple sperm storage organs (spermathecae) could allow polyandrous females to control paternity. There is little conclusive evidence for this since insemination of individual spermathecae is generally not experimentally manipulable. Here, we examined sperm use patterns in the Australian redback spider ( Latrodectus hasselti ), which has paired, independent spermathecae. We assessed paternity when two rivals were forced to inseminate a single storage organ or opposite storage organs. When males inseminated a single spermatheca, mean paternity of the female's first mate was 79.8% (median 89.4%), and 38% of first mates achieved 100% paternity. In contrast, when males inseminated opposite organs, the mean paternity of the first mate was 49.3% (median 49.9%), only 10% of males achieved complete precedence, and paternity was normally distributed, suggesting sperm mixing. Males responded to this difference by avoiding previously inseminated female reproductive tracts. Complete sperm precedence can only be achieved if females permit males to copulate with both reproductive tracts. Females often cannibalize smaller males during their first copulation, thus limiting their paternity to 50%. These data show that multiple sperm storage organs can increase female control of paternity.

This study was carried out as part of a broader investigation into the factors that determine interspecific variation in testis size amongst conilurine rodents. The hypothesis proposed is that the huge differences in absolute and relative testis size between the spinifex hopping mouse (Notomys alexis) and the plains rat (Pseudomys australis) relate to differences in breeding system. One aspect of a species' breeding system, the capacity for multiple paternity, was assessed under laboratory conditions for each species. Allozyme markers were used to set up appropriate trios consisting of one female cohabiting with two mates of different genotypes and to assess the paternity of the resultant pups that were born. Multiple paternity within a single litter was not recorded for hopping mice but was observed occasionally in plains rats, a result consistent with the hypothesis under test.

The grey fantail (Rhipidura albiscapa) is a common Australian flycatcher, yet no detailed reports have been made of its breeding ecology. A population of grey fantails was studied over four seasons in the Australian Capital Territory. Males had large testes and pronounced cloacal protuberances, morphology suggestive of sperm competition. Although two polyandrous trios were observed, most individuals bred as part of a season-long monogamous pair, suggesting that extra-pair copulation may be the principal cause of sperm competition. Indeed, behavioural observations revealed that males regularly intruded other territories, targeting those with building, rather than incubating, females. Intruding males were observed harassing, attempting to copulate and successfully copulating with resident females. Males did not mate guard, but regularly attacked their mates during each building attempt. Despite the probability that extra-pair paternity is common in this species, grey fantails were monomorphic and monochromatic, with a high level of paternal care. Nest depredation was common, with 83% of all clutches depredated before fledging. High levels of male care in care in this species may be better explained by an increase in fledging success associated with high male contribution to offspring care than confidence of paternity.

We used multilocus DNA fingerprinting to assess parentage in the brown thornbill, Acanthiza pusilla, a socially monogamous Australian passerine. Extra-pair paternity was uncommon (6.2% of 178 offspring; 11.9% of 67 broods) and there was no evidence of intra-specific brood parasitism. Extra-pair paternity was limited because pairs spent more time together when females were fertile and males were able to evict intruding males before they could approach the female. Males were responsible for the close proximity of partners during the fertile period. Mate guarding therefore appears to be a male tactic aimed at preventing female infidelity rather than a cooperative behaviour of the pair aimed at preventing extra-pair copulations and/or female harassment. Females did not attempt to escape male guarding and were rarely observed to solicit copulations from intruding males. Nevertheless, females paired to smaller and younger males were more likely to cuckold their mates than females paired to larger and older males. This suggests that females may be more likely to seek or accept extra-pair matings when paired to small, young males or that old, large males are better at preventing their mates from engaging in extra-pair copulations. We found that male age but not male size influences mate-guarding behaviour. Older males tended to respond more aggressively to intruders. We therefore speculate that the relationship between male size/age and extra-pair paternity in brown thornbills may arise because female thornbills prefer large males as mates but are unable to express this preference as easily when paired to older males.

Previous observations on the mating behaviour of the southern calamary, Sepioteuthis australis Quoy & Gaimard 1833, revealed the potential for multiple paternities within egg strands, which contained up to eight eggs each. Six egg masses were laid in captivity from a possible 14 female and 20 male parents. By using five microsatellite loci, 112 eggs from 35 randomly selected egg strands were assigned sires using the potential fathers’ genotypes. Seven egg strands containing 22 eggs were also collected from the field to test that squid in captivity were apportioning eggs in natural ways, and that multiple paternity within egg strands was not an artefact of captivity. Ninety-seven per cent of strands laid in captivity showed multiple paternities. Similarly, multiple fathers were also evident in the field-laid egg strands. The maximum number of sires found within a single egg strand was four; however, three sires were more common. This is the first account of multiple paternities within egg strands laid by Sepioteuthis. It is likely that females are ‘spermatophore-limited’ when egg laying, and are promiscuous to ensure a ready supply of these sperm packets. Moreover, genetic diversity in a brood is increased by this mating strategy.

Abstract The mating system of Western Australian sandalwood (Santalum spicatum) was investigated in seed collections from a family trial. The mean outcrossing rate was high (95.2%) although there was variation among families and one family showed particularly low outcrossing, high bi-parental inbreeding and high correlated paternity. Variation in flowering time between this family and others in the trial was the most likely cause of the high inbreeding and low number of fathers contributing to the seed crop in trees from this family. The high level of outcrossing in the rest of the families indicated that S. spicatum has a preferentially outcrossed mating system, but that it is capable of selfing when conditions are unsuitable for outcrossing. The seedling progeny showed no influence of inbreeding on seedling height at 4 months. Analysis of genetic diversity revealed high levels of genetic diversity have been captured in the seed crop from the trial, and this diversity is comparable to that identified in a previous study of natural populations from throughout the range of the species. These results indicated that production of seed through seed orchards will be a successful means of deployment of breeding gains in the species, however it is essential to ensure overlap in flowering times among different families planted in a seed orchard.

The greater bilby (Macrotis lagotis) is the sole remaining species of desert bandicoot on the Australian mainland. The mating system of this species remains poorly understood, due to the bilby’s cryptic nature. We investigated the genetic mating system of the greater bilby in a five-year study of a semi-free-ranging captive population that simulated their wild environment. Morphological traits were examined to determine whether these influenced patterns of male reproductive success and whether selection was acting on them. In any given year more than half the males (59.2 ± 9.3%) failed to sire any offspring. Approximately 70% of sires fathered one offspring, and 30% two or three offspring. Since paternity was not dominated by few males, and given the species’ solitary nature, lack of territoriality and large home ranges, it is likely that males adopt a roving strategy to find receptive females. These results are consistent with an overlap promiscuous mating system. Sires and non-sires could not be distinguished by their morphological traits, and there was no evidence for strong linear or non-linear selection on male traits. These data increase our understanding of bandicoot life-history traits and will assist conservation and management efforts.

Abstract Introduction FNAIT is associated with severe bleeding, especially intracranial hemorrhage (ICH), in the fetus and/or newborn. More than 75% of ICHs occur in utero and up to 50% before 32 weeks gestation. The consequences of ICH include death (35%) or serious neurological sequelae in survivors (83%). FNAIT requires prompt identification and treatment antepartum, postpartum and in subsequent pregnancies. An international panel was convened by the International Collaboration for Transfusion Medicine Guidelines (ICTMG) to develop evidence based recommendations for diagnosis and management of FNAIT. Methods The international panel consisted of specialists in adult and pediatric hematology, maternal fetal medicine (MFM), neonatology, methodology, transfusion medicine, and a patient representative. Clinical questions were developed for diagnostic testing, antenatal screening and management, and postnatal interventions. A systematic search for articles published between 1946 and June 2017 in MEDLINE, EMBASE and Cochrane was conducted. Recommendations were formulated based on the Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development and Evaluation (GRADE) method which incorporates the quality of the evidence, benefits and risks, and resource utilization. Web conferences and electronic correspondence were used to discuss the results of the systematic reviews and formulate recommendations. Considerations for clinical practice such as dosing of intravenous immunoglobulin (IVIG) and corticosteroids were detailed. Electronic surveys were sent to all members to assess agreement with recommendations. The final guidance document was sent to maternal fetal, hematology and pediatric societies for comments. Results Three systematic reviews (antenatal management, postnatal management and use of laboratory investigations to identify pregnancies at risk) were developed. Antenatal recommendations: Women with FNAIT in a previous pregnancy or sisters of women with FNAIT should be referred to MFM centers. Fetal HPA typing (e.g. HPA-1a/1b) should be performed in HPA-immunized pregnant women when the paternity is unknown or the partner is heterozygous or unavailable for testing. Prenatal HPA-1 typing should preferentially be performed by a non-invasive method e.g. cell-free fetal DNA (cffDNA) in maternal plasma if adequately quality assured. Antenatal IVIG administration to the mother commencing at 12-16 weeks gestation should be offered to all women in a subsequent pregnancy with maternal fetal incompatibility who have had a previous fetus or neonate with FNAIT related ICH. For all other pregnancies with a previous neonate with FNAIT (without ICH), administering antenatal IVIG to the mother should be discussed prior to a subsequent pregnancy or when pregnancy with maternal fetal incompatibility is confirmed. If corticosteroids are used with IVIG, dexamethasone should not be used because of the associated risk of oligohydramnios. Postnatal recommendations: HPA-selected platelets should be made available at delivery for potentially affected infants to increase the neonatal platelet count. If HPA-selected platelets are not immediately available, unselected platelets should be used. In the presence of life-threatening neonatal hemorrhage such as intracranial or gastrointestinal bleeding, platelets should be transfused to maintain platelet counts above 50 to 100x109/L for at least 7 days. In the absence of life-threatening bleeding in a neonate such as intracranial or gastrointestinal bleeding, platelets should be transfused to maintain a platelet count above 30x109/L. Conclusions The intent of this guidance document developed from systematic reviews is to promote best practices in the management of FNAIT. The guideline development group developed algorithms for treatment, podcasts for physicians and patients, pamphlets for patients and a slide set to assist with the implementation of recommendations into practice. This expert panel identified key areas for future research. One is the optimal approach to antenatal management of the next affected pregnancy. Developing biomarkers of fetal severity would be critical to this endeavor. In addition, creating comprehensive screening to identify HPA-1b1b women at risk of FNAIT would advance successful prevention of this disease. Disclosures Bakchoul: German Research Society (DFG): Research Funding; Aspen Germany gGmbH, CLS Behring, Stago gGmbH: Honoraria; Robert Bosch gGmbH: Research Funding. Kjaer:Prophylix Pharma: Equity Ownership. Kjeldsen-Kragh:Prophylix Pharma: Equity Ownership. Oepkes:Towards routine HPA screening in pregnancy: Research Funding. Bussel:Uptodate: Honoraria; Rigel: Consultancy, Research Funding; Novartis: Consultancy, Research Funding; Protalex: Consultancy; Amgen Inc.: Consultancy, Research Funding; Prophylix: Consultancy, Research Funding; Momenta: Consultancy. Arnold:Bristol Myers Squibb: Research Funding; Amgen: Consultancy, Research Funding; UCB: Consultancy; Novartis: Consultancy, Research Funding; Bristol Myers Squibb: Research Funding; UCB: Consultancy; Novartis: Consultancy, Research Funding; Amgen: Consultancy, Research Funding. Savoia:Neonatal Alloimmune Thrombocytopenia Registry of the Transfusion Outcomes Research Collaborative (TORC) Australia: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees.

BACKGROUND: Nias is an island located off the western coast of Sumatra, Indonesia. Nias is situated above the Eurasian and Indo-Australian subduction zone plates. This makes it prone to earthquakes and tsunamis. Genetic analysis and genetic variation of short tandem repeats (STR) locus are not widely known. These data are valuable for individual identification and paternity testing. METHODS: Seven STR loci (TPOX, CSF1PO, D3S1358, D8S1179, vWA, D5S818, and TH01) were analyzed using 25 healthy and unrelated persons Nias population. Allele frequency, power of discrimination (PD), expected heterozygosity, and probability of exclusion (PE) were calculated. RESULTS: We found 40 alleles. The allele with highest frequency was alleles 9 at the TH01 loci. While the lowest frequency were allele 9 at the CSF1PO loci, allele 12 at the TPOX loci, alleles 17 and 18 at the D8S1179 loci, and alleles 16 and 20 at the vWA loci. The highest Expected Heterozygosity, PD, and PE at the D8S1179 loci. The highest number of alleles is also at D8S1179 loci. All loci followed the Hardy–Weinberg equilibrium (p > 0.05). The PD values for all tested loci ranged from 80.6 to 94.5%. CONCLUSION: We report the allele frequencies and forensic statistical parameters of seven STR loci (TPOX, CSF1PO, D3S1358, D8S1179, vWA, D5S818, and TH01) in the Nias population, which can be used as a forensic database reference for Nias populations.

Copulation in many sexually cannibalistic spiders is associated with a loss of function of the male reproductive organs and, as a consequence, males that survive sexual cannibalism may nevertheless be unable to subsequently copulate successfully. Sexual cannibalism is common in the Australian golden orb-web spider (Nephila plumipes), in which the tip of the conductor typically breaks during copulation. Thus, male mating frequency may be physiologically limited to two females, irrespective of the male’s ability to avoid cannibalism or the opportunity to locate and court additional, receptive females. Laboratory experiments revealed that the likelihood of the conductor breaking depends upon the copulatory history of the female insemination duct: males were more likely to break their conductor if they inseminated a ‘virgin’ rather than ‘mated’ insemination duct. However, the choice of insemination duct did not influence the duration of copulation or quantity of sperm transferred. In field populations, the proportion of males with both conductors broken increased during the course of the mating season, but while males with broken conductors did not copulate successfully with virgin females, they were nevertheless observed on the webs of immature females. We suggest that male N. plumipes with broken conductors on the webs of females are most likely mate guarding, as this appears to be the most effective mechanism of securing paternity.

Abstract Clonality may provide reproductive assurance for many threatened plants while limiting sexual reproductive success either through energetic tradeoffs or because clones are self-incompatible. Most stands of the Australian arid-zone plant Acacia carneorum, flower annually but low seed set and an absence of sexual recruitment now suggest that this species and other, important arid-zone ecosystem engineers may have low genotypic diversity. Indeed, our recent landscape-scale genetic study revealed that stands are typically monoclonal, with genets usually separated by kilometers. An inability to set sexually produced seed or a lack of genetically diverse mates may explain almost system-wide reproductive failure. Here, using microsatellite markers, we genotyped 100 seeds from a rare fruiting stand (Middle-Camp), together with all adult plants within it and its 4 neighboring stands (up to 5 km distant). As expected, all stands surveyed were monoclonal. However, the Middle-Camp seeds were generated sexually. Comparing seed genotypes with the single Middle-Camp genotype and those of genets from neighboring and other regional stands (n = 26), revealed that 73 seeds were sired by the Middle-Camp genet. Within these Middle-Camp seeds we detected 19 genotypes in proportions consistent with self-fertilization of that genet. For the remaining 27 seeds, comprising 8 different genotypes, paternity was assigned to the nearest neighboring stands Mallee and Mallee-West, approximately 1 km distant. Ironically, given this species’ vast geographic range, a small number of stands with reproductively compatible near neighbors may provide the only sources of novel genotypes.

Abstract Background Family-centred maternity care models include the expectation that fathers prepare for and attend the birth. In Australia over 20% of the population is from a culturally and linguistically diverse background. Public policies espouse culturally competent healthcare. Little is known about the experiences of perinatal health care of men from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) communities living in high income countries. The aim was to understand the experiences, attitudes and beliefs about father’s inclusion in perinatal healthcare, from the growing, and recently settled community of Ethiopian families living in Australia. Methods A qualitative study using semi-structured individual interviews with Ethiopian-Australian men and women who had experienced Australian maternity care and were sampled for diversity of time since migration, and parity. Interviews were in English, audio-recorded, transcribed and then analysed thematically. Results Participants were seven women and six men all born in Ethiopia, including two couples. Key themes included: the loss of extended family through migration, new roles for both parents and the need to establish ‘family-like’ relationships with friendship groups in Australia. There was a willingness to involve male partners in the Ethiopian community in Australia, although it was recognised as a cultural change. Experiences of male partner involvement were mixed among healthcare types, with men attending Maternal and Child Health (MCH) appointments less frequently than antenatal (ANC) appointments. Conclusions Results suggests men may be missing out on the education provided during antenatal appointments and may benefit from an alternative. There were not universally high levels of cultural competency among healthcare professionals, with further training still required. Commitment to paid employment remains a barrier to men’s involvement, suggesting that flexible working conditions and increased paternity leave would support their involvement. Alternatively services could utilise flexible delivery methods such as phone and zoom to include fathers.

AbstractCross-pollination can improve fruit yield, fruit size and nutritional quality of many food crops. However, we rarely understand what proportions of the crop result from self- or cross-pollination, how cross-pollination affects crop quality, and how far pollen is transported by pollinators. Management strategies to improve pollination services are consequently not optimal for many crops. We utilised a series of SNP markers, unique for each cultivar of avocado, to quantify proportions of self- and cross-paternity in fruit of Hass avocado at increasing distances from cross-pollen sources. We assessed whether distance from a cross-pollen source determined the proportions of self-pollinated and cross-pollinated fruit, and evaluated how self- and cross-paternity affected fruit size and nutritional quality. Avocado fruit production resulted from both self- and cross-pollination in cultivar Hass in Queensland, Australia. Cross-pollination levels decreased with increasing distance from a cross-pollen source, from 63% in the row adjacent to another cultivar to 25% in the middle of a single-cultivar block, suggesting that pollen transport was limited across orchard rows. Limited pollen transport did not affect fruit size or quality in Hass avocados as xenia effects of a Shepard polliniser on size and nutritional quality were minor.

Abstract An understanding of genetic diversity and the population genetic processes that impact future population viability is vital for the management and recovery of declining populations of threatened species. Styphelia longissima (Ericaceae) is a critically endangered shrub, restricted to a single fragmented population near Eneabba, 250 km north of Perth, Western Australia. For this population, we sought to characterize population genetic variation and its spatial structure, and aspects of the mating portfolio, from which strategies that optimize the conservation of this diversity are identified. A comprehensive survey was carried out and 220 adults, and 106 seedlings from 14 maternal plants, were genotyped using 13 microsatellite markers. Levels of genetic variation and its spatial structure were assessed, and mating system parameters were estimated. Paternity was assigned to the offspring of a subsection of plants, which allowed for the calculation of realized pollen dispersal. Allelic richness and levels of expected heterozygosity were higher than predicted for a small isolated population. Spatial autocorrelation analysis identified fine-scale genetic structure at a scale of 20 m, but no genetic structure was found at larger scales. Mean outcrossing rate (tm = 0.66) reflects self-compatibility and a mixed-mating system. Multiple paternity was low, where 61 % of maternal siblings shared the same sire. Realized pollen dispersal was highly restricted, with 95 % of outcrossing events occurring at 7 m or less, and a mean pollen dispersal distance of 3.8 m. Nearest-neighbour matings were common (55 % of all outcross events), and 97 % of mating events were between the three nearest-neighbours. This study has provided critical baseline data on genetic diversity, mating system and pollen dispersal for future monitoring of S. longissima. Broadly applicable conservation strategies such as implementing a genetic monitoring plan, diluting spatial genetic structure in the natural population, genetically optimizing ex situ collections and incorporating genetic knowledge into translocations will help to manage the future erosion of the high genetic variation detected.

IllegitimacyBack in 1987, Gregory Bateson argued that:Kurt Vonnegut gives us wary advice – that we should be careful what we pretend because we become what we pretend. And something like that, some sort of self-fulfilment, occurs in all organisations and human cultures. What people presume to be ‘human’ is what they will build in as premises of their social arrangements, and what they build in is sure to be learned, is sure to become a part of the character of those who participate. (178)The human capacity to marginalise and discriminate against others on the basis of innate and constructed characteristics is evident from the long history of discrimination against people whose existence is ‘illegitimate’, defined as being outside the law. What is inside or outside the law depends upon the context under consideration. For example, in societies such as ancient Greece and the antebellum United States, where slavery was legal, people who were constructed as ‘slaves’ could legitimately be treated very differently from ‘citizens’: free people who benefit from a range of human rights (Northup). The discernment of what is legitimate from that which is illegitimate is thus implicated within the law but extends into the wider experience of community life and is evident within the civil structures through which society is organised and regulated.The division between the legitimate and illegitimate is an arbitrary one, susceptible to changing circumstances. Within recent memory a romantic/sexual relationship between two people of the same sex was constructed as illegitimate and actively persecuted. This was particularly the case for same-sex attracted men, since the societies regulating these relationships generally permitted women a wider repertoire of emotional response than men were allowed. Even when lesbian and gay relationships were legalised, they were constructed as less legitimate in the sense that they often had different rules around the age of consent for homosexual and heterosexual couples. In Australia, the refusal to allow same sex couples to marry perpetuates ways in which these relationships are constructed as illegitimate – beyond the remit of the legislation concerning marriage.The archetypal incidence of illegitimacy has historically referred to people born out of wedlock. The circumstances of birth, for example whether a person was born as a result of a legally-sanctioned marital relationship or not, could have ramifications throughout an individual’s life. Stories abound (for example, Cookson) of the implications of being illegitimate. In some social stings, such as Catherine Cookson’s north-eastern England at the turn of the twentieth century, illegitimate children were often shunned. Parents frequently refused permission for their (legitimate) children to play with illegitimate classmates, as if these children born out of wedlock embodied a contaminating variety of evil. Illegitimate children were treated differently in the law in matters of inheritance, for example, and may still be. They frequently lived in fear of needing to show a birth certificate to gain a passport, for example, or to marry. Sometimes, it was at this point in adult life, that a person first discovered their illegitimacy, changing their entire understanding of their family and their place in the world. It might be possible to argue that the emphasis upon the legitimacy of a birth has lessened in proportion to an acceptance of genetic markers as an indicator of biological paternity, but that is not the endeavour here.Given the arbitrariness and mutability of the division between legitimacy and illegitimacy as a constructed boundary, it is policed by social and legal sanctions. Boundaries, such as the differentiation between the raw and the cooked (Lévi-Strauss), or S/Z (Barthes), or purity and danger (Douglas), serve important cultural functions and also convey critical information about the societies that enforce them. Categories of person, place or thing which are closest to boundaries between the legitimate and the illegitimate can prompt existential anxiety since the capacity to discern between these categories is most challenged at the margins. The legal shenanigans which can result speak volumes for which aspects of life have the potential to unsettle a culture. One example of this which is writ large in the recent history of Australia is our treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and the impact of this upon Australia’s multicultural project.Foreshadowing the sexual connotations of the illegitimate, one of us has written elsewhere (Green, ‘Bordering on the Inconceivable’) about the inconceivability of the Howard administration’s ‘Pacific solution’. This used legal devices to rewrite Australia’s borders to limit access to the rights accruing to refugees upon landing in a safe haven entitling them to seek asylum. Internationally condemned as an illegitimate construction of an artificial ‘migration zone’, this policy has been revisited and made more brutal under the Abbot regime with at least two people – Reza Barati and Hamid Khazaei – dying in the past year in what is supposed to be a place of safety provided by Australian authorities under their legal obligations to those fleeing from persecution. Crock points out, echoing the discourse of illegitimacy, that it is and always has been inappropriate to label “undocumented asylum seekers” as “‘illegal’” because: “until such people cross the border onto Australian territory, the language of illegality is nonsense. People who have no visas to enter Australia can hardly be ‘illegals’ until they enter Australia” (77). For Australians who identify in some ways – religion, culture, fellow feeling – with the detainees incarcerated on Nauru and Manus Island, it is hard to ignore the disparity between the government’s treatment of visa overstayers and “illegals” who arrive by boat (Wilson). It is a comparatively short step to construct this disparity as reflecting upon the legitimacy within Australia of communities who share salient characteristics with detained asylum seekers: “The overwhelmingly negative discourse which links asylum seekers, Islam and terrorism” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Some communities feel themselves constructed in the public and political spheres as less legitimately Australian than others. This is particularly true of communities where members can be identified via markers of visible difference, including indicators of ethnic, cultural and religious identities: “a group who [some 585 respondent Australians …] perceived would maintain their own languages, customs and traditions […] this cultural diversity posed an extreme threat to Australian national identity” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Where a community shares salient characteristics such as ethnicity or religion with many detained asylum seekers they can become fearful of the discourses around keeping borders strong and protecting Australia from illegitimate entrants. MethodologyThe qualitative fieldwork upon which this paper is based took place some 6-8 years ago (2006-2008), but the project remains one of the most recent and extensive studies of its kind. There are no grounds for believing that any of the findings are less valid than previously. On the contrary, if political actions are constructed as a proxy for mainstream public consent, opinions have become more polarised and have hardened. Ten focus groups were held involving 86 participants with a variety of backgrounds including differences in age, gender, religious observance, religious identification and ethnicity. Four focus groups involved solely Muslim participants; six drew from the wider Australian community. The aim was to examine the response of different communities to mainstream Australian media representations of Islam, Muslims, and terrorism. Research questions included: “Are there differences in the ways in which Australian Muslims respond to messages about ‘fear’ and ‘terror’ compared with broader community Australians’ responses to the same messages?” and “How do Australian Muslims construct the perceptions and attitudes of the broader Australian community based on the messages that circulate in the media?” Recent examples of kinds of messages investigated include media coverage of Islamic State’s (ISIS’s) activities (Karam & Salama), and the fear-provoking coverage around the possible recruitment of Australians to join the fighting in Syria and Iraq (Cox). The ten focus groups were augmented by 60 interviews, 30 with respondents who identified as Muslim (15 males, 15 female) and 30 respondents from the broader community (same gender divisions). Finally, a market research company was commissioned to conduct a ‘fear survey’, based on an established ‘fear of rape’ inventory (Aly and Balnaves), delivered by telephone to a random sample of 750 over-18 y.o. Australians in which Muslims formed a deliberative sub-group, to ensure they were over-sampled and constituted at least 150 respondents. The face-to-face surveys and focus groups were conducted by co-author, Dr Anne Aly. General FindingsMuslim respondents indicate a heightened intensity of reaction to media messages around fear and terror. In addition to a generalised fear of the potential impact of terrorism upon Australian society and culture, Muslim respondents experienced a specific fear that any terrorist-related media coverage might trigger hostility towards Muslim Australian communities and their own family members. According to the ‘fear survey’ scale, Muslim Australians at the time of the research experienced approximately twice the fear level of mainstream Australian respondents. Broader Australian community Australian Muslim communityFear of a terrorist attackFear of a terrorist attack combines with the fear of a community backlashSpecific victims: dead, injured, bereavedCommunity is full of general victims in addition to any specific victimsShort-term; intense impactsProtracted, diffuse impactsSociety-wide sympathy and support for specific victims and all those involved in dealing with the trauma and aftermathSociety-wide suspicion and a marginalisation of those affected by the backlashVictims of a terrorist attack are embraced by broader communityVictims of backlash experience hostility from the broader communityFour main fears were identified by Australian Muslims as a component of the fear of terrorism:Fear of physical harm. In addition to the fear of actual terrorist acts, Australian Muslims fear backlash reprisals such as those experienced after such events as 9/11, the Bali bombings, and attacks upon public transport passengers in Spain and the UK. These and similar events were constructed as precipitating increased aggression against identifiable Australian Muslims, along with shunning of Muslims and avoidance of their company.The construction of politically-motivated fear. Although fear is an understandable response to concerns around terrorism, many respondents perceived fears as being deliberately exacerbated for political motives. Such strategies as “Be alert, not alarmed” (Bassio), labelling asylum seekers as potential terrorists, and talk about home-grown terrorists, are among the kinds of fears which were identified as politically motivated. The political motivation behind such actions might include presenting a particular party as strong, resolute and effective. Some Muslim Australians construct such approaches as indicating that their government is more interested in political advantage than social harmony.Fear of losing civil liberties. As well as sharing the alarm of the broader Australian community at the dozens of legislative changes banning people, organisations and materials, and increasing surveillance and security checks, Muslim Australians fear for the human rights implications across their community, up to and including the lives of their young people. This fear is heightened when community members may look visibly different from the mainstream. Examples of the events fuelling such fears include the London police killing of Jean Charles de Menezes, a Brazilian Catholic working as an electrician in the UK and shot in the month following the 7/7 attacks on the London Underground system (Pugliese). In Australia, the case of Mohamed Hannef indicated that innocent people could easily be unjustly accused and wrongly targeted, and even when this was evident the political agenda made it almost impossible for authorities to admit their error (Rix).Feeling insecure. Australian Muslims argue that personal insecurity has become “the new normal” (Massumi), disproportionately affecting Muslim communities in both physical and psychological ways. Physical insecurity is triggered by the routine avoidance, shunning and animosity experienced by many community members in public places. Psychological insecurity includes fear for the safety of younger members of the community compounded by concern that young people may become ‘radicalised’ as a result of the discrimination they experience. Australian Muslims fear the backlash following any possible terrorist attack on Australian soil and describe the possible impact as ‘unimaginable’ (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’).In addition to this range of fears expressed by Australian Muslims and constructed in response to wider societal reactions to increased concerns over radical Islam and the threat of terrorist activity, an analysis of respondents’ statements indicate that Muslim Australians construct the broader community as exhibiting:Fear of religious conviction (without recognising the role of their own secular/religious convictions underpinning this fear);Fear of extremism (expressed in various extreme ways);Fear of powerlessness (responded to by disempowering others); andFear of political action overseas having political effects at home (without acknowledging that it is the broader community’s response to such overseas events, such as 9/11 [Green ‘Did the world really change?’], which has also had impacts at home).These constructions, extrapolations and understandings by Australian Muslims of the fears of the broader community underpinning the responses to the threat of terror have been addressed elsewhere (Green and Aly). Legitimate Australian MuslimsOne frustration identified by many Muslim respondents centres upon a perceived ‘acceptable’ way to be an Australian Muslim. Arguing that the broader community construct Muslims as a homogenous group defined by their religious affiliation, these interviewees felt that the many differences within and between the twenty-plus national, linguistic, ethnic, cultural and faith-based groupings that constitute WA’s Muslim population were being ignored. Being treated as a homogenised group on a basis of faith appears to have the effect of putting that religious identity under pressure, paradoxically strengthening and reinforcing it (Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). The appeal to Australian Muslims to embrace membership in a secular society and treat religion as a private matter also led some respondents to suggest they were expected to deny their own view of their faith, in which they express their religious identity across their social spheres and in public and private contexts. Such expression is common in observant Judaism, Hinduism and some forms of Christianity, as well as in some expressions of Islam (Aly and Green, ‘Less than equal’). Massumi argues that even the ways in which some Muslims dress, indicating faith-based behaviour, can lead to what he terms as ‘affective modulation’ (Massumi), repeating and amplifying the fear affect as a result of experiencing the wider community’s fear response to such triggers as water bottles (from airport travel) and backpacks, on the basis of perceived physical difference and a supposed identification with Muslim communities, regardless of the situation. Such respondents constructed this (implied) injunction to suppress their religious and cultural affiliation as akin to constructing the expression of their identity as illegitimate and somehow shameful. Parallels can be drawn with previous social responses to a person born out of wedlock, and to people in same-sex relationships: a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ kind of denial.Australian Muslims who see their faith as denied or marginalised may respond by identifying more strongly with other Muslims in their community, since the community-based context is one in which they feel welcomed and understood. The faith-based community also allows and encourages a wider repertoire of acceptable beliefs and actions entailed in the performance of ‘being Muslim’. Hand in hand with a perception of being required to express their religious identity in ways that were acceptable to the majority community, these respondents provided a range of examples of self-protective behaviours to defend themselves and others from the impacts of perceived marginalisation. Such behaviours included: changing their surnames to deflect discrimination based solely on a name (Aly and Green, ‘Fear, Anxiety and the State of Terror’); keeping their opinions private, even when they were in line with those being expressed by the majority community (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’); the identification of ‘less safe’ and ‘safe’ activities and areas; concerns about visibly different young men in the Muslim community and discussions with them about their public behaviour and demeanour; and women who chose not to leave their homes for fear of being targeted in public places (all discussed in Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). Many of these behaviours, including changing surnames, restricting socialisation to people who know a person well, and the identification of safe and less safe activities in relation to the risk of self-revelation, were common strategies used by people who were stigmatised in previous times as a result of their illegitimacy.ConclusionConstructions of the legitimate and illegitimate provide one means through which we can investigate complex negotiations around Australianness and citizenship, thrown into sharp relief by the Australian government’s treatment of asylum seekers, also deemed “illegals”. Because they arrive in Australia (or, as the government would prefer, on Australia’s doorstep) by illegitimate channels these would-be citizens are treated very differently from people who arrive at an airport and overstay their visa. The impetus to exclude aspects of geographical Australia from the migration zone, and to house asylum seekers offshore, reveals an anxiety about borders which physically reflects the anxiety of western nations in the post-9/11 world. Asylum seekers who arrive by boat have rarely had safe opportunity to secure passports or visas, or to purchase tickets from commercial airlines or shipping companies. They represent those ethnicities and cultures which are currently in turmoil: a turmoil frequently exacerbated by western intervention, variously constructed as an il/legitimate expression of western power and interests.What this paper has demonstrated is that the boundary between Australia and the rest, the legitimate and the illegitimate, is failing in its aim of creating a stronger Australia. The means through which this project is pursued is making visible a range of motivations and concerns which are variously interpreted depending upon the position of the interpreter. The United Nations, for example, has expressed strong concern over Australia’s reneging upon its treaty obligations to refugees (Gordon). Less vocal, and more fearful, are those communities within Australia which identify as community members with the excluded illegals. The Australian government’s treatment of detainees on Manus Island and Nauru, who generally exhibit markers of visible difference as a result of ethnicity or culture, is one aspect of a raft of government policies which serve to make some people feel that their Australianness is somehow less legitimate than that of the broader community. AcknowledgementsThis paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project (DP0559707), 2005-7, “Australian responses to the images and discourses of terrorism and the other: establishing a metric of fear”, awarded to Professors Lelia Green and Mark Balnaves. The research involved 10 focus groups and 60 individual in-depth interviews and a telephone ‘fear of terrorism’ survey. The authors wish to acknowledge the participation and contributions of WA community members and wider Australian respondents to the telephone survey. ReferencesAly, Anne. “Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism in the Australian Popular Media.” Australian Journal of Social Issues 42.1 (2007): 27-40.Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. “Fear, Anxiety and the State of Terror.” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 33.3 (Feb 2010): 268-81.Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. “Less than Equal: Secularism, Religious Pluralism and Privilege.” M/C Journal 11.2 (2008). 15 Oct. 2009 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/32›.Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. “‘Moderate Islam’: Defining the Good Citizen”. 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London: Corgi, 1969.Cox, Nicole. “Police Probe ‘Die for Syria’ Car Stickers”. WA Today 11 Sep. 2014. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.watoday.com.au/wa-news/police-probe-die-for-syria-car-stickers-20140911-10fmo7.html›.Crock, Mary. “That Sinking Feeling: Correspondence”. Quarterly Essay 54 (June 2014): 75-79.Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger. London: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 1978 [1966].Gordon, Michael. “New UN Human Rights Chief Attacks Australia over Asylum Seeker Rights ‘Violations’.” Sydney Morning Herald 7 Sep. 2014. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/new-un-human-rights-chief-attacks-australia-over-asylum-seeker-rights-violations-20140907-10dlkx.html›.Green, Lelia. “Bordering on the Inconceivable: The Pacific Solution, the Migration Zone and ‘Australia’s 9/11’”. Australian Journal of Communication 31.1 (2004): 19-36.Green, Lelia. “Did the World Really Change on 9/11?” Australian Journal of Communication 29.2 (2002): 1-14.Green, Lelia, and Anne Aly. “How Australian Muslims Construct Western Fear of the Muslim Other”. Negotiating Identities: Constructed Selves and Others. Ed. Helen Vella Bonavita. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2011. 65-90. Karam, Zeina, and Vivian Salama. “US President Barack Obama Powers Up to Shut Down Islamic State”. The Australian 11 Sep. 2014. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.theaustralian/world/%20us-president-barak-obama-powers-up-to-shut-down-islamic-state-20140911-10f9dh.html›.Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Raw and the Cooked: Mythologiques, Volume 1. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1969.Massumi, Brian. “Fear (the Spectrum Said).” Positions 13.1 (2005): 31-48.McKay, Fiona H., Samantha, L. Thomas, and Susan Kneebone. “‘It Would Be Okay If They Came through the Proper Channels’: Community Perceptions and Attitudes toward Asylum Seekers in Australia”. Journal of Refugee Studies 25.1 (2011): 113-133.Northup, Solomon. Twelve Years a Slave. New York: Derby & Miller, 1853.Pugliese, Joseph. “Asymmetries of Terror: Visual Regimes of Racial Profiling and the Shooting of John Charles de Menezes in the Context of the War in Iraq.” Borderlands 5.1 (2006). 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol5no1_2006/pugliese.htm›.Rix, M. “With Reckless Abandon: Haneef and Ul-Haque in Australia’s ‘War on Terror’.” In K. Michael and M.G. Micheal (eds.), The Third Workshop on the Social Implications of National Security Australia. Canberra, July 2008. 107-122. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1011&context=gsbpapers›.Said, Edward. Orientalism. London: Penguin, 1977.Wilson, Lauren. “More Visa Over-Stayers than Asylum-Seekers”. The Australian 11 Oct. 2012. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/immigration/more-visa-over-stayers-than-asylum-seekers/story-fn9hm1gu-1226493178289›.

Abstract text This presentation will provide a brief overview of testicular development and will describe a critical period of development at approximately 8-14 weeks of gestation, when the testicle may be vulnerable to external influences, potentially having a negative effect on subsequent development. The talk with then describe the testicular dysgenesis syndrome hypothesis, proposed by Niels Skakkebæk, and using the presenters work within the Western Australian (Raine) Cohort will go onto demonstrate how early life exposures may influence mature testicular function. Worryingly, the presentation will describe how adolescent features of early metabolic disturbance within the Raine Cohort are already having a determinantal effect on the reproductive function of these men in late adolescence, many years before the majority are seeking paternity.

While mouthbrooding is not an uncommon parental care strategy in fishes, paternal mouthbrooding only occurs in eight fish families and is little studied. The high cost of paternal mouthbrooding to the male implies a low risk of investment in another male's offspring but genetic parentage patterns are poorly known for paternal mouthbrooders. Here, we used single-nucleotide polymorphism genetic data to investigate parentage relationships of broods of two mouthbrooders of northern Australian rivers, mouth almighty Glossamia aprion and blue catfish Neoarius graeffei . For N. graeffei , we found that the parentage pattern was largely monogamous with the brooder male as the sire. For G. aprion , the parentage pattern was more heterogeneous including observations of monogamous broods with the brooder male as the sire (73%), polygyny (13%), cuckoldry (6%) and a brood genetically unrelated to the brooder male (6%). Findings demonstrate the potential for complex interrelationships of male care, paternity confidence and mating behaviour in mouthbrooding fishes.

Abstract The ability to produce viable offspring without recently mating, either through sperm storage or parthenogenesis, can provide fitness advantages under a suite of challenging ecological scenarios. Using genetic analysis, we demonstrate that three wild-caught female Tree Skinks (Egernia striolata) reproduced in captivity with no access to males for over a year, and that this is best explained by sperm storage. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first time female sperm storage has been documented in any monogamous family-living reptile, including social Australian egerniine skinks (from the subfamily Egerniinae). Furthermore, by using paternal reconstruction of genotypes we show that captive-born offspring produced by the same females in the preceding year, presumably without sperm storage, were sired by different males. We qualitatively compared aspects of these females’ mates and offspring between years. The parents of each litter were unrelated, but paternal and offspring genotypes from litters resulting from stored sperm were more heterozygous than those inferred to be from recent matings. Family-living egerniine skinks generally have low rates of multiple paternity, yet our study suggests that female sperm storage, potentially from outside social partners, offers the real possibility of benefits. Possible benefits include increasing genetic compatibility of mates and avoiding inbreeding depression via cryptic female choice. Sperm storage in Tree Skinks, a family-living lizard with a monogamous mating system, suggests that females may bet-hedge through extra-pair copulation with more heterozygous males, reinforcing the idea that females could have more control on reproductive outcomes than previously thought.

This paper argues that illegitimacy is a concept that relates to almost all of the fundamental ways in which Western society has traditionally organised itself. Sex, family and marriage, and the power of the church and state, are all implicated in the various ways in which society reproduces itself from generation to generation. All employ the concepts of legitimacy and illegitimacy to define what is and what is not permissible. Further, the creation of the illegitimate can occur in more or less legitimate ways; for example, through acts of consent, on the one hand; and force, on the other. This paper uses the study of an English Renaissance text, Shakespeare’s Henry V, to argue that these concepts remain potent ones, regularly invoked as a means of identifying and denouncing perceived threats to the good ordering of the social fabric. In western societies, many of which may be constructed as post-marriage, illegitimate is often applied as a descriptor to unlicensed migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. In countries subject to war and conflict, rape as a war crime is increasingly used by armies to create fractures within the subject community and to undermine the paternity of a cohort of children. In societies where extramarital sex is prohibited, or where rape has been used as a weapon of war, the bastard acts as physical evidence that an unsanctioned act has been committed and the laws of society broken, a “failure in social control” (Laslett, Oosterveen and Smith, 5). This paper explores these themes, using past conceptions of the illegitimate and bastardy as an explanatory concept for problematic aspects of legitimacy in contemporary culture.Bastardy was a particularly important issue in sixteenth and seventeenth century Europe when an individual’s genealogy was a major determining factor of social status, property and identity (MacFarlane). Further, illegitimacy was not necessarily an aspect of a person’s birth. It could become a status into which they were thrust through the use of divorce, for example, as when Henry VIII illegitimised his daughter Mary after annulling his marriage to Mary’s mother, Catherine of Aragon. Alison Findlay’s study of illegitimacy in Renaissance literature lists over 70 portrayals of illegitimacy, or characters threatened with illegitimacy, between 1588 and 1652 (253–257). In addition to illegitimacy at an individual level however, discussions around what constitutes the “illegitimate” figure in terms of its relationship with the family and the wider community, are also applicable to broader concerns over national identity. In work such as Stages of History, Phyllis Rackin dissected images of masculine community present in Shakespeare’s history plays to expose underlying tensions over gender, power and identity. As the study of Henry V indicates in the following discussion, illegitimacy was also a metaphor brought to bear on issues of national as well as personal identity in the early modern era. The image of the nation as a “family” to denote unity and security, both then and now, is rendered complex and problematic by introducing the “illegitimate” into that nation-family image. The rhetoric used in the recent debate over the Scottish independence referendum, and in Australia’s ongoing controversy over “illegitimate” migration, both indicate that the concept of a “national bastard”, an amorphous figure that resists precise definition, remains a potent rhetorical force. Before turning to the detail of Henry V, it is useful to review the use of “illegitimate” in the early modern context. Lacking an established position within a family, a bastard was in danger of being marginalised and deprived of any but the most basic social identity. If acknowledged by a family, the bastard might become a drain on that family’s economic resources, drawing money away from legitimate children and resented accordingly. Such resentment may be reciprocated. In his essay “On Envy” the scientist, author, lawyer and eventually Lord Chancellor of England Francis Bacon explained the destructive impulse of bastardy as follows: “Deformed persons, and eunuchs, and old men, and bastards, are envious. For he that cannot possibly mend his own case will do what he can to impair another’s.” Thus, bastardy becomes a plot device which can be used to explain and to rationalise evil. In early modern English literature, as today, bastardy as a defect of birth is only one meaning for the word. What does “in everything illegitimate” (quoting Shakespeare’s character Thersites in Troilus and Cressida [V.viii.8]) mean for our understanding of both our own society and that of the late sixteenth century? Bastardy is an important ideologeme, in that it is a “unit of meaning through which the ‘social space’ constructs the ideological values of its signs” (Schleiner, 195). In other words, bastardy has an ideological significance that stretches far beyond a question of parental marital status, extending to become a metaphor for national as well as personal loss of identity. Anti-Catholic polemicists of the early sixteenth century accused priests of begetting a generation of bastards that would overthrow English society (Fish, 7). The historian Polydore Vergil was accused of suborning and bastardising English history by plagiarism and book destruction: “making himself father to other men’s works” (Hay, 159). Why is illegitimacy so important and so universal a metaphor? The term “bastard” in its sense of mixture or mongrel has been applied to language, to weaponry, to almost anything that is a distorted but recognisable version of something else. As such, the concept of bastardy lends itself readily to the rhetorical figure of metaphor which, as the sixteenth century writer George Puttenham puts it, is “a kind of wresting of a single word from his owne right signification, to another not so natural, but yet of some affinitie or coueniencie with it” (Puttenham, 178). Later on in The Art of English Poesie, Puttenham uses the word “bastard” to describe something that can best be recognised as being an imperfect version of something else: “This figure [oval] taketh his name of an egge […] and is as it were a bastard or imperfect rounde declining toward a longitude.” (101). “Bastard” as a descriptive term in this context has meaning because it connects the subject of discussion with its original. Michael Neill takes an anthropological approach to the question of why the bastard in early modern drama is almost invariably depicted as monstrous or evil. In “In everything illegitimate: Imagining the Bastard in Renaissance Drama,” Neill argues that bastards are “filthy”, using the term as it is construed by Mary Douglas in her work Purity and Danger. Douglas argues that dirt is defined by being where it should not be, it is “matter in the wrong place, belonging to ‘a residual category, rejected from our normal scheme of classifications,’ a source of fundamental pollution” (134). In this argument the figure of the bastard aligns strongly with the concept of the Other (Said). Arguably, however, the anthropologist Edmund Leach provides a more useful model to understand the associations of hybridity, monstrosity and bastardy. In “Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse”, Leach asserts that our perceptions of the world around us are largely based on binary distinctions; that an object is one thing, and is not another. If an object combines attributes of itself with those of another, the interlapping area will be suppressed so that there may be no hesitation in discerning between them. This repressed area, the area which is neither one thing nor another but “liminal” (40), becomes the object of fear and of fascination: – taboo. It is this liminality that creates anxiety surrounding bastards, as they occupy the repressed, “taboo” area between family and outsiders. In that it is born out of wedlock, the bastard child has no place within the family structure; yet as the child of a family member it cannot be completely relegated to the external world. Michael Neill rightly points out the extent to which the topos of illegitimacy is associated with the disintegration of boundaries and a consequent loss of coherence and identity, arguing that the bastard is “a by-product of the attempt to define and preserve a certain kind of social order” (147). The concept of the liminal figure, however, recognises that while a by-product can be identified and eliminated, a bastard can neither be contained nor excluded. Consequently, the bastard challenges the established order; to be illegitimate, it must retain its connection with the legitimate figure from which it diverges. Thus the illegitimate stands as a permanent threat to the legitimate, a reminder of what the legitimate can become. Bastardy is used by Shakespeare to indicate the fear of loss of national as well as personal identity. Although noted for its triumphalist construction of a hero-king, Henry V is also shot through with uncertainties and fears, fears which are frequently expressed using illegitimacy as a metaphor. Notwithstanding its battle scenes and militarism, it is the lawyers, genealogists and historians who initiate and drive forward the narrative in Henry V (McAlindon, 435). The reward of the battle for Henry is not so much the crown of France as the assurance of his own legitimacy as monarch. The lengthy and legalistic recital of genealogies with which the Archbishop of Canterbury proves to general English satisfaction that their English king Henry holds a better lineal right to the French throne than its current occupant may not be quite as “clear as is the summer sun” (Henry V 1.2.83), but Henry’s question about whether he may “with right and conscience” make his claim to the French throne elicits a succinct response. The churchmen tell Henry that, in order to demonstrate that he is truly the descendant of his royal forefathers, Henry will need to validate that claim. In other words, the legitimacy of Henry’s identity, based on his connection with the past, is predicated on his current behaviour:Gracious lord,Stand for your own; unwind your bloody flag;Look back into your mighty ancestors:Go, my dread lord, to your great-grandsire’s tomb,From whom you claim; invoke his warlike spirit…Awake remembrance of these valiant dead,And with your puissant arm renew their feats:You are their heir, you sit upon their throne,The blood and courage that renowned themRuns in your veins….Your brother kings and monarchs of the earthDo all expect that you should rouse yourselfAs did the former lions of your blood. (Henry V 1.2.122 – 124)These exhortations to Henry are one instance of the importance of genealogy and its immediate connection to personal and national identity. The subject recurs throughout the play as French and English characters both invoke a discourse of legitimacy and illegitimacy to articulate fears of invasion, defeat, and loss of personal and national identity. One particular example of this is the brief scene in which the French royalty allow themselves to contemplate the prospect of defeat at the hands of the English:Fr. King. ‘Tis certain, he hath pass’d the river Somme.Constable. And if he be not fought withal, my lord,Let us not live in France; let us quit all,And give our vineyards to a barbarous people.Dauphin. O Dieu vivant! shall a few sprays of us,The emptying of our fathers’ luxury,Our scions, put in wild and savage stock,Spirt up so suddenly into the clouds,And overlook their grafters?Bourbon. Normans, but bastard Normans, Norman bastards!...Dauphin. By faith and honour,Our madams mock at us, and plainly sayOur mettle is bred out; and they will giveTheir bodies to the lust of English youthTo new-store France with bastard warriors. (Henry V 3.5.1 – 31).Rape and sexual violence pervade the language of Henry V. France itself is constructed as a sexually vulnerable female with “womby vaultages” and a “mistress-court” (2.4.131, 140). In one of his most famous speeches Henry graphically describes the rape and slaughter that accompanies military defeat (3.3). Reading Henry V solely in terms of its association of military conquest with sexual violence, however, runs the risk of overlooking the image of bastards themselves as both the threat and the outcome of national defeat. The lines quoted above exemplify the extent to which illegitimacy was a vital metaphor within early modern discourses of national as well as personal identity. Although the lines are divided between various speakers – the French King, Constable (representing the law), Dauphin (the Crown Prince) and Bourbon (representing the aristocracy) – the images develop smoothly and consistently to express English dominance and French subordination, articulated through images of illegitimacy.The dialogue begins with the most immediate consequence of invasion and of illegitimacy: the loss of property. Legitimacy, illegitimacy and property were so closely associated that a case of bastardy brought to the ecclesiastical court that did not include a civil law suit about land was referred to as a case of “bastardy speciall”, and the association between illegitimacy and property is present in this speech (Cowell, 14). The use of the word “vine” is simultaneously a metonym for France and a metaphor for the family, as in the “family tree”, conflating the themes of family identity and national identity that are both threatened by the virile English forces.As the dialogue develops, the rhetoric becomes more elaborate. The vines which for the Constable (from a legal perspective) represented both France and French families become instead an attempt to depict the English as being of a subordinate breed. The Dauphin’s brief narrative of the English origins refers to the illegitimate William the Conqueror, bastard son of the Duke of Normandy and by designating the English as being descendants of a bastard Frenchman the Dauphin attempts to depict the English nation as originating from a superabundance of French virility; wild offshoots from a true stock. Yet “grafting” one plant to another can create a stronger plant, which is what has happened here. The Dauphin’s metaphors, designed to construct the English as an unruly and illegitimate offshoot of French society, a product of the overflowing French virility, evolve instead into an emblem of a younger, stronger branch which has overtaken its enfeebled origins.In creating this scene, Shakespeare constructs the Frenchmen as being unable to contain the English figuratively, still less literally. The attempts to reduce the English threat by imagining them as “a few sprays”, a product of casual sexual excess, collapses into Bourbon’s incoherent ejaculation: “Normans, but bastard Normans, Norman bastards!” and the Norman bastard dominates the conclusion of the scene. Instead of containing and marginalising the bastard, the metaphoric language creates and acknowledges a threat which cannot be marginalised. The “emptying of luxury” has engendered an uncontrollable illegitimate who will destroy the French nation beyond any hope of recovery, overrunning France with bastards.The scene is fascinating for its use of illegitimacy as a means of articulating fears not only for the past and present but also for the future. The Dauphin’s vision is one of irreversible national and familial disintegration, irreversible because, unlike rape, the French women’s imagined rejection of their French families and embrace of the English conquerors implies a total abandonment of family origins and the willing creation of a new, illegitimate dynasty. Immediately prior to this scene the audience has seen the Dauphin’s fear in action: the French princess Katherine is shown learning to speak English as part of her preparation for giving her body to a “bastard Norman”, a prospect which she anticipates with a frisson of pleasure and humour, as well as fear. This scene, between Katherine and her women, evokes a range of powerful anxieties which appear repeatedly in the drama and texts of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries: anxieties over personal and national identity, over female chastity and masculine authority, and over continuity between generations. Peter Laslett in The World We Have Lost – Further Explored points out that “the engendering of children on a scale which might threaten the social structure was never, or almost never, a present possibility” (154) at this stage of European history. This being granted, the Dauphin’s depiction of such a “wave” of illegitimates, while it might have no roots in reality, functioned as a powerful image of disorder. Illegitimacy as a threat and as a strategy is not limited to the renaissance, although a study of renaissance texts offers a useful guidebook to the use of illegitimacy as a means of polarising and excluding. Although as previously discussed, for many Western countries, the marital status of one’s parents is probably the least meaningful definition associated with the word “illegitimate”, the concept of the nation as a family remains current in modern political discourse, and illegitimate continues to be a powerful metaphor. During the recent independence referendum in Scotland, David Cameron besought the Scottish people not to “break up the national family”; at the same time, the Scottish Nationalists have been constructed as “ungrateful bastards” for wishing to turn their backs on the national family. As Klocker and Dunne, and later O’Brien and Rowe, have demonstrated, the emotive use of words such as “illegitimate” and “illegal” in Australian political rhetoric concerning migration is of long standing. Given current tensions, it might be timely to call for a further and more detailed study of the way in which the term “illegitimate” continues to be used by politicians and the media to define, demonise and exclude certain types of would-be Australian immigrants from the collective Australian “national family”. Suggestions that persons suspected of engaging with terrorist organisations overseas should be stripped of their Australian passports imply the creation of national bastards in an attempt to distance the Australian community from such threats. But the strategy can never be completely successful. Constructing figures as bastard or the illegitimate remains a method by which the legitimate seeks to define itself, but it also means that the bastard or illegitimate can never be wholly separated or cast out. In one form or another, the bastard is here to stay.ReferencesBeardon, Elizabeth. “Sidney's ‘Mongrell Tragicomedy’ and Anglo-Spanish Exchange in the New Arcadia.” Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 10 (2010): 29 - 51.Davis, Kingsley. “Illegitimacy and the Social Structure.” American Journal of Sociology 45 (1939).John Cowell. The Interpreter. Cambridge: John Legate, 1607.Greenblatt, Stephen. Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare. 1980. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.Findlay, Alison. Illegitimate Power: Bastards in Renaissance Drama. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009.Hay, Denys. Polydore Vergil: Renaissance Historian and Man of Letters. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952.Laslett, Peter. The World We Have Lost - Further Explored. London: Methuen, 1983.Laslett, P., K. Oosterveen, and R. M. Smith, eds. Bastardy and Its Comparative History. London: Edward Arnold, 1980.Leach, Edmund. “Anthropological Aspects of Language: Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse.” E. H. Lennenberg, ed. New Directives in the Study of Language. MIT Press, 1964. 23-63. MacFarlane, Alan. The Origins of English Individualism: The Family Property and Social Transition Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978.Mclaren, Ann. “Monogamy, Polygamy and the True State: James I’s Rhetoric of Empire.” History of Political Thought 24 (2004): 446 – 480.McAlindon, T. “Testing the New Historicism: “Invisible Bullets” Reconsidered.” Studies in Philology 92 (1995):411 – 438.Neill, Michael. Putting History to the Question: Power, Politics and Society in English Renaissance Drama. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.Pocock, J.G.A. Virtue, Commerce and History: Essays on English Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Puttenham, George. The Arte of English Poesie. Ed. Gladys Doidge Willcock and Alice Walker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1936.Reekie, Gail. Measuring Immorality: Social Inquiry and the Problem of Illegitimacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Rowe, Elizabeth, and Erin O’Brien. “Constructions of Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Australian Political Discourse”. In Kelly Richards and Juan Marcellus Tauri, eds., Crime Justice and Social Democracy: Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference. Brisbane: Queensland University of Technology, 2013.Schleiner, Louise. Tudor and Stuart Women Writers. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994.Shakespeare, William. Henry V in The Norton Shakespeare. Ed. S. Greenblatt, W. Cohen, J.E. Howard, and Katharine Eisaman Maus. New York and London: Norton, 2008.

IntroductionNordic mythology, also known as Norse mythology, is a term used to describe Medieval creation myths and tales of Gods and otherworldly realms, told and retold by Northern Germanic and Scandinavian tribes of the ninth century AD (see for example Gaiman).I discuss a new type of Nordic mythology that is being created through popular culture, social media, books, and television shows. I am interested in how contemporary portrayals of the Nordic countries has created a kind of mythological place called Scandinavia, where things, people, and ideas are better than in other places.Whereas the old myths portray a fierce warrior race, the new myths create a utopian Scandinavia as a place that is inherently good; a place that is progressive and harmonious. In the creation of these new myths the underbelly of the North is often neglected, producing a homogenised representation of a group of countries that are in actuality diverse and inevitably imperfect.ScandimaniaGenerally the term Scandinavia always refers to Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. When including Finland and Iceland, it is more accurate to refer to the five as the Nordic countries. I was born and grew up in Denmark. My observations are skewed towards a focus on Denmark, rather than Scandinavia as a whole. Though I will use the term Nordic and Scandinavia throughout the article, it is worth noting that these definitions describe a group of countries that despite some commonalities are also quite different in geography, and culture.Whether we are speaking strictly of Scandinavia or of the Nordic countries as a whole, one thing is certain: in recent years there has been a surge of popularity in all things Nordic. Scandinavian design has been popular since the 1950s, known for its functionality and simplistic beauty, and globalised through the Swedish furniture chain IKEA. Consequently, Nordic interior design has become a style widely praised and emulated, as has Nordic fashion, architecture, and innovation.The fact that Scandinavian people are often represented as being intelligent and beautiful adds to the notion of stylish and aesthetically pleasing ideals. This is partly why sperm from Danish sperm donors is the most sought after and widely distributed in the world: perhaps prospective parents find the idea of having a baby of Viking stock appealing (Kale). Nordic countries are also known for their egalitarian societies, which are described as “the holy grail of a healthy economy and society” (Cleary). These are countries where the collective good is cherished. Tax rates are high (in Denmark between 55 per cent and 60 per cent of income), which leads to excellent welfare systems.In recent years other terms have entered the collective Western vocabulary. New Nordic Cuisine describes a trend that has taken the culinary world by storm. This term refers to food that is created with seasonal, local, and foraged ingredients. The emphasis being a renewed connection to nature and old ways. In 2016 the Danish word hygge was shortlisted by the Oxford Dictionary as word of the year. A word, which has no direct English translation, it means “a quality of cosiness and comfortable conviviality that engenders a feeling of contentment or well-being (regarded as a defining characteristic of Danish culture)”. Countless books were published in the United Kingdom, and elsewhere, explaining the art of hygge. Other Scandinavian words are now becoming popular, such as the Swedish lagom, meaning “just enough”.In the past two years, the United Nations’ World Happiness Report listed Denmark and Norway as the happiest places on earth. Other surveys similarly put the Nordic countries on top as the most prosperous places on earth (Anderson).Mythologies and Discursive FormationsThe standard definition of myth is a “traditional story, especially one concerning the early history of a people or explaining a natural or social phenomenon, and typically involving supernatural beings or events.” Or “A widely held but false belief or idea” (Oxford Dictionaries, Myth).During what became known as the “discursive turn”, both Barthes and Foucault expanded the conception of myth by placing it within a wider socio-political and historical contexts of power and truth. “Discursive formations” became a commonly accepted way of describing a cluster of ideas, images, and practices that define particular “truths” within a given cultural context (Hall 6). In other words, myths serve specific purposes within given socio-cultural constructions.I argue that the current idolisation of Scandinavia is creating a common global narrative of a superior society. A mythical place that has “figured it out”, and found the key to happiness. The mythologised North is based on an array of media stories, statistics, reports, articles, advertising, political rhetoric, books, films, TV series, exhibitions, and social media activity. These perpetuate a “truth” of the Nordic countries as being especially benign, cultured, and distinguished. The Smiling PolicemanIn his well-known essay Myth Today, Barthes analyses an image of a North African boy in uniform saluting the French flag on the front cover of a magazine. Barthes argues that by analysing the semiotic meaning of the image in two stages, one can identify the “myth”.The first level is the signifiers (what we see), a dark skinned boy, a uniform, a raised arm, a flag. The signified is our recognition of these as a North African boy raising his arm to the French flag. The second level of interpretation is the wider context in which we understand what we see: the greatness of France is signified in the depiction of one of her colonial subjects submitting to and glorifying the flag. That is to say, the myth generated by the image is the story of France as a great colonial and military nation.Now take a look at this image, which was distributed the world over in newspapers, online media, and in turn social media (Warren; Kolff). This image is interesting because it epitomises much of what is believed about Scandinavia (the new myths). If we approach the image through the semiotic lens of Barthes, we firstly describe what is seen in the picture (signifiers): a blonde policeman, a girl of dark complexion, a road in the countryside, a van in the distance, and some other people with backpacks on the side of the road. When we put these elements together in context, we understand that the image to be depicting a Danish policeman, blonde, smiling and handsome, playing with a Syrian refugee girl on an empty Danish highway, with her fellow refugees behind her.The second level of interpretation (the myth) is created by combining the elements into a story: A friendly police officer is playing with a refugee girl, which is unusual because policemen are commonly seen as authoritarian and unfriendly to illegal immigrants. This policeman is smiling. He is happy in his job. He is healthy, good-looking, and compassionate.This fits the image of Scandinavian men as good fathers (they have paternity leave, and often help equally with child rearing). The image confirms that the happiest people on earth would of course also have happy, friendly policemen. The belief that the Scandinavian social model is one to admire would appear to be endorsed.The fact that this is in a rural setting with green landscapes adds further to the notion of Nordic freshness, naturalness, environmentalism, and food that comes from the wild. The fact that the policeman is well-groomed, stylish, well-built, and handsome reinforces the notion that Scandinavia is a place of style and taste, where the good Viking gene pool produces fit and beautiful people.It makes sense that in a place with a focus on togetherness and the common good, refugees are also treated well. Just as the French image of a dark-skinned boy saluting the French flag sent out messages of French superiority, this image sends out messages of inherent Nordic goodness in a time where positive images of the European refugee crisis are few and far between.In a discursive discussion, one asks not only what meanings does this image convey, but why is this image chosen, distributed, shared, tweeted, and promoted over other images? What purpose does its proliferation serve? What is the historical context in which it is popularised? What is the cultural imagination/narrative that is served? In the current often depressing socio-political situation in Europe, people like to know that there is a place where compassion and play exists.Among other news stories of death, despair, and border protection, depictions of an idealised North can help calm anxieties by implying the existence of a place that is free of conflict. Jakob Stougaard-Nielsen writes:The flood of journalistic and popular ethnographic explorations of the Nordic region in the UK is an expression, perhaps, of a search for a lost sense of identity, a nostalgic longing for an imagined past society more in tune with pre-Thatcherite welfarist values, by way of consuming, appropriating and exoticising proximate cultural identities such as the now much hyped Danish or Nordic utopias. (Nordic Noir, 6)In The Almost Nearly Perfect People, British writer Michael Booth wonders: “one thing in particular about this new-found love of all things Scandinavian … which struck me as particularly odd: considering all this positive PR, and with awareness of the so-called Nordic miracle at an all-time high, why wasn’t everyone flocking to live here [in Denmark]?” (7).In actuality not many people in the West are interested in living in the Nordic countries. Rather, as Barbara Goodwin writes: “utopias hold up a mirror to the fears and aspirations of the time in which they were written” (2). In other words, in an age of anxiety, where traditional norms and stabilities are shifting, to believe that there is a place where contemporary societies have found a way of living in happiness and togetherness provides a sense of hope. People are not flocking to live in Scandinavia because it is not in their interests to have their utopian ideals shattered by the reality that, though the North has a lot to offer, it is inevitably not a utopia (Sougaard-Nielsen, The Truth Is).UnderbellyParadoxically, in recent years, Scandinavia has become well known for its “Nordic Noir” crime fiction and television. In the documentary TV series Scandimania, British TV personality Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall travels through Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, exploring the culture, scenery, and food. He finds it curious that Denmark has become so famous for its sombre crime series, such as The Killing and The Bridge, because it seems so far removed from the Denmark he experiences riding around the streets of Copenhagen on his bike.Fearnley-Whittingstall ponders that one has to look hard to find the dark side of Denmark, and that perhaps it does not actually exist at all. This observation points to something essential. Even though millions of viewers worldwide have seen shows such as The Killing, which are known for their dark story lines, bleak urban settings, complex but realistic characters, progressive gender equality, and social commentary, the positive mythologising of Scandinavia remains so strong that it engenders a belief that the underbelly shown in Nordic Noir is perhaps entirely fictional.Stougaard-Nielsen (see also Pitcher, Consuming Race) argues that perhaps the British obsession with Nordic Noir (and this could be applied to other western countries) can be attributed to “a more appropriate white cosmopolitan desire to imagine rooted identities in an age of globalisation steeped in complex identity politics” (Nordic Noir, 8). That is to say that, for a segment of society which feels overwhelmed by contemporary multiculturalism, there may be a pleasure in watching a show that is predominantly populated by white Nordic protagonists, where the homes and people are stylish, and where the Nordic model of welfare and progressive thinking provides a rich identity source for white people as a symbolic point of origin.The watching/reading of Nordic Noir, as well as other preoccupations with all things Nordic, help build upon a mythological sense of whiteness that sets itself apart from our usual notions of race politics, by being an accepted form of longing for the North of bygone ages: a place that is progressive, moral, stylish, and imbued with aspirational ways of living, thinking, and being (Pitcher, Racial Politics).The image of the Danish police officer and the refugee girl fits this ideal of a progressive society where race relations are uncomplicated. The policeman who epitomises the Nordic ideal is in a position of power, but this is an authority which is benevolent. The girl is non-threatening in her otherness, because she is a child and female, and therefore does not fit the culturally dreaded Muslim/terrorist stereotype. In this constellation the two can meet beautifully.The reality, of course, is that the race relations and issues surrounding immigration in Denmark, and in other Nordic countries, are as complicated and often messy and hateful as they are in other countries. In Sweden, as Fearnley-Whittingstall touches upon in Scandimania, there are escalating problems with integration of the many new Swedes and growing inequalities in wealth. In Norway, the underlying race tensions became acutely topical in the aftermath of the 2011 massacre, where right-wing extremist Anders Breivik killed 77 people. Denmark has one of the harshest anti-immigration laws in Europe, laws that are continuously being tightened (Boserup); and whenever visiting Denmark I have been surprised to see how much space and time discussions about immigration and integration take up in the news and current affairs.If we contrast the previous image with the image above, taken within a similar timeframe on the same Danish highway, we can see the reality of Danish immigration policies. Here we are exposed to a different story. The scene and the location is the same, but the power dynamics have shifted from benign, peaceful, and playful to aggressive, authoritarian, and conflict ridden. A desperate father carries his daughter, determined to march on towards their destination of Sweden. The policeman is pulling his arm, attempting to detain the refugees so that they cannot go further, the goal being to deport the Syrians back to their previous place of detention, just over the border in Germany (Harticollis). While the previous image reflects the humanity of the refugee crisis, this image reflects the politics, policies, and to a large extent public opinion in Denmark, which is not refugee-friendly. This image, however, was not widely distributed, partly because it feeds into the same depressing narrative of an unsolvable refugee crisis seen so often elsewhere, and partly because it does not fit into the narrative of the infallible North. It could not be tweeted with the hashtag #Humanity, nor shared on Facebook with a smiley face and liked with an emoji heart.Another image from Denmark, in the form of a politically funded billboard, shows that there are deep-seated tendencies within Danish society that want to promote and retain a Denmark which adheres to its traditional values and ethnic whiteness. The image was displayed all over the country, at train stations, bus stops, and other public spaces when I visited in 2016. It was issued by Dansk Folkeparti (the Danish People’s Party); a party which is anti-immigration and which was until recently the country’s second largest party. The title says “Our Denmark”, while the byline cleverly plays with the double meaning of passe på: it can mean “there is so much we need to take care of”, but also “there is so much we need to beware of.” In other words, the white working-class family needs to take care of their Denmark, and beware of anyone who does not fit into this norm. Though hugely contested and criticised (Cremer; see a counter-reaction designed by opponents below), the fact that thinly veiled anti-immigration propaganda can be so readily distributed speaks of an underbelly in Danish society that is not made of the dark murder mysteries in The Killing, but rather of a quietly brewing distain for the foreigner that reigns within stylishly designed living rooms. ConclusionMyths are stories cultures tell and retell until they form a belief system that becomes a natural part of our collective narrative. For Barthes, these stories were intrinsically connected to our understanding of language and our ability to read images, films, artifacts, and popular culture more generally. To later cultural theorists, the notion of discursive formations expands this understanding, to see myth within a broader network of socio-political discourses placed within a certain place and time in history. When connected, small narratives (images, advertising, film, music, news stories, social media sharing, scientific evidence, etc.) come together to form a common narrative (the myth) about how things are and should be in relation to a particular topic. The culminating popularity of numerous Nordic themes (Nordic television/film, interior design, fashion, cuisine, architecture, lifestyle, sustainability, welfare system, school system, gender equality, etc.) has created a grand narrative of the Nordic countries as a type of utopia: one that shows the rest of the world that an egalitarian society of togetherness and progressive innovation is possible. This mythologisation serves to quell anxieties about the flux and uncertainty of contemporary times, and may also serve to legitimise a yearning for a simple, benign, and progressive whiteness, where we imagine Nordic families sitting peacefully at their beechwood dining tables, candles lit, playing board games. 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